Rising Out Of Ashes
(1860-1925)
{By: Dr Harjinder Singh Dilgeer)
Punjab after annexation by the English
Administration of the Punjab
Demolition of the Sikh forts
Religious scenario in the Punjab
Academic conspiracies of the English against the Sikhs
Activities of the Christian Missionaries
Hinduization of the Gurdwaras
Positive Impact of Educational Institutions
The Nirankari Movement
Ram Singh and Kookas
Destruction of Samaadhs (mausoleums)
Killing of butchers
Hanging of killer Kookas
Attack on Malaud and Malerkotla
Kookas blown up by cannons
Arrest of Ram Singh
How Kookas became Namdharis
Kookas stand by the Mahants
Are the Kookas (Namdharis) Sikhs?
Kookas and ‘freedom struggle’
Ram Singh and Guru-dom
The Singh Sabha Movement
Formation of Singh Sabha at Lahore
Teaching of Punjabi in Colleges
Printing of Guru Granth Sahib and Guktaas
Singh Sabha Amritsar comes under the control of Brahminic element
‘War’ between Lahore and Amritsar Diwans
Attacks by Arya Samaj
Electrification of Darbar Sahib
Hukamnama against Prof. Gurmukh Singh
Death of the senior leaders of the Singh Sabha
Contribution of the Singh Sabha Movement
The Sikh rulers get their daughters married to Hindus
Formation of the Chief Khalsa Diwan
Role of Chief Khalsa Diwan
Darbar Sahib under the control of the Brahmins
Gurdwara Reform and Chief Khalsa Diwan
Anand Marriage Act
Political Awakening among the Sikhs
Canal Colonies Bill, Ajit Singh & Lala Lajpat Rai
Arrest of Ajit Singh and Lala Lajpat Rai
Lajpat Rai’s formal apology
Lala Lajpat Rai shaved his head and beard
The Ghadr Movement
Before the Ghadr Movement
Formation of Ghadr Party
Planning of Ghadr
Sikhs in Canada and Kamagatamaru ship episode
Firing at Baj Baj
Killings in Canada
Murder of Bhag Singh, Batan Singh &
Martyrdom of Mewa Singh Lopoke
Actions and finale of the Ghadr Movement
Trials and Punishments
Causes of failure of Ghadr Movement
Ghadr Movement and the Sikhs
The Sikh League
Pro-Government group captures the Sikh League
Sikh League under the Control of Akalis
Gurdwara Reform Movement
Concept of Gurdwara
Dastur-i-Amal of Darbar Sahib
Condition of Gurdwaras at the hands of mahants
The First Agitation of Gurdwara Reform Movement
(Demolition of the Wall of Gurdwara Rakab Ganj Delhi)
Beginning of the Gurdwara Reform Movement
Birth of Daily Akali newspaper
Removal of Arur Singh as Sarbrah of Darbar Sahib
Gurdwara Chumala Sahib
Gurdwara Babe-Di-Ber Sialkot
Sikhs take control of Akal Takht & Darbar Sahib
Committee for Management of Darbar Sahib
Restoration of the wall of Gurdwara Rakab Ganj Delhi
Control of the Khalsa College at Amritsar
The birth of the S.G.P.C.
Government forms a Committee to stall S.G.P.C.
Birth of S.G.P.C.
The election of the office bearers of the first S.G.P.C.
How was Sundar Singh Majithia elected as President?
Taking of the control of Gurdwara Punja Sahib
Birth of Shiromani Akali Dal
The First Selection of the Office-bearers of Akali Dal
Gurdwara Tarn Taran &
(First Martyrs of the Gurdwara Reform Movement)
Massacre at Gurdwara Nanakana Sahib
How the Massacre was carried out?
The Commissioner’s visit to Nanakana Sahib
Jhabbar’s Jatha to Nanakana Sahib
Governor’s visit to Nanakana Sahib
Cremation of the Martyrs
Residents of Nanakana Sahib fled the town
The role of the Hindu leaders and Hindu Press
Gandhi created mistrust between English & Sikhs
The Government turns against the Akalis
The Sikhs began wearing Black Turbans
The verdict in the case against mahant and other killers
How Many Sikhs were killed at Nanakana Sahib?
‘Hukamnama’ for usage of Khaddar and Shakkar
Gurdwara Bhai Joga Singh Peshawar
The First Gurdwara Bill
New elections to the S.G.P.C.
Agitation for the Keys of the Toshakhana
Maharaja Patiala offers Mediation
Bedis, Bhallas and Sodhis Support the S.G.P.C.
Release of Pandit Dina Nath
Another Phase of Persecution of the Sikhs
Gurdwara at Nonar Village
Gurdwara Heran (Ludhiana)
Arrests for getting Amrit (initiation)
Arrests of the Sikh soldiers
The Government uses Kookas to Create Disturbances
Kookas drink their urine and call it Amrit
Foundation of Durgiana Mandir at Amritsar
Guru Da Bagh agitation
Merciless Beating of the Sikhs at Guru-da-Bagh
The Government Surrenders Once More
Incident at Punjab Sahib
(Hasan Abadal Railway Station)
Gurdwaras at Muktsar
Gurdwaras at Anandpur
Release of the Akalis
Hooliganism of the Akalis and kaar sewa of Amritsar
Inauguration of kaar sewa with spades made of gold
Kharak Singh and other Sikhs not allowed turban in jail
Elections to the General House of the S.G.P.C.
Jaito Morcha and Maharaja Nabha
Akalis sweep Council elections
Firing at Jaito
Bhai Pheru Morcha
Government again tries to use Kookas
Attempt to occupy Gurdwara Nanakana Sahib
The S.G.P.C. and the Akali Dal declared unlawful
Attempts for a Compromise between the Government and the Akalis
Releases of the Akali Leaders
Gurdwara Act
Babar Akali Movement
Trial of the Babar Akalis
Punjab after annexation by the English
Maharaja Ranjit Singh died on the 27th of June 1839; he was succeeded by his eldest son Kharag Singh. During his time, Ranjit Singh had given all the high offices in his court and administration to the non Sikhs especially Brahmins from Hindustan (now U.P.) and the Hindu-Rajput Dogras from Jammu; of course there were Sikh Generals too but their duty was to fight, lead battles and make sacrifices to capture new lands; and, after the annexation new such territories were granted to the Dogras and Brahmins for administration.
The Dogras and the Brahmins of Hindustan were neither Sikhs, nor Punjabis, and; none of them had made sacrifices to establish the empire; hence they had no sentimental
attachment to it (empire); their main agenda was to rule, collect wealth and appoint maximum number of relatives, or like persons, who would be loyal to them. Besides, Brahmins like Khushal Chand (Sinh) and Dogras like Gulab Sinh Dogra, the Raja of Jammu, had already established treacherous relations with the English too.
After the death of Ranjit Singh, the Dogras began to chalk out a plan to eliminate all the male family members of Ranjit Singh so that they may install a Dogra as the ‘maharaja’ of the empire of Ranjit Singh. On the other hand, Khushal Chand (Singh) and many other Brahmin officials of Ranjit Singh’s court too were in contact with the English; they were not interested in becoming ‘maharaja’ but wanted to get maximum benefits out of it. Hence, both, the Dogras and the Brahmins, were working on the same plank and had the same agenda, i.e. treason; and soon after the death of Ranjit Singh both began translating their plans into actions.
The first to act was Dhian Sinh Dogra. Though Dhian Sinh had been the Prime Minster during the time of Ranjit Singh, and, had been given the same designation by Kharag Singh too but Kharag Singh began seeking advice from his loyal friend Chet Singh Bajwa too; this would have meant erosion of Dhian Sinh’s monopoly of decision making; hence he decided to remove Chet Sinh from his way; he actually got him eliminated on the 9th of October 1839 and also got Kharag Singh replaced by his son Naunihal Singh; within a short period Kharag Singh was killed by slow poisoning and his successor king Naunihal Singh too was got murdered on the day of his father’s funeral by Dhian Sinh Dogra; in 1841 Sher Singh became Maharaja; he too was eliminated in September 1843; in between this period Rani Chand Kaur too was killed under a conspiracy of Dhian Sinh. In 1843 child-Maharaja Daleep Singh was crowned. (The remaining two sons of Ranjit Singh, Pishaura Singh and Kashmira Singh, too, were got killed by the Dogras; Rani Jindan’s brother Jawahar Singh too was eliminated in September 1845).
On the other hand the Brahmin courtiers of Ranjit Singh collaborated with the English and under their instructions launched a fake war, got the Sikh army defeated resulting into killings of a very large number of Sikh soldiers; and, in this way, they paved way for the annexation of the Punjab by the English. The English annexed the Punjab on the 29th of March 1849; though this action was opposed by Henry Lawrence, then the Resident in Lahore.
The English had, like Dogras and the Brahmins, an eye on the family of Ranjit Singh; they too wanted to finish all the possible successors of Ranjit Singh. When, even after annexation of the Punjab, Daleep Singh was still alive, the English played another card; they converted the child Daleep Singh to Christianity and whisked him immediately to England where he was made to forget all his past; and, soon, he began living as an ordinary feudal of England.
Administration of the Punjab
After annexation of the Punjab, Lord Dalhousie formed a ‘Board of Administration’ and appointed Henry Lawrence as its chief; but, as he knew about his sympathy with the Sikhs, he also appointed John Lawrence (brother of Henry Lawrence) and Charles Mansol (later Charles Mansol was replaced by Robert Montgomery) as the members of this Board.
Demolition of the Sikh forts
The first English action was to disband the Sikh army and take possession of all the weapons from the Sikhs; one hundred nineteen thousand seven hundred and ninety-six (119,796) weapons were confiscated by the English. After this, the English regime took over possession of all the big forts and fortresses and ordered demolition of all the forts owned by the Sikh generals. Hundreds of big and thousands of small forts and fortresses were demolished; within one year, almost all the forts had disappeared.
It is remarkable to note that no Sikh feudal resisted or disobeyed the English orders for surrender of weapons or demolition of forts. In fact, Ranjit Singh had created a sycophant feudal class which had begun living life of luxury and such a class never annoys the establishment, it may be indigenous ruler or a foreign usurper; the feudal change their loyalty to all the new rulers immediately. Moreover, the feudal now knew that they won’t be fighting any battle for power or wealth, and they were sure that they would get security in return of their loyalty.
Secondly, ordinary Sikh soldiers kept themselves away from opposing the English because they had a feeling that although Ranjit Singh was a Sikh ruler and it was his ‘personal rule’ and not ‘Sikh rule’; and, moreover, this empire was being run by the Dogras and the Brahmins; they also knew that the Brahmins, Dogras and the European soldiers and generals were getting several times higher salaries and perks, and, they (ordinary Sikhs) had no status, say or power in that regime; it seems that they considered themselves as mercenaries of a Sikh ruler; hence they did not have any emotional relationship with Ranjit Singh or his empire. It was this scenario which made them indifferent to the annexation of the Punjab, disbanding of the Sikh army, disarming of the people and demolition of the forts; of course they were sad at the loss of their jobs.
Though, in the beginning, the English rulers dismissed all the Sikh soldiers but soon began realizing that they won’t be able to rule a land merely with alien officials; hence they decided to give some minor jobs to the Sikhs. Lord Dalhousie formed five regiments of the Sikh soldiers and began observing and testing their loyalty towards the new regime. Besides, he enrolled one thousand Sikh soldiers to employ them on the Punjab-Afghanistan border (it was this force that had fought at Saragarhi). Later, some Sikhs were enrolled as policemen when a police force of fifteen thousand persons was set up to keep peace in the cities and towns; among these about ten per cent were Sikhs.
The next step of the English regime was to set up an infra-structure of administration, and, the staff enrolled for this system was mostly non-Sikhs; a few Sikhs too were given jobs and they were from amongst the feudal families or were from amongst those who had established themselves as fully loyal in other jobs, duties and situations. Around 1858, the English regime began setting up rail traffic, building roads and bridges, digging canals, established schools etc. Robert Montgomery and Donald McDonald (February 1859 to June 1870) launched several projects to woo the Punjabis and succeeded in reducing hatred for the English and it also created a feeling that the new regime was more helpful to common man than Ranjit Singh.
The digging of canals, grant of land in Sahiwal (Montgomery) and Lyallpur belt to the farmers (most of who were Sikhs) changed the life of those who accepted to migrate to these zones; this created feeling of goodwill for the English. The policies of Montgomery, McDonald were continued by Sir Henry Davis, Charles Atchison and G.B. Lyall too (among them Montgomery and Lyall became a part of history when two districts bore their names).
Religious scenario in the Punjab
Ranjit Singh was born in a Sikh family; his grandfather and great-grandfather had made sacrifices to establish the Sikh rule in the land of five rivers; and, all of them were genuine practicing Sikhs and they were contented as husbands with their wedded wives. But, Ranjit Singh was exactly opposite of his elders; he had dozens of wedded wives as well as a large number of concubines; drinking strong whiskey, eating opium and other intoxicants was his daily routine; and, all this was provided to him by his conspirators, but sycophants, Dogra and Brahmin courtiers; in return Ranjit Singh granted them jagirs, awards and gifts etc. The feudal system of the Mughals which had been abolished by Banda Singh Bahadur was re-established by Ranjit Singh; those who would try to advice Ranjit Singh to live the life of a
practicing Sikh were either rejected or were sent to serve at dangerous places or situations; Akali Phula Singh, Hari Singh Nalwa etc met such a treatment.
This was the personality and functioning of a maharaja who was expected to be adopted as role-model. Ranjit Singh ruled for forty years but he made no contribution to the spread of the Sikh mission, or the promotion of Punjabi language and Punjabi culture. Persian was his court language; his ethics was on Mughal pattern (creating feudal and living sensuous and luxurious life) and his religion life was almost that of a Hindu (though he was born as a Sikh). Ranjit Singh had big funds but he did not patronize any one to write history of the Sikhs; he did not promote Sikh missionaries rather he made lavish contribution to the Hindu temples and Brahmins etc; his contribution to Darbar Sahib was just a fraction of the billions of rupees donated to the Hindu temples at Kashi/Banaras (now Varanasi), Puri, Kangra, Jammu, Jawala etc. His religious minister, who was responsible for giving grants, was a Brahmin; he did not establish even a single school or research centre for Sikh studies; he did not build any memorial in the memory of the Sikh martyrs like Baba Banda Singh Bahadur, Bhai Mani Singh, Sukha Singh Mari Kambo, Mehtab Singh Miran Kot, Bota Singh – Garja Singh, and (Baba) Deep Singh or the two holocausts.
So long Akali Phula Singh was alive, the Gurdwaras remained almost free from the Brahminic infiltration but after his martyrdom, under the patronage of Brahmins and Dogras, Darbar Sahib Amritsar came under the control of a Nirmala Sant Singh Giani; and, with this the Brahminic rituals and practices began entering in the Gurdwaras (later, it was Gurmukh Singh, son of Sant Singh Giani, who wrote Gurbilas Patsahi Chhevin and distorted Sikh history and philosophy). After the death of Ranjit Singh, the Gurdwaras came under the direct control of the State i.e. the English; and, the latter played another trick to monitor the Gurdwaras with a remote control in the name of Dastur-i-Amal. In 1859, the English rulers formed a ‘Committee’, under the chairmanship of Raja Teja Sinh Brahmin1 which was to administer Darbar Sahib and other shrines, and, it was this ‘committee’ which drafted the Dastur-i-Amal.
Even during the time of Ranjit Singh, the Nirmala and the Udasi priests, though they kept unshorn hair, had turbans on their heads and even hung kirpans on their shoulders (to pose as pahuliyas, which they began calling amritdharis), had anything to do with Sikhism; they were like the Hindu priests whose main business was to perform ritualistic worship and establish in the mind of the folk that only ritualism was religion; and the priests of Darbar Sahib were successful in their plan. But, now, as the English had appointed Raja Teja Sinh Brahman as the chief administrator of Darbar Sahib, it came under the direct control of the Brahmins; and, with this not only the Hindu idols made their place in the premises of Darbar Sahib but also began performance of the katha (exegesis) of the Hindu scriptures in the bungas established on the land of Darbar Sahib. Besides, during this period a large number of Brahminic rituals and ceremonies were also intoduced in Darbar Sahib; and, had there been no Sikh revival movement, Darbar Sahib would gradually have become a Hindu temple.
It is a harsh truth that most of the rulers don’t have faith in religion, nor they are interested in promotion of religion; they, in fact, make exhibition of the performance of rituals and they want that people too should believe that only ritualism is religion. The English too had been practicing such a religion which was just performance of rituals. But, on the other hand they had observed that though the Sikhs had been politically subjugated but in their mind of minds they were deeply religious and their religion was not ritualism but, in their spirit, they had deep sentiments for their faith (though the Nirmalas and the Udasi had begun alluring/pushing them towards ritualism). The English believed that such a nation would not remain ‘slave’ for a long time; hence they planned to make roads into Sikhism; and they did it in many ways: by preaching Christianity in the Punjab, by promoting Brahmin, Nirmala and Udasi (and, later, Arya Samaj) establishments in the Sikh world.2
In furtherance of this planning they first controlled Gurdwaras and then they commissioned creation of literature distorting Sikh history and philosophy; it was under this planning that they created the myth of the so-called ‘dasamgranth’ (through John Malcolm, in 1812). The English believed that the Sikhs would get confused about their religion, and, would seek resort of Christianity. The second major action by the English was to woo some Sikh princes into the fold of Christianity. Their first target was Daleep Singh, who had been in their custody since he was just eleven years old; he was in fact, their prisoner and he was not permitted to see any Sikh or a Punjabi or even a Hindu; rather a few Christian turned (former) Hindu priests were his company and they could easily educate an illiterate child to adopt Christianity. On the 8th of March 1853, Daleep Singh was baptized and was whisked away to England within a year.3 Daleep Singh was also made to donate five hundred rupees per year (from his ‘pension’) to Christian mission at Amritsar. Not only Daleep Singh but another feudal Dyal Singh Majithia4, of his own, or for sycophancy or under coercion, donated some of his land in Amritsar for establishment of a Christian church at Amritsar; he also got built a church at his native place Majithia too.
The English had, in 1849, already begun Christian missionary activities at Ludhiana; the Ludhiana Christian Mission was headed by C. W. Foreman and John Newton. After this, the Christian missionaries began active work in the cities and towns of the Punjab; on the 9th of February 1852, a Church Missionary Association was established and its headquarters were set up in the Sikh city of Amritsar; three native missionaries were appointed by this mission: Kesar Singh, Rulia Ram and Imam-ud-Din (these three had been trained by Calcutta Christian Mission); after this more Punjabis were given training for missionary activities.
These Christian missions began publication of Christian literature in Punjabi language and Gurmukhi script. Besides publishing Christian missionary literature the English regime commissioned several writers to write history of the Sikhs and through these works the eighteenth century Sikhs were presented as dacoits, robbers, terrorists, criminals; the English themselves wrote tracts and books about the Sikhs and distorted the Sikh history; prominent among these were Charles Wilkinson, John Malcom, and James Browne etc; the English got written several travelogues to confuse and distort Sikh religion and philosophy.
On the other hand the English created a new generation of ‘loyal’ people; it included some of the feudal of the time of Ranjit Singh, their descendant, and also several from among common greedy persons. Those who were interested in employment, status and power began adopting Christianity. By 1855, Christian centres had been set up in 375 villages besides almost all the cities and towns; and by 1860 more than twenty thousand Punjabis had joined Christian faith and about five to seven thousands were likely to follow them soon. In December 1862, a Punjab Missionary Conference was held and it was decided that more Sikh should be given jobs, education and other facilities in order to allure them to Christianity; in furtherance of this plan, it was also decided that a large number of schools should be opened in the Punjab and through the syllabi Christianity should be promoted.
It is a common phenomenon that oppressed, weak, helpless, needy and poor people are an easy target of a ruler to attract them to their fold by offering jobs, education and other facilities; and these sections fall prey to such allurements. But, these people adopt new religion due to selfishness, greed, compulsion or coercion; in their mind of minds they are not committed to new religion but after two generation these families begin having faith in the new religion because the others consider them so and this creates the feeling of alien-ness; as a result they too get solace in the new religion (of course some of them react and return to their elders’ religion, but number of such people is very small). If they continue enjoying the benefits of power and facilities, the third or fourth generation of the ‘converts’ begins exhibiting pride for their religion and their successors start condemning the former religions of their forefathers. This has happened in the case of the Muslim converts from the South
Asia, especially Brahmins from Kashmir as well as Jatts and Rajputs of the West Punjab. Most of them had adopted Islam in order to save their lives or to get facilities and power but now these Kashmiri and West Punjab Muslims consider Hinduism as most inferior religion of the world; and they exhibit themselves as more fanatic even than Arabians, the original Muslims.
Those nations which loose sovereignty, their religion too suffers a lot; there is always present a section of the people who are ever-ready to give up their faith if they get facilities from a new one; this is tribal mentality; and, in the South Asia Bengalis, Kashmiri Brahmins, Punjabi Jatts and Dalits have shown such mentality in the past five hundred years. After the annexation of the Punjab, the number of the Sikhs in the Punjab declined from above 8 million (80 lakh)5 to less than 2 million, and, in 1861 when first formal census were held in the Punjab, only 141,848 people declared themselves as Sikhs; it means about 7 million people had renounced Sikh religion; but, though they did not embrace Christianity (in fact most of these were Hindus and they had joined Sikh faith to enjoy facilities, get jobs and status; hence they rejoined their old faith). In Amritsar alone about 25% people had renounced Sikh faith; their number, which was three hundred thousand in 1849 was 232,224 in 1868, was reduced to 216,136 in 1881; in Sialkot too, 20% Sikhs had renounced their faith.
When the English observed this state of the Sikhs, they developed a feeling that the Sikh religion will disappear very soon; Giani Dit Singh, in one of his articles quoted an Englishman’s prediction, who had said: “An English newspaper writes that the Christian faith is making rapid progress and makes the prophecy that within the next twenty-five years, one third of the Majha area will become Christian; the Malwa will follow the suit. Just as we do not see any Buddhist in the country except in images, in the same fashion the Sikhs, who are now, here and there, visible in turbans and in their other religious forms like wrist-bangles and swords, will soon be seen only in the museums. Their own sons and grandsons turning Christians and clad in coats and trousers and sporting toadstool-like caps will go to see them in the museums and say in their pidgin-Punjabi: “Look that is the picture of a Sikh – the tribe that inhabited this country once upon a time.” Efforts of those who wish to resist the onslaughts of Christianity are feeble and will prove abortive like a leper without hands and feet trying to save a boy falling from a rooftop.”6
To quote Prof Harbans Singh: “Unwarily a process of black sliding now took over. The decline had in fact set in during the days of Sikh power. The stern religious discipline which had sustained the Sikhs through a period of difficulty and privation gave way to luxury and plenty. They lost what, following Ibn Khaldun, may be described as their “desert qualities.” A second, and even more sinister, debilitating factor was the Brahminical ritual and practice which had gained ascendancy as an adjunct of regal pomp and ceremony. These now took a firmer hold over the Sikh mind. In this way, Sikh faith became garbled beyond recognition. The teachings of the Gurus which had supplied Sikhism its potential principles of re-creation and consolidation were obscured by the rising tide of conservatism. It was fast losing its characteristic vigour and its votaries were replacing into beliefs and customs which the founding Gurus had clearly rejected. Absorption into ceremonial Hinduism seemed the course inevitably set for the Sikhs. This was the critical challenge they faced in the years following the British occupation of the Punjab.”7
Such had been the state of the Sikh faith that the English began considering as a ‘dead religion’, a religion of the past: “The Sikh faith and ecclesiastical polity is rapidly going where the Sikh political ascendancy had already gone. Of the two elements in the old Khalsa, namely the followers of Nanuck, the first prophet, and the followers of Guru Gobind Singh, the second great religious leader, the former will hold their ground, and the later will lose it. The Sikhs of Nanuck, a comparatively small body of peaceful habits and old family, will perhaps cling to the faith of their fathers; but the Sikhs of Govind [Singh] who are of more recent origin, who are more specially styled the Singhs or “lions” and who embraced the faith as being the religion of warfare and conquest, no longer regard the Khalsa now that the prestige has departed from it. These men joined in thousands and now desert in equal numbers. They rejoin the ranks of Hinduism whence they originally came, and they bring up their children as
Hindus. The sacred tank of Umritsar is less thronged than formerly, and the attendance at the annual festivals is diminishing yearly. The initiatory ceremony for adult persons is now rarely performed.8
Academic conspiracies of the English against the Sikhs
When the English had occupied most of the South Asia, by the end of the eighteenth century, they did not have much knowledge about the religion and history of the Sikhs; their information was based on those sources who themselves had either vague or partial and/or prejudiced knowledge of the Sikhs; the early English accounts of the Sikhs are full of errors and distortion. But, with the turn of the century, when the English realized that Ranjit Singh had established a powerful empire in the north of South Asia, they began taking special interest in the religion and history of the Sikhs. They collected information from the Hindus and the Muslims and began preparing ‘reports’ for their London regime (India Office). The firsts of these were Charles Wilkinson’s The Sikhs and their College in Patna (1781) and James Browne’s History of origin and progress of the Sikhs, also known as Indian Tracts (1788); but the first regular work was Malcolm’s Sketch of the Sikhs (1812), and with this book the English began translating their conspiracy into action to distort Sikh history and philosophy.
Besides writing themselves the English commissioned others to write the history of the Sikhs; these included Budh Singh (Risala da ahiwal-i-Nanak Shah Darvesh, 1784), Bakhat Mal (Khalsa Namah, 1810-14), Khushwaqt Rai (Twareekh-i-Sikhan, 1811-14), Ahmad Shah Batalia (Zikar-i-Guruan-va-ibtada-i-Singhan-va-mazhab-i-inshan, 1818), and after occupation of the Punjab they assigned this job to Ratan Singh Bhangu (Prachin Panth Parkash, 1846), Ganesh Das Wadhera (Chahar Bagh-i-Punjab, 1847), Ghulam Mohi-ud-Din (alias Bute Shah, Tareekh-i-Punjab,1848); and later to Mohammed Latif (History of the Punjab, 1891), Shardha Ram Phillauri (Sikhan De Raaj Di Vithia), and others; even Sohan Lal Suri’s book (Umdatut Twareekh, 1848-49) was written as per instructions of his ew master (English rulers).
All these publications were aimed at creating confusion about and distortion of the Sikh philosophy and Sikh history. Although all this did not yield immediate results but later on it did create streams of factionalism among the Sikhs. It is interesting to note that Charles Wilkinson and Malcolm created a new granth (so-called dasamgranth) to wean the Sikhs away from Guru Granth Sahib but this was never accepted by the Sikhs; there is no reference to the existence of this book (dasamgranth) in any work of any Sikh writer. Malcolm even tried to present Sikhism as a reformation sect of the Hindus; and several Hindus collaborated with him and even later, persons like Khem Singh Bedi and Awtar Singh Vahiria became tools in the hands of the English and the Hindus; and this group openly declared that the Sikhs are Hindus.9 The onslaught on Sikhism was reacted to by the Sikhs during the Singh Sabha movement and Bhai Kahan Singh Nabha’s Ham Hindu Nahin was a befitting reply to it. It was the English, who, through Bute Shah, propagated that the foundation of Darbar Sahib was laid by Sain/Saeen Mian Mir (some naive Sikhs accepted this propaganda even though Santokh Singh Nirmala had already written about the laying of foundation of Darbar Sahib by Guru Arjan Sahib, in his Suraj Parkash). Another propaganda of this literature presented Guru Nanak as a ‘follower’ of Bhagat Kabir. The English even tried to present the Nirmalas as (so-called) ‘better Sikhs’. Several other distortions were made by the English and their collaborators. The English made attempts at character assassination of the Sikh rulers and their families; Smythe’s book (Reigning Family of Lahore) made shameful propaganda even about the parenthood of Daleep Singh. Among the English writers Charles Wilkinson, James Browne, George Forester, John Malcolm, H. H. Wilson’s writings distorted the Sikh philosophy most.
But, on the other hand J. D. Cunningham (1846) and Max Arthur Macauliffe (1909) published books with intention of trying to present the true picture of Sikhism; Cunningham’s account of Gurus might be faulty but his presentation of Anglo-Sikh battles is the most neutral history of the time; Macauliffe too tried to present the Sikh philosophy in the best possible true form. However, Cunningham was rewarded for his writing with orders of dismissal from service and Macauliffe too had to resign his job to accomplish his project.
Though the English did not achieve success in attracting the Sikhs into their religious fold but they were successful in creating a few cults among the Sikhs; the Nirmalas, the Udasis, Bedis, Trehans, Bhallas, Sodhis, Meenas, Dhirmalliyas, Ramraiyas all got patronage from the English regime; and when the Gurdwara Reform Movement (Akali Movement) began, the English created Namdharis (earlier they were known as Kookas and had been banned by the English regime). Soon, the English regime began protecting the mahants (managers) of the Gurdwaras who began using the income of the Gurdwara for their own luxury, drinking, sex and other nefarious activities; they turned Gurdwaras into dens of sinful profane activities. Soon, these mahants began behaving as the owners of the Gurdwaras and gradually they introduced Hindu idols into the Gurdwaras and began observing Hindu practices and ceremonies (all the present day ritualism and all the un-Sikh activities in the Gurdwaras had been started by these mahants).
After this, the English regime promoted ‘sant-dom’ in Sikhism; sant-dom has nothing to do with Sikhism and is an institution of Hindu culture; the English patronized such newly created ‘sants’ and most (if not all) of them were ex-servicemen; some of them might have been agents of the regime too; between 1850 and 1920, the English created several such so-called ‘sants’.
The English also promoted the Hindu movements in the Punjab; Sanatan Sabha and Arya Samaj both had state patronization; though both were opposed to each other but both had undeclared official support. The English used tricks even to create differences among the Sikhs and the Muslims in the Punjab, Kashmir and North Western Frontier Province (N.W.F.P.). Thus, the English tried to create problems for the Sikh mission in many ways but to their bad luck they could not win over many Sikhs, not even other Punjabis (Hindus or Muslims) to embrace Christianity; their only success was to woo some depressed classes who had a feeling of discrimination at the hands of the Sikh/Hindu feudal.
Activities of the Christian Missionaries
Even before the occupation of the Punjab by the English, there had been some attempts for Christian missionary activities; the first was perhaps at Phillaur when Golak Nath (a Christian turned former Hindu) tried to deliver lectures about the importance of Bible; the Sikhs captured him and kept him in confinement and gave him punishment during his internment; some days later, he was deported to cis-Satluj area.
In November 1838, a Christian went to Kapurthala where he began distributing Christian missionary literature; the Sikhs took him into custody, put fetters in his feet and interned him; later the Muslim judge of Kapurthala state released him. Several years later, when Harnam Singh, a prince of Kapurthala state, embraced Christianity, he founded a church and a Christian school in this estate.
Even after the English occupation of the Punjab, the Sikhs had reacted to the Christian missionaries in very aggressive manner. On the 24th of March 1864 (during the days of Hola Mahalla) a Christian priest Levi Jenvier, who was preaching Christianity in the Sikh city was murdered by a Sikh fakir. Similarly, another Christian priest Isador Lointhal too was killed by a Sikh watchman at Peshawar for preaching Christianity.
In spite of these violent attacks, the Christians were establishing their missions in various parts of the Punjab; jealous Sikhs ‘welcomed’ them with abuses and beating but with
the passage of time, the people stopped bothering for them because they could not make any major impact on the people of Punjab in general and the Sikhs in particular.
The Christians had begun their active missions right in 1830s when the English opened their first mission at Ludhiana in 1834; and after occupation of Doaba in 1846, they set up missions at Jalandhar (1846), Lahore (1848), Ambala city (1848), Rawalpindi (1856), Kapurthala (1860), Hoshiarpur (1867), Firozpur (1869), Rupar (1890), Khanna (1894), Phillaur (1897), Kasur (1900), Moga (1909) etc. All these missions had been established by American Presbyterians; besides American United Presbyterians, Church Mission Society, Kalasia (Scotland), Methodist Kalasia (New Zealand) and other societies too established another 15 to 20 missions.
But, in spite of the establishment of so many missions and like centres, only a few Punjabis joined Christian faith; in fact, the Sikhs almost rejected Christianity and only a few urban Hindus, probably due to job prospectus, joined the new faith; although it was expected that the Sikh feudal, in order to preserve their jagirs as well as with a hope of good status and jobs etc would have converted into Christianity but even after conversion of prince Harnam Singh of Kapurthala, only a very small number of Sikhs renounced their faith. Having lost hopes in the urban areas, the Christian missionaries turned towards rural areas; and, there they were able to attract a few people from depressed (dalit) classes; Elwood Morris Whery in his book History of our Missions in India, published in 1926, has confessed that though the depressed and/or poor section of the rural area came under their influence but they could not allure the urban population to their faith; hence in the first 75 years (1849-1924) of the English rule in the Punjab, 95% of the Punjabis who embraced Christianity were from depressed classes like Mazhabi (scavengers), Chamar (cobblers) and Julaha (weavers) families.
It is remarkable to note that the English regime and the Christian missionaries contributed a lot to the field of education and other public welfare projects; they established six major colleges (F.C. College Lahore, Kindred Girls College Lahore, Murray College Sialkot, Gordon College Rawalpindi, Edwardes College Peshawar, Baring Union Christian College Batala), more than a dozen schools, more than a dozen hospitals and several dispensaries (including Brown Mission Hospital Ludhiana, and hospitals at Dhariwal, Ambala, Firozpur, Tarn Taran, Kangra, Jagadhari, Sialkot, Lahore, Montgomery, Jalapur Jattan, Taxila etc), two leper houses (Kohari Aashrams) at Tarn Taran and Ambala and several other small institutes and projects of public welfare; but, in spite of this an average Sikh could not be convinced to renounce his faith. It meant that projects of public welfare don’t always attract conversions and only that religion is willingly adopted which appeals the minds and souls of people. Fear, greed, facilities are temporary attraction but oppressed people (like dalits) do get attracted to a new religion with the hope of a better social status; even such section adopts new faith as a formality but their third and fourth generation are likely to begin sincerely accepting the new religion; so, the Christian missions could make no serious or visible impact in the Punjab; and, after 1873, the Singh Sabha movement put a permanent stoppage to possible conversions. But, one thing is certain that the schools and colleges brought a revolution in the Punjab and it enlightened the minds of the Punjabis and they became conscious of their plight and began talking about struggle for independence from the English.
Hinduization of the Gurdwaras
As mentioned earlier, after the martyrdom of Akali Phula Singh, Darbar Sahib and other Gurdwaras came under the influence of the Hindu-Dogras of Jammu and the Brahmins of Hindustan; now, most of the priests and other caretakers of the Gurdwaras were from amongst Nirmala and Udasi cult (who dressed themselves like Sikhs but were Hindus at heart), and, with this the Hindu style of worship of fire (by burning of jyot), idols of mythical
Hindu gods and goddesses and ritualism etc was introduced into the Gurdwaras; and, with the passage of time, in a few decades (1823 to 1873) the Gurdwaras had become more like Hindu temples; only one Sikh ‘symbol’ i.e. Guru Granth Sahib was present there but the rest was all Hinduism; it was under this influence that Hindu festivals of Diwali began being celebrated in Darbar Sahib; Ranjit Singh’s smadh (mausoleum) was decorated with Hindu paintings and statues; there was a replica of elephant-head of the mythological Hindu ‘god’ Ganesh at the entrance of the residence of Giani Sant Singh; several Hindu mythological pictures were painted in the vicinity of Darbar Sahib, Akal Takht, Baba Atal and other places. Under the regime of the Dogras, some Gurdwaras of Jammu and Kashmir were converted into Hindu temples (e.g. at Jammu and Srinagar).
During the same period, the Hindus established several temples around Darbar Sahib; they would place a small statue under a pippal tree, begin worshipping it and, would later claim it ‘pracheen mandir’ (ancient temple); all the temples in Amritsar were built under this conspiracy; even today there are more than twenty such temples (had these been mosques the Hindu would have called them Babri Masjids). Amritsar, Kartarpur, Keeratpur, Anandpur towns are the Sikh towns and the land of these towns was purchased by Guru Sahib; hence there was no shrine of any other religion; but under the Dogra/Brahmin power and the English rule several Hindu temples were erected under planned conspiracy. The English, after occupation of the Punjab, also erected a church-like building near Darbar Sahib, in the name of a clock-tower (it was built sometimes after 1860s and it was demolished by the Sikhs in 1940s).10
Under the English patronage the descendants of the Gurus began behaving as semi-Gurus; and these groups as well as the Nirmala and Udasi priests began pushing the Sikhs towards pale Hindu ritualism, i.e. the celebration of Sangrand, Pooranmashi, Massiya, Panchami, Karva Chauth and other fasts, pooja, havan, yagya, jantar-mantar-tantar, sankat-mochan, dukh-nivaran, dukh-bhanjan, Sharadh, Vishavkarma worship, jathera (memorials for the founders of a clan) worship, Tulsi worship, Kanjaks, Diwali, Dussehra, Holi (instead of Hola), Rakhri, Basant Panchami etc.
On the 22nd of December 1869, the English rulers finally took over the control of Darbar Sahib by forming a Committee headed by the traitor Brahmin Tej Ram (Misr Teja Sinh); it was this Committee which had drafted the so-called ‘dastur-i-amal’ in 1859. Now this Committee gave all power to the priests who were Nirmalas/Udasis; and gradually these priests began considering themselves as the owners of the Gurdwaras and began using the offerings, other income and property for their luxury and immoral, sinful activities; not a single penny was used for Sikh missionary activities; the situation of Darbar Sahib affected other Gurdwaras too, and, most of them too became centres of sinful activities of corrupt managers; by the end of the nineteenth century most of the Gurdwaras had become like dens of sin and immoral life.
Positive Impact of Educational Institutions
Though the English regime had established educational institutions for their own end (to spread Christianity and woo people through these facilities) but this step came as a boon to the Sikhs; those who studied in these schools received knowledge of world history (including freedom movements), comparative philosophy, science, politics etc; and this knowledge enlightened them, made them conscious of their rights, and created in them a feeling that they were slaves of the English; and all this made them conscious of their rights and prepared them for struggle first for their rights and eventually for the freedom of their homeland; the first to play role were the teachers and students and then the lawyers, doctors and engineers also played their role.
Immediate impact of schools and colleges was the formation of social, literary and charitable institutions and organizations; several Sikhs began participating in such activities; this created an elite educational class among the Sikhs; this scenario played another role that
Sikh organizations and writers began publishing small tracts, books and other literature; and, all this literature played remarkable role in educating even the illiterate village folk too; they too began showing keen interest in knowledge; publication of Punjabi magazines and, later, newspapers laid the foundations of a revolution.
The Nirankari Movement
Though the Brahminic-ritualism had made holes in the Sikh world right in the time of Ranjit Singh but is major impact began during the English rule when the Gurdwaras came under the control of the mahants (literally: managers). Within a few decades, it seemed that the Gurdwaras were not much different from Hindu temples and the only difference was that there was Guru Granth Sahib instead of idols of mythical gods. So much so that the Sikhs’ social ceremonies too turned into Brahminic rituals; the marriages were being performed by the Brahmins through ceremony of sapatpadi (circumambulation around fire); birth and death ceremonies too were performed by the Brahmins by way of Vedic rituals. In fact the Sikhs could not know that how and when the Hindu boa constrictor had swallowed Sikhism; there seemed no difference between Hindu and Sikh religion except that of the distinction of hair and turban.
But all this came under screening when a dramatic event became the starting point of Sikh reformation movements. Bhai Dyal (1783-1855), a Malhotra-Khatri whose elders were natives of Kabul, who had been running a shop in Rawalpindi, went to Bhera where Charan Das Kapur offered to get his daughter married to him (Dyal); it was Chaitar month of Bikrami calendar, during which the Hindus don’t perform marriages due to some superstition; hence the Brahmins refused to perform the marriage ceremony; at this Dyal suggested the parents of the girl that they should themselves perform the marriage by the reading of Laavaan hymn and six stanzas11 of Anand Sahib hymn, followed by an ardas.
Though it was born out of personal necessity of an individual, Bhai Dyal, but, now, he decided to launch a movement against the priests; and he began opposing all the Brahmins and priests on all possible issues; at Rawalpindi, he would visit Gurdwara every day, perform keertan there and, then, preach against the priestly class; everyday would he speak against fire-worship (i.e. ceremony of marriage through circumambulation around fire; the Hindu ceremony of sapatpadi), superstitions (vahim-bharam), ritualism, so-called good and bad omens, auspicious and inauspicious moments (mahoorat), polluted-ness (sutak) and other Hindu beliefs; and, with the passage of time, some people began accepting his views and he became a leader of an unnamed reform movement. On the 3rd of December 1851, he purchased a plot and began construction of a dharamsala (later known as Gurdwara); within a few months he began holding congregation in this building.
Dyal died on 30th of January 1855 and his son Darbara Singh (1814-1870) became the ‘successor’ of his father; Darbara Singh began preaching in the villages too and within a short period he had following in about 40 villages; Darbara Singh, now, began issuing circulars (in the name of chittha/hukamnama); first such circular was issued in 1857, followed by several others; soon, Darbara Singh began behaving as the head of a sect; he would ride a horse and lead processions and hold regular congregations and address people as chief of a cult; in 1855, he innovated a new marriage ceremony for the Sikhs; it was having four circumambulations around Guru Granth Sahib (it was, in fact, a new form of the Hindu ceremony of seven circumambulations around fire; hence imitation of a Hindu ceremony). The first Sikh marriage, under this new ceremony, was performed on the 12th of March 1855; and, it was decided that an exhibition of this ceremony would be performed in front of Akal Takht Sahib on the 11th of April 1862; but when the priests of the Takht and Darbar Sahib
opposed it, this ceremony was performed in the Gurdwara of mahant Dyal Singh; this ceremony was attended by several prominent Sikhs including feudal and other elite.
Darbara Singh preached his mission for several years but it is remarkable to note that he could not give his son, Ratta, even a Sikh name (Ratta did not have Singh as ‘suffix’), nor could he ask him to keep unshorn hair (Ratta used to cut his hair even after becoming chief of the mission); and there is no evidence whether Darbara Singh himself was an initiated Sikh or not.
Darbar Singh died on the 12th of February 1870; he was succeeded by his son Ratta (also known as Sahib Ratta, a variation of Ratta ‘Sahib’). During the time of Ratta, the Nirankari dharamsala had become a major centre and several people used to visit it every day; and it had become like a big dera. With the passage of time, Ratta began celebrating death days (it was, in a way, a different form of saradh, an annual Hindu ritual for the dead) of his grandfather Dyal and his father Darbara Singh too. Ratta, now, made it obligatory for all his followers to obey the orders of the chief of their cult (Nirankari chalan da chittha); all this turned a missionary movement into a cult.
Though unlike Kookas (Namdharis) the Nirankaris did not declare themselves as Gurus but their literature reveals that they did not consider their founder Dyal as less than a Guru; their literature mentions that their founder Dyal went to the court of God where Guru Nanak and other nine Gurus too were sitting and he (Dyal) was ‘ordered’ to preach the mission of Guru Granth Sahib and Gurbaani (however, it is not clear whether this ‘order’ was issued by God or Guru Nanak).12
Besides, the Nirankari literature distorted Gurbaani too; it quoted a verse from Guru Granth Sahib (satgur hoey dyal ta sardha pooriey, page 149) and declared that the word dyal in that verse had been used for Dyal, the founder of the Nirankari movement; and he was Satguru.
Ratta died on the 3rd of January 1909 and he was succeeded by his son Gurdit Singh (died on the 26th of April 1947) and after his death Hara Singh became the chief; Hara Singh was succeeded by his eldest son Gurbakhsh Singh but his second son Dr. Maan Singh (died in 2010) did more work for this mission (but it is a tragedy of this family that Maan Singh’s own daughter Neelam Maan Singh, a famous dancer, and grandchildren have become apostate, and none of them is a practicing Sikh).
The Nirankaris claim that they have never deviated from mainstream of Sikhism and their mission was the teachings of Sikh thought but it is amazing to note that neither Dyal or Ratta (may be Darbara Singh also) got Khanday-di-pahul (Sikh initiation); and Ratta even used to cut his hair; it is true that after the beginning of the Singh Sabha movement all their descendants did keep hair and probably some of them got initiation too.
Main impact of this movement was in and around Rawalpindi and their major action was starting of a new marriage ritual with circumambulation of Guru Granth Sahib. For one hundred years and for four generations (from Dyal to Gurdit Singh) this movement remained popular in Rawalpindi; but after creation of Pakistan they had to migrate to the East Punjab; and they established their headquarters at Chandigarh.
Another offshoot of the Nirankaris, headed by Awtar Singh, established its headquarters at Delhi. Awtar Singh could not attract many people to his dera, but, later, his son Gurbachan Singh succeeded in having a few thousand followers; but, when the Delhi regime, especially the R.S.S. and Indira Gandhi, began promoting and patronizing him, and the government officials began collaborating with him, with an intention to make roads into the Sikhs, this dera flourished very much; a very large number of government officials in the Punjab and at Delhi became their members; soon it became like a mafia cult with its grip on the State power through its network among the government officials; they were so proud of their state support that on the 13th of April 1978, they attacked a jatha (band) of the Sikhs
protesting against them that they showered even bullets on them killing thirteen of them; when a criminal case was launched against their chief and other senior officials, Parkash Singh Badal led government again collaborated with this cult and let the culprits get acquitted in the case; but, a congregation of all-party Sikh conference resolved that this sect should be declared anti-Sikh and its members would be considered as ‘excommunicated’ from the Sikh Panth. This gurmatta (consensus) was issued in the form of a hukamnama from Akal Takht Sahib on the 10th of June 1978 after which all its Sikh members dedicated themselves from this sect; now in the Punjab their members are either from amongst the Hindus or are from depressed classes.
[For more details about the Sant Nirankari sect of Delhi (which killed 13 Sikhs at Amritsar on 13.4.1978), see volume 7 of this book]
Ram Singh and Kookas
Ram Singh (1816-1885) was an ordinary Sikh soldier; he had joined the army at the time of Naunihal Singh (died 1840); in December 1845, he had participated in the battle of Mudki, which was fought between the armies of the Lahore Darbar and the English; after the defeat of the Lahore Darbar, the English compelled it to reduce the number of soldiers; as a result Ram Singh’s services were terminated; having lost his job he returned to his village home at Bhaini (district Ludhiana) and started a small.
During the days of his service in the army he had been attending congregation of Balak Singh (1799-1862), a self-styled missionary; Balak Singh had not established any dera (cult centre) and he was an individual missionary, known as ‘abhiaasi’ (one who practices). Ram Singh had been attending Balak Singh’s gatherings and had learnt the art-of-religious-conversation; while running his small business in his village, Ram Singh used to meet several customers and, as it was a petty small business, he had ample time to talk to them or other ordinary people; and his memory of the discourses of Balak Singh helped him in winning some listeners; and with the passage of time some people became his companions/followers too. Soon his group began performing keertan (singing of hymns) too, and, during and after the keertan they would raise loud voices and scream (kookna in Punjabi); hence they came to known as kooka (those who scream).
In the beginning the kookas were limited to village of Bhaini but later a few from adjoining villages too began attending their keertan sessions; as the Sikhs had lost their kingdom, singing hymns and screaming gave them solace and pacified their feelings of frustration and helplessness. In the beginning, in these singing sessions, there never was any debate on the lost kingdom or struggle to regain it or even resentment against the English, but, as he was angry at losing his job in the army, Ram Singh, with the passage of time, began expressing his hatred for the foreign rulers. In spite of his minor utterances against the English he never suggested any movement against the foreign rule; in fact he was afraid of the might of the English army; hence he turned to missionary activities; he propagated against use of alcohol and other intoxicants, supported widow marriage, and, he asked people not to bow before the samaadhs (mausoleums) and not to discriminate on the basis of caste. 13
By 1860, he had gathered a following of some four hundred people mostly from village Bhaini and its surroundings and also from some villages of Firozpur. Then he began visiting historical Gurdwaras (Amritsar, Anandpur etc), and when, on his way to such places, his group would pass through the villages, and some people from these areas would join this group with a view to visit to the historical places. Having won over a few hundred people, Ram Singh’s confidence in self increased and now he began expressing his views against the English; on the 1st of June 1863, while addressing a small gathering at village Khote (Firozpur district) he said, ‘when one hundred twenty-five thousand Khalsa will be ready the Punjab will be freed from the English.’ Soon the authorities got intelligence of his uttering and they began monitoring his activities.
Damaging/demolishing Samaadhs (mausoleums)
Ram Singh was very much against the samaadhs (mausoleums) and he used to suggest that these samaadhs should be demolished; his words attracted some hot-blooded people and they damaged some samaadhs; the first such action took place at Ludhiana on the 7th of July 1866, followed by damage to some samaadhs at Firozpur on the 1st of September; it was again repeated at Firozpur on the 20th of October, at Ludhiana on the 12th of December and at Sialkot on the 5th of January 1867. The government did not react to it as such actions were not against the state; but, at Hoshiarpur some Kookas, while demolishing some samaadhs, also broke some idols of the Hindus; and it included a statue of a cow too; this infuriated the Hindus and they began condemning them as an anti-Hindu sect.
As mentioned earlier, the authorities had begun monitoring Ram Singh’s activities in the middle of 1863, when the authorities noticed acts of demolishing of the samaadhs, it realized that that could turn into any violent movement hence Ram Singh’s movement were restricted; he was ordered not to leave his village without informing the police; and this brought almost a stop to his activities. Having spent three years in his village like this, in March 1867, he sought permission to visit Anandpur Sahib; in those days, the Gurdwaras at Anandpur Sahib were in the possession of the Nihangs (also known as Akalis); hence they were free from Brahminic-ritualism. The English regime had allowed Ram Singh’s visit to Anandpur because they wanted someone to challenge the Nihangs. It seems that Ram Singh had some understanding with the English, and it seems evident from his meetings with Mac Andrew and Perkinson, two English officials; a police inspector Fazal Hussain was present in this meeting (probably as interpreter). Ram Singh’s understanding with the English is further proved by the fact that after his visit to Anandpur orders for his internment in village Bhaini boundary were revoked. It was during this period that some spies joined his band; but it is surprising that after this not many Sikhs expressed their wish to join his jatha and the number of his followers remained confined to a few hundred only.
In February 1869, when some Kookas were having a gathering in the village of Rupana (near Muktsar); Diwan Bakhsh, Deputy Inspector police was present there, when the police officer objected to the wording of a speaker, some Kookas snatched his sword and physically assaulted him; when this news reached the Superintendant police at Firozpur, he sent police force to arrest those who had attacked the officer; at first Kookas opposed the police and did not allow arrest but later on they surrendered; the police arrested 44 Kookas. After this the Firozpur police banned all activities of the Kookas; in 1870 Kashmir government too banned activities of the Kookas.
Killing of butchers
By April 1870, some Brahmins had infiltrated the Kookas; and they began influencing their activities; they turned their attention from demolishing of samaadhs to Vaishnavite activities, especially vegetarianism and anti-Muslim actions. In 1870, the English regime had started a slaughter house in Amritsar where goats, cows and other animals were butchered for meat. Some Hindus worship cow but Sikhism has nothing to do with worship of cow or any other animal; even beef eating has been allowed subject to it not halal; hence it does not make difference to a Sikh if a cow is slaughtered or eaten or not. But, clever Brahmins fooled Kookas and instigated them to get that slaughter-house closed; and, with this intension some Kookas attacked this building and killed some butchers14 on the 14th of June 1870; this action of killings was sudden, and, moreover, no one claimed its responsibility; hence the authorities could not trace the persons behind it.
Hanging of killer Kookas
Again on the 16th of July 1871, some Kookas attacked the slaughter house at Raikot. In this case Mangal Singh, Mastan Singh, Sarmukh Singh, Gulab Singh and some others Kookas were arrested; Gulab Singh turned approver and he revealed the names of the killers of the butchers at Amritsar. All the arrested Kookas were tried and given death sentence for murder of the innocent butchers; this however, proved deterrent and the activities of the Kookas came to an end.
Attack on Malaud and Malerkotla
In January 1872, Ram Singh held a congregation at village Bhaini, on the first of Magh month of Bikrami calendar; it was attended by five to seven hundred people; and in this congregation, no other activity, except that of singing of hymns and exegesis of Gurbaani and Sikh history, was done; and the function ended after serving langar (food) and before evening people began leaving for their homes and before dark the village was again as silent
as before; but, on the other hand, some Kookas, while on their way to their places, made a planning to kill the butchers at Malerkotla; this group went to Malaud police station and plundered weapons; and from there they went to Malerkotla; here too this group attacked the state treasury with an intention to plunder money and weapons; when they attacked the treasury, the security guards opened fire; and soon this turned into a full-fledged battle in which several persons from both sides lost their lives.
Kookas blown up by cannons
After this attack by the Kookas, the police arrested several of them as well as their associates; after a summary trial 49 Kookas were blown by cannons; the next day another 16 were blown up; and with this stopped all the activities of the Kookas. This deterrent punishment frightened the rest of the Kookas and they began dissociating themselves from Ram Singh and his movement.
Arrest of Ram Singh
Ram Singh had no knowledge of this action; nor was he in favour of any type of violence; he had rather informed the authorities about his apprehension of such actions by hot-blooded Kookas; he had told the police that such elements were in no mood to bother for him. Ram Singh was not in favour of demolition of samaadhs or worship of cow or even attacks on the butchers. But, in spite of this, the authorities took pre-emptive measures and arrested Ram Singh, under Act III of 1872, on the 17th of January 1872 and imprisoned him in Allahabad Jail; later he was exiled to Rangoon where he died on the 29th of November 1885.
Ram Singh’s jatha was known as the Kookas; the term Namdhari did not exist prior to 1920; secondly, Ram Singh was not a successor of Balak Singh (Balak Singh had not established any dera or cult; hence there was no question of appointing a successor; Balak Singh’s mission was known as abhiyaasis, and not Kookas or Namdharis); no doubt, Ram Singh had been attending congregations of Balak Singh when he was stationed near the area where Balak Singh would usually hold gatherings; thirdly, if Ram Singh had been a ‘chela’ of Balak Singh their invocation should have been ‘Baba Balak Singh ji Sahai’ instead of ‘Ram Singh ji Sahai’. It is still more interesting that the Kookas claim Balak Singh as the eleventh ‘guru’ of the Sikhs; it is strange that no Sikh ruler could recognize their ‘guru’ (Balak Singh himself had been employed as a soldier for some time); and had the Sikh rulers known that he was their ‘guru’ they would have crowned him as their king or at least chief of the army; those who concoct such gossip stories present themselves as clowns. Further, it was great injustice that the so-called twelfth ‘guru’ of the Sikhs (Ram Singh) had to serve as a soldier and he was dismissed from job by the English; it is further remarkable to note that the number of the people who joined Ram Singh’s mission never went above a few hundreds.
Ram Singh was no religious leader or a spiritual personality; nor he was a man of revolutionary mind; he was just an angry ex-soldier who, even having been dismissed, was not interested in joining struggle against the English rule, otherwise he could have joined Bhai Maharaj Singh; in fact he gave vent to his frustration and resentment through keertan and minor utterances against the alien rule, and that too in mild tone. When about two-three hundred persons began listening to him, he developed a feeling of being a leader; but it is an irony that he could not become such impressive personality which would rule the minds of his followers; they would rather not bother for him and not listen to him; when he stopped them from attacking butchers, they ignored his advice; and, further, when he was arrested there was not even minor resentment or reaction among his followers; so much so that after his arrest all the Kooka activities stopped.
Ram Singh could not create a movement; had he been a so-called ‘guru’ then the whole of the Sikh world would have stood by him (as happened in the case of Banda Singh
Bahadur) but Ram Singh could never attract more than a few hundred persons, and his name was not known except in Bhaini and a few villages around it, in a few villages of adjoining state of Malerkotla and some villages of Firozpur.
After the arrest of Ram Singh in 1872, a police post was set up in Bhaini village, which had almost no business because, people stopped visiting the village and all the Kookas as well as their sympathizers disappeared from the scene; hence Kooka activities came almost to an end after 1872.
How Kookas became Namdharis
During the time of Ram Singh the term Namdhari was neither used by anyone nor did it exist neither in literature nor in the mind of folk; when, in 1920, the Gurdwara Reform Movement (Akali Movement) began and Sikhs from all walks of life began participating in it; the English wanted to stop it (Akali Movement) because they (English) were with the mahants (who were their yes-men and agents); moreover, the English were not interested in reform in the Gurdwaras, rather they (English) wanted them (Gurdwaras) to become centres of profane activities so that the Sikhs may not like to visit them. The English first tried to impress the descendants of the Gurus (Bedis, Trehans, Bhallas and Sodhis) to support the mahants but they failed; then they tried to attract Nihangs but Kehar Singh Patti, one of senior Nihang leaders, sided with the Akalis; having failed on all the fronts, now, the English thought of using Kooka card; they approached Partap Singh (son of Hari Singh and nephew of Ram Singh) and when he agreed to collaborate with the English, the latter began presenting him as ‘guru’ of the Sikhs and gave him the new name of Namdhari; it happened sometimes in the summer of 1920 and since then Mangal Singh, a relative of Partap Singh, began attending meetings with mahant Narain Das of Nanakana Sahib. When the English became sure about the loyalty and credentials of these Kookas, they abolished the police post at Bhaini (in 1922).
Now, Hari Singh’s family began presenting Balak Singh as 11th, Ram Singh as 12th and Partap Singh as the 13th ‘guru’. This group tried to attract Sikhs to their cult but nobody agreed to reject Guru Granth Sahib as Guru and accept Partap Singh as even a leader. For some time, the Sikh leadership did not bother for them but when, in 1941, they announced an action to commit sacrilege of Guru Granth Sahib by ‘patra path’ (separating all the pages of Guru Granth Sahib, and each page to be read by a different person), the Sikhs reacted to it by holding Kooka-Kufar-Torh Conferences (conferences to blast Kooka blasphemy) throughout the Punjab.15 But, the Akali leader did not react properly; if they had opposed Teja Singh Bhasaur for his lesser mistake, they should have reacted against the Kookas in stricter manner; and strange it is that the Akalis continued inviting this group to join Sikh Conferences.
Kookas collaborate with the mahants
Neither Ram Singh proclaimed himself as a ‘guru’ nor did he act in any manner which would indicate that he did not accept Guru Granth Sahib as Guru; it was all English conspiracy that they established this cult in order to use them against the Akali movement. It is remarkable to note that between 1872 and 1920 no one even knew the word ‘Namdhari’; people had forgotten even Kookas. In 1872, the English had created awe by blowing 65 Kookas with cannons in and then arresting and exiling Ram Singh. Under the patronage of the English the Kookas began publishing a magazine in the name of Satjug (in 1920) and then Kooka (1922) [even in 1922, they chose Kooka and not Namdhari as the name of their magazine]; they still did not use the term Namdhari. This weekly magazine used to publish articles either in favour of mahants or against the Gurdwara Reform Movement or for
establishing Partap Singh as ‘guru’ of the Kookas; and an analysis of the language of these articles proves that these must have been written by some Brahmins.
In 1920, the Kookas not only supported the mahants but they fully joined all their activities; they were present in the meetings of the mahants; and they participated even in the swearing ceremony and took a vow to fight against the Akalis (for details see the details of Nanakana Sahib Massacre of 1921). The Kookas made several attempts to create trouble even in Darbar Sahib Amritsar by trying to perform their newly-drafted prayer16 (presenting Partap Singh as guru); they even insulted the institution of Khanday-di-Pahul (Sikh initiation ceremony).17
Although the Sikhs rejected this cult the English began giving them special status and official patronage; this cult had full co-operation of the police and other state authorities (those, for whom, a police post18 had been established at Bhaini village, were now favourite with the English). The Kookas continued their profane activities against the Sikhs up to 1925;19 and, the English regime granted complete support to the Kookas, but when the Gurdwara Act was passed and the Gurdwara Reform Movement came to an end, their (Kookas’) activities too stopped, and their role too came to an end; but, in spite of this the regime continued some facilities for this cult.
Are the Kookas (Namdharis) Sikhs?
After 1925, the English did not have need to use the Kookas but they still co-operated the cult; but when the English transferred power to the Congress Party in August 1947, the new regime too began patronizing the Kookas because some fanatic Hindu rulers wanted them to work against the Sikhs. As far as their religion is concerned they cannot be considered Sikhs in any manner: they don’t accept Guru Granth Sahib as Guru; they perform marriage ceremony by fire worship; they worship cow; they present their cult-leader as ‘guru’ and all this is totally opposite of Sikh religion, though all this is in consonance with Hinduism; hence they can be reckoned as a cult of Hindus; but, for the Sikhs, they are kaafir like Meenas, Dhirmalliyas, Ramraiyas etc, who had been declared as not-Sikhs by Guru Sahib, and they are to be treated like Nirankaris, Radhasoamis, Sarsa-walas, Ashutoshias/Nurmahaliyas, Bhaniara-walas etc.
Ram Singh never referred to himself even as sant or braham-giani or even Giani or Baba; and to use any of these terms for a Sikh is against Sikh ideology. Ram Singh had always accepted Guru Granth Sahib as Guru and preached its mission; and all this can be read from his letters.
The Sikhs have rejected Kooka hypocrisy of guru-dom in one voice; and, no Sikh likes them; that is why their number has never increased more than a few thousands; and all these are either the descendants and relatives of the family of Hari Singh (brother of Ram Singh) or those who have business interest with the members of this cult; they have attracted some writers and other persons by paying them money too. The Kookas are loyal to Congress Party, and 90% of the Kookas always vote for this Party, though they were successful in fooling Parkash Singh Badal who set up a Chair in the name of Ram Singh in Guru Nanak University, Amritsar. Badal is so naive that Surinder Singh Kooka, a senior leader of the Kookas, manoeuvred to get big grants for celebration of centenary of this ‘movement’; Badal went to the extent of bowing before the leader of this cult (Badal has done several acts of insult to Sikhism); in spite of this no more than two-three thousand, in the whole of the Punjab, Kookas have ever voted for Badal (in spite of this Badal had paid heavy price for these two-three thousand votes). Kookas are tools of the Congress Party and they have always used them against the Sikhs; and, due to this the extremist and fanatic Hindu organisations have always collaborated them (Kookas).
Kookas and ‘freedom struggle’
For the past few years, an attempt has been made to present Ram Singh and the Kookas as the pioneers of the struggle for freedom from the English; and it has been propagated that Ram Singh was the founder of the Swadeshi movement (i.e. boycott of foreign institutions and goods) but all this is blatant lie; according to this propaganda, Ram
Singh had asked the people to boycott government jobs, schools, courts and cloth and other stuff (it is interesting to note that, in order to establish the Kookas, even the Congress Party has digested this propaganda, which also means that Swadeshi movement was not an innovation of M.K. Gandhi but he had followed Ram Singh). The claim of so-called Swadeshi by Ram Singh is rejected by history; during Ram Singh’s time there were no state jobs available for common man; there were no schools yet even in big cities; there were no civil or criminal courts in any part of the Punjab (even penal/criminal codes had not been passed as yet), and no import of cloth from Vilayat (England) had begun by that time (1860-70).20 Further, no such reference, even remote reference, is found even in Kooka literature itself; Kooka Kala Singh wrote Shaheed Bilas in 1913 and Panth Parkash in 1914; these books don’t mention any such role of the Kookas in the freedom movement; hence even up to 1914 (even after that) and there is not even minor or indirect reference to any so-called Swadeshi movement; that means all this reference to the so-called Swadeshi Movement is a concoction, hence distortion of history.
Moreover, if the Kookas were concerned with freedom struggle, where were they between 1871 and 1920?; and even after 1920 and right up to 1947, they did not play even minor role in any movement, not even offering of arrests during any agitation, peaceful or otherwise. They had, in fact, stopped even kooks (screaming of hymns and slogans) after the executions at Malerkotla.
Ram Singh and Guru-dom
Ram Singh never mentioned or even considered himself as so-called ‘guru’; his own writings/letters confirm that he considered Guru Granth Sahib as the only Guru of the Sikhs; and, he considered himself as a messenger of the Guru’s message:
“I am not Guru, I am like a messenger.” 10.
“Guru Granth Sahib is the Guru of Gurus, so Shabad (Word) is Guru.” 18.
“And, brethren, after ten Gurus, Guru (Gobind Singh) has installed Guru Granth Sahib as Guru, which is eternal; there is no other Guru”. 23. (Letter dated Chet Vadi 2, 1937 Bikrami).21
The Singh Sabha Movement
Darbara Singh Nirankari died in 1870 and Ram Singh Kooka was arrested and exiled in 1872; but, by this time, some Sikh elite had begun religious, social and even political activities on small and local scale; and all this got some impetus when Buta Singh (a former Diwan of Rani Jinda who had started a printing press in 1866) launched Aaftaab-i-Punjab, an Urdu weekly, in 1872; and, as it was the only paper in the Punjab it became popular within a short time; and it proved very helpful in creating liaison between the activists which had been working individually in different parts of the Punjab; and this gave birth to several organisations.
In 1873, a dramatic event became the cause of first formal Sikh organisation in the Punjab in the past 125 years (the last gathering for this purpose was held in 1748 when Dal Khalsa was formed). In the summer of 1873, four Sikh students (Atar Singh, Sadhu Singh, Santokh Singh, and Aya Singh) of Amritsar Mission School made a public declaration that they wanted to embrace Christianity. Although, before this, two royal personalities (Daleep Singh Maharaja and Harnam Singh Prince Kapurthala) had already embraced Christianity but that had not affected any other Sikh of any prominent family; hence no mass or public conversions of the Sikhs into Christianity; almost all those who had embraced Christianity were from depressed classes and all that was a reaction against attitude of discrimination againt them. But, public declaration by four Gursikh boys shook the whole Sikh world; and, in this situation some Sikhs held an informal meeting and contacted these boys; as a result these boys gave up idea of renouncing the Sikh faith.
Almost during the same period, Pandit Shardha Ram Phillauri, an agent of the English (who had been engaged by the English to write a history of the Sikhs), began holding congregation in Guru-da-Bagh (in the Darbar Sahib complex) in Amritsar and began series of carping lectures on Sikhism and the narration of Guru Nanak’s life in deliberately garbled detail; and soon he began openly insulting the Gurus; the Sikhs too would watch him saying all this but none dared stop him; such was the state of the enslaved Sikh nation; it seemed that the Sikhs had become timid and cowardly that they did not react even to insult of Gurus. When Shardha Ram observed that the Sikhs had become immune to insults, he became more aggressive; but after some days some Sikh youth came forward and began repaying in the same coin; they even challenged the Pandit; at this the coward Pandit left the city; it is strange that no mahant, no priest, no sarbarah had tried to stop him.
The news of the courage of the Sikh youth soon reached the Sikh elite in different parts of the Punjab; Thakar Singh Sandhanwalia22 and Giani Sardul Singh were also among them. Some of them made mutual contact and called a gathering of the Sikhs for the 1st of October 1873. This gathering, held at Amritsar was attended by several elite Sikhs including some Gianis, priests, granthis, Udasi, Nirmalas too. Most of the participants had gone there in reaction to the uttering of the Pandit; and many of them did not know even the basic principles of Sikhism; besides, majority of them were not even initiated; but all of them agreed to form an organisation to propagate Sikhism; the following were selected as office-bearers of the new organisation: Thakar Singh Sandhanwalia President, Giani Gian Singh Amritsar23 Secretary, Amar Singh Deputy Secretary, and, Dharam Singh (of Majeeth Bunga) was Treasurer; and the organisation was given the name ‘Singh Sabha’, but due to insistence of some Brahminic-minded participant the Hindu prefix ‘Sri’ too was added and it was finally named ‘Sri Guru Singh Sabha’; it was decided that this organisation will work to “re-establish the real Sikh values by eradicating unSikh way which had become prevalent among the Sikhs”.
Formation of Singh Sabha at Lahore
After the formation of the Singh Sabha at Amritsar, the Sikh elite of Lahore too formed a Singh Sabha; its first session was held on the 2nd of November 1879.
The Lahore Singh Sabha launched weekly Gurmukhi Akhbar, in Punjabi, on the 10th of November 1880; Professor Gurmukh Singh (of Oriental College Lahore) became its first editor; by that time postal department had become a very useful system hence the newspaper began reaching every corner of the sub continent, which became very useful in creating a cohesion among the Sikh elite and other activists. It also launched a monthly Vidiyarak paper in 1881. Prof Gurmukh Singh held a wide tour of the whole of the Punjab and visited a large number of towns and village and established Singh Sabhas there; later all these organisations were united under a Khalsa Diwan.
Though the Sikh newspaper was published from Lahore but Amritsar too became a major centre of the activities of the Singh Sabha; here, some Sikhs elite began holding congregations at Manji Sahib (Darbar Sahib) where Sikh intellectuals would participate and discuss various issues of Sikh religion and history; the first issue was about the date of birth of Guru Nanak Sahib (Katak or Visakh i.e. 20th October or 15th of April of 1469); it was followed by dialogue on the other historical data.24
On the 11th of April 1880, both Singh Sabhas (Lahore and Amritsar) were united and they formed a joint body in the name of ‘Kendri Singh Sabha’ and also set up a joint apex body in the name of ‘General Sabha’; its headquarters were set up at Amritsar; after this, several Singh Sabhas were formed; their manifesto was:
In 1881, the General Sabha started efforts to establish a school at Lahore; in 1882, thousands of the Sikhs signed a memorandum and submitted it to the government demanding teaching of Punjabi in the schools; in 1884, efforts for starting a Khalsa College were made on high scale and it was supported by Sikh elite especially the rulers of the Sikh States and the feudal; though a dispute also arose as to whether such a college should be started at Lahore or Amritsar.
Teaching of Punjabi in Colleges
Singh Sabha Movement made serious efforts to promote Sikh religion, Punjabi language and Punjabi identity; in 1860, thirteen years before the formation of this organisation, an education department had already been set up in the Punjab but during this period of thirteen years only a few Sikh boys had joined these schools; moreover the medium of instruction in these schools was Urdu and not Punjabi. It was only in 1877, that the leaders of the Singh Sabha movement, with the active help of Dr Leitner, succeeded in starting the study of Punjabi at Oriental College Lahore; Professor Gurmukh Singh was appointed as the first Professor;25 a remarkable achievement of this department was that it had the parkash (formal installation and reading) of Guru Granth Sahib in its building.
By 1886, more than one hundred units of the Singh Sabha had been set up in different parts of the sub continent; and most of these Sabhas had launched their own projects; it included a school and a charitable hospital at Amritsar, a school at Sialkot, a dharamsala (inn) at Simla, a weekly newspaper and a school at Lahore, Gurmat Parkash a monthly magazine at Rawalpindi and various other projects. In fact, all the Sikh activists wished to surpass the others and with this zeal they were trying to do more and more work.
The Amritsar Khalsa Diwan formed Guru Granth Parcharak Sabha in 1885 and published Gurpurab Parkash (how to celebrate Sikh functions), Gurmat Sidhant (Principles of Sikhism), Gur Parnali (a small book regarding dates relating to Gurus’ lives), Gursikhan De Nit De Karam (daily routine of the Sikhs), Yatra Hazur Sahib (history of Nander), Gurbilas Patsahi 10 (history of Guru Gobind Singh by Sukha Singh Patna), Sadd Sidhant (philosophy of death) and several others. It also got published Faridkoti Teeka (Nirmala version of translation of Guru Granth Sahib). Similarly, Pandit Tara Singh Narotam’s26 Gurmat Nirnay Sagar (1877), Guru Girarath Kosh (1889) and Teerath Sangrah; Giani Gian Singh’s27 Panth Parkash (1880) and Twareekh Guru Khalsa (1891) too were published during this time. In 1894, Khalsa Tract Society was established under the command of Akali Kaur Singh and Bhai Vir Singh, and this Society too published a large number of tracts on Sikhism.
Under the impact of the Lahore Khalsa Diwan, Bhai Takht Singh founded Sikh Kanya Pathshala at Firozpur, Nihal Singh started Khalsa Bhujhangan Ashram at village Kairon and Teja Singh Bhasaur established Istari Vidiya Bhandar at Bhasaur and sincerely promoted women education.
Printing of Guru Granth Sahib and Guktaas
By that time Guru Granth Sahib and Gutkaas were mostly hand written; although the Christians had established a printing press at Ludhiana and had got prepared a Gurmukhi font for printing but the Sikhs had not availed this facility. In 1887, Singh Sabha Lahore sought the help of Lala Hira Nand and got prepared a new font of Gurmukhi script and printed Guru Granth Sahib in 1429 (1430 pages including Raag Maalaa) pages; it is this volume which is, now, accepted as standard volume for uniformity of quotation of a universal page system (earlier all the handwritten volumes had different number of pages). Besides Guru Granth Sahib, gutkaas etc too were printed; all this helped in spread of Gurbaani and gutkaas reached almost each and every house of the Sikhs.
All this created new leadership among the Sikhs; and with this some Sikhs began political activities too which cautioned the English regime and it (regime) began watching all these activities seriously. By this time, the Hindus had formed Arya Samaj too and they had been planning to make roads and penetrate into the leadership of the Singh Sabha with an intention to use it for their own ends; their main goal was to stop the Sikhs from presenting Sikhism as distinct from Hinduism.
Amritsar Singh Sabha comes under the control of Brahminic-element
When the Singh Sabha Movement became very popular among the Sikh masses, the feudal, the affluent and the descendants of the Gurus (Bedis especially) tried to capture its leadership. Raja Bikrama Singh of Faridkot and Khem Singh Bedi too began attending the gatherings of the Singh Sabha; and, during its meetings and congregations, these two started sitting on special cushions. Besides, this group began discriminating against the so-called low caste Sikhs; and they even opposed stopping of Brahminic-practices in the Gurdwaras. So much so that this Khem Singh Bedi and Raja Bikram Singh of Faridkot began opposing all suggestion for reform; at this the reform supporter group decided to dissociate themselves from the Raja and Bedi; and they called a gathering of their supporters on the 10th and the 11th April 1886 and formed ‘Khalsa Diwan Lahore’ and declared its manifesto, which included:
After the formation of Khalsa Diwan Lahore, the units of the Singh Sabhas too were divided into two blocks, some joined Khalsa Diwan Lahore and the others expressing their loyalty for Khem Singh Bedi & Raja Bikrama Singh group (now known as Khalsa Diwan Amritsar); now both Diwans began launching new projects in order to surpass the other one.
‘War’ between Lahore and Amritsar Diwans
As mentioned earlier, in 1880, Lahore and Amritsar Diwan had formed a joint ‘General Sabha’ and most of the activists of both the Diwans had joined it but still some individual activists had been doing Sikh missionary activities of their own especially Jawahar Singh Kapur, Dr Jai Singh and Mehar Singh Chawla etc. Raja Bikrama Singh Faridkot, Kanwar Bikram Singh Kapurthala (then residing at Jalandhar) and some feudal had been the main financiers of the Movement; and for the next seven years both the Diwans made marvellous contribution to the Sikh missionary activities, but, all this was spoiled by Khem Singh Bedi, who, being a direct descendant of Guru Nanak Sahib, began behaving as a sub-Guru; and simple Sikh people would grant him special respect; and due to this he became more egotistic and haughty; and, while attending meetings he even began using special cushions as his seat; Raja Bikrama Singh of Faridkot too followed his style. The Singh Sabha Movement had been launched to bring an end to unSikh practices and activities but Khem Singh’s activities were totally against the proclamation of aims of the Sabha; for some time no one challenged him but when he began using cushions even in the presence of Guru Granth Sahib; Prof Gurmukh Singh objected to this; he actually picked up these cushions and
threw them away; at this, the sycophants of Khem Singh Bedi and Raja Bikram Singh began opposing all the activities of Prof Gurmukh Singh; soon this bickering turned into an open division and the Singh Sabha Movement was divided into two factions.
Attacks by Arya Samaj
In 1875, Daya Nand, a Hindu sadhu, founded an organisation, in Bombay, in the name of Arya Samaj; in April 1877, he visited Punjab too and established its branch at Lahore in June 1877; within one year more branches were established at Amritsar, Rawalpindi, Multan, Gujranwala, Gurdaspur, Firozpur, Jehlum, Wazirabad and some other towns too. The manifesto of Arya Samaj attracted some Sikhs too; one of them Jawahar Singh Kapur was selected as Secretary of the Arya Samaj. Jawahar Singh Kapur made remarkable contribution to Arya Samaj movement in the Punjab; it was due to his efforts that several Sikhs, including the grandparents of Bhagat Singh Khatkar Kalan and of Dharmender Singh Deol (actor Dharmendra) joined the Arya Samaj.28
In 1880 Sadhu Daya Nand published his book Satyarath Parkash in which he made derogatory remarks against the leaders and founders of other religions, including Guru Nanak Sahib; some of his Hindu friends told him that he had done a great blunder and asked him to delete those remarks; he promised to delete the same but before he could publish its second edition, he died in 1883. Later, fanatic leaders of the Arya Samaj refused to delete those remarks.
The Arya Samajists went to this extent that on the 25th of November 1888, Pandit Guru Dutt, while addressing a small gathering at Amritsar used derogatory words against the Gurus; at that time Bhai Jawahar Singh Kapur29 was the Secretary of Arya Samaj Punjab; he made strong protest but when the fanatic leaders of this organisation did not bother, all the Sikhs resigned from the Arya Samaj.
Again, in May 1897 a section of Arya Samaj, with the intention of attracting the Sikhs to its fold wrote in Arya Gazette (issue dated 15.7.1897) that “Daya Nand did not know Gurmukhi script and his knowledge about Sikhs was based on secondary sources; hence he made mistake”; after this clarification, some Sikhs like Jagat Singh and Narayan Singh re-joined Arya Samaj. But, in spite of this, the words were not deleted from the new edition of Satyarath Parkash; on the other hand, Jagat Singh and Narayan Singh, as both were economically weaker persons; hence they soon became yes-men of the Arya Samaj. Jagat Singh went to this extent that he wrote: ‘Sikhism was the early stage of Arya Samaj’; it meant Daya Nand was superior to the Gurus. In 1899, Narayan Singh became a co-author with Thakar Das and wrote a small30 book Sikh Hindu Hein (the Sikhs are Hindus); Bhai Kahan Singh Nabha31 immediately gave a befitting reply to this propaganda by writing his monumental work Ham Hindu Nahin (we are not Hindus).
Soon, the Arya Samaj Punjab turned communal; it went to this extent that it began opposition even of the Punjabi language and Gurmukhi script (Arya Samaj in Maharashtra promoted Marathi but the ungrateful Punjabi Arya Samajists hated their mother tongue Punjabi); it is since then that the Hindus of the Punjab renounced their mother tongue and began adopting Hindi language and Nagri script (alien language and alien script); the Punjabi Arya Samajists were so communal-minded that they rejected Punjabi and Gurmukhi simply because Guru Granth Sahib was in Gurmukhi script. It is remarkable to note that today, even in the second decade of the twenty-first century, 99% of the Punjabi Hindus can neither speak not write Hindi correctly (not many can properly speak/write any other language except their mother tongue unless he/she has lived in the zone of the other language for a very long time and has adopted it as his first language).
After the exit of Jawahar Singh Kapur, there were still two Sikhs who continued collaborating with the Arya Samaj; and they were Dr Jai Singh and Khem Singh Bedi; Dr Jai Singh had been collaborating with an Arya Samaj supported Shudhi Movement which aimed
at bringing Muslim converts to their old religion but this Movement did not yield much results except bringing some Muslims to Hindu fold (and also a few to the Sikh fold); hence Jai Singh could not achieve any remarkable success, still, his role was not negative. But, on the other hand Khem Singh Bedi became a tool in the hands of the Arya Samaj; Khem Singh Bedi had already been behaving like a Hindu cult leader; he was opposed to eradication of unauthentic rituals and practices in Gurdwaras; he was a supporter of caste discrimination; he was an idol worshipper and he practiced most of the Hindu customs in his own home; in fact many of the activists of Amritsar Diwan, headed by Khem Singh Bedi and Bikrama Singh Faridkot, had been collaborating with the Arya Samaj; several priests, mahants, granthis as well as Nirmalas and Udasis, due to their vested interests remained on the side of Amritsar Diwan and they, now, began opposing the Sikh Movement; Khem Singh commissioned services of Awtar Singh Vahiria and got produced articles, tracts and books in his (Bedi’s) favour, against the Sikh reformers as well as in favour of Hinduism (Avtar Singh Vahiria was financed by Raja Bikrama Singh of Faridkot and Khem Singh Bedi); this group was so much Hindu-oriented that once Rawalpindi Singh Sabha proposed a resolution to change the name of the ‘Singh Sabha’ to ‘Sikh Sabha’ (i.e. this group hated even the word Singh and wanted to make Hindus as their members and give it the look of a Hindi Sabha).
It was due to collaboration of the Hindus and the semi-Hindu Khem Singh Bedi group that the supporters of reform had to suffer difficulties and opposition in several situations; in 1894, when a Sikh of Thatha village (in Nabha state) got his daughter married through the ceremony of Anand Karaj (Sikh marriage ceremony), the Brahmins and the Khem Singh Bedi group, who were controlling the local dharamsala, refused to allow the marriage party there and the parents of girl had to make arrangements in their houses;32 such incidents took place in other places too.
At that time, the Udasi priests of Khem Singh group had the control of Darbar Sahib; once they put a by the side of a ber tree33 in the vicinity of Darbar Sahib showing Guru Gobind Singh seeking blessing of Chandi, a fictitious Hindu goddess, for revelation of Khalsa.34 In 1897, the priests of Tarn Taran (Tarn Taran Gurdwara’s Udasi priest too were followers of Khem Singh Bedi) performed saraadh (Hindus’ annual rituals for the dead) of Guru Nanak; in spite of the fact Guru Nanak vehemently rejected saradhs.35
On the other hand, the Lahore Diwan continued its activities for reform; Prof. Gurmukh Singh, Giani Dit Singh, Kanwar Bikram Singh Kapurthala, Kahan Singh Nabha, Jawahar Singh Kapur, Mehar Singh Chawla did yeoman’s services; by 1887, there were two main trends prevalent in the Sikh world: Khalsa Diwan Lahore supported reform and Amritsar Diwan functioned as a semi-Hindu organisation. Khalsa Diwan Lahore had the support of good writers, besides they had began publication of Sudharak, a monthly magazine which was edited by Prof Gurmukh Singh; he used to publish articles condemning idol-worship and so-called superiority of the descendants of the Gurus; hence this paper had become representative of the mainstream of the Sikhs. On the 13th of June 1886, daily Khalsa Akhbar too was launched which, besides promoting real Sikhism, also used to publish articles on Sikh history, Sikh philosophy and culture as well as material about educational progress.
Besides religious front, both the groups differed on political front also; Prof Gurmukh Singh was not in favour of clash with the English regime; and, when Nihal Singh published the book Khursheed Khalsa, in Urdu, Gurmukh Singh dismissed him from Lahore Diwan because this book was in favour of (Maharaja) Daleep Singh and against the English; Diwan Buta Singh, who had published Punjabi version of this book, too was dismissed. Although Amritsar Diwan (Khem Singh Bedi and his associates) was known more as pro-government but, in order to take stand against the Lahore Diwan, they began supporting the issue of Daleep Singh; when this group displayed a painting of Daleep Singh during an exhibition, the English regime began considering it as a rebel group.
Almost during this period, the English Viceroy went to Amritsar and he visited Darbar Sahib also; on this occasion, the priests showed him performance of ritual of Khanday Di Pahul.36
Electrification of Darbar Sahib
Although the English regime considered Khem Singh Bedi as one of the most loyal persons but display of the painting of Daleep Singh made him rebel in the eyes of the English; and the regime stopped patronizing the members of the Amritsar Diwan; now they were not invited to attend the government functions. But, in this scenario, there came a proposal for the electrification of Darbar Sahib; the Amritsar group (Khem Singh Bedi) supported electrification but Lahore Diwan (Prof Gurmukh Singh group) was opposed to it. Right at this time, Raja Bikrama Singh of Faridkot announced a grant of rupees twenty–five thousand in the name of Queen Victoria’s Golden Jubilee; and, by this announcement the Amritsar Diwan tried to appease the State’s hostility to this group; Prof Gurmukh Singh group, however, continued opposing electrification scheme. This paved way for Amritsar Diwan for defaming Prof Gurmukh Singh and Giani Dit Singh.37
Soon, both the Diwans began hate campaign against each other; so much so that on one day the priests of Darbar Sahib stopped Prof Gurmukh from making a speech at Manji Sahib hall of Darbar Sahib, in spite of the fact that people had reached there to listen to him; so much so that the Sarbrah of Darbar Sahib had called police in case Prof Gurmukh Singh tried to make a speech. It was an insult to the Professor; and he did not forget it; and, immediately after reaching Lahore, he published an article in his paper Sudharak in which he exposed worship of idols as well as other anti-Sikh rituals and practices in the Darbar Sahib; and, he held the priests and the Sarbrah responsible for such practices; on the other hand the Sarbrah and the priests began propagating that Prof Gurmukh Singh had committed sacrilege of Guru Granth Sahib; and, Khem Singh Bedi and his associates began this propaganda on large scale; Bedi’s supporter Khalsa Diwan Amritsar, his comrade-in-arms Raja Bikrama Singh Faridkot and Rawalpindi Singh Sabha (which wanted to remove word Singh from the name of Singh Sabha) launched this propaganda through all their sources; they alleged that:
So-called Hukamnama against Prof. Gurmukh Singh
After levelling the above mentioned five allegations, this group called a meeting, in the name of Khalsa Diwan, at Faridkot and ‘summoned’ Prof. Gurmukh Singh to give his explanation in this meeting; in fact, they had planned that they would create disturbance in the meeting and get Prof Gurmukh Singh arrested by the police of Faridkot; and after technical trial he would be imprisoned. Prof Gurmukh Singh knew that Raja Bikrama Singh of Faridkot was a part of this conspiracy so he did not go to Faridkot; hence, in his absence, Khem Singh Bedi group passed a resolution: “Prof. Gurmukh Singh is guilty of these (above mentioned) unreasonable activities and until and unless he apologises, he is not fit to have any relations with Singh Sabha and Khalsa Diwan.” This ‘resolution’ was signed by Khem Singh Bedi, Sumer Singh Patna, Raja Bikrama Singh, Sant Singh Giani Kapurthala and Udey Singh; later it was passed in the meeting of the General House of Amritsar General Sabha, and that proceedings were signed by Kahan Singh Majith Bunga, Sardool Singh Giani, Dr
Charan Singh (father Bhai Vir Singh) and the priests of Darbar Sahib; this group did not stop here; it got similar resolutions passed in the meetings of its associate Sabhas of Rawalpindi, Kapurthala, Jalandhar, Phillaur, Nawanshahr, Keeratpur, Anandpur, Shahkot, Khamano, Gharuan, Kharar, Buria, Narangwal, Jandiala (Jalandhar), Sialkot, Patna, Talwandi Sabo; and it also got issued a so-called hukamnama from the priests of Akal Takht and Darbar Sahib also; this so-called ‘hukamnama’ said:
“We, all Sings, pujaris Takht Sahib Akal Bunga and Darbar Sahib ji and Baba Atal Rai ji and Jhanda Bunga Sahib have discussed about secretary Gurmukh Singh. It has been revealed that this person has spoken at some places, insulted Guru Granth Sahib and Gurus’ descendants and Gurbaani through speech and action, which proves that his faith is totally inconsistent with the Sikh religion. So, we, all the priests and Granthis and Nambardars of Gurdwaras have resolved after deliberations that Gurmukh Singh has been excommunicated from Panth Khalsa. No Gurdwara will allow any Ardas for him and would not allow him there. All the Sikhs are warned that no one should be his follower (companion). Those who defend him he too will be considered rebel (of the Panth) and would be liable to punishment; and he too will be given same treatment (excommunication). Issued on date seventh, month Chet 418 Nanakshahi, corresponding to 18 March, year 1887.
Signed by Singhs and office bearers and granthis and pujaris: S. Man Singh sarbrah Gurdwara Sahibs, S. Kahan Singh Majithia raees, Bhai Harnam Singh granthi Darbar Sahib, Bhai Gulab Singh mahant Akal Bunga Sahib, Bhai Teja Singh muhtamim Akal Bunga Sahib, Bhai Jawahar Singh muhtamim Akal Bunga Sahib, Bhai Partap Singh, Bhai Sundar Singh, Sher Singh, Bhai Karam Singh ardasia Darbar Sahib, sardar Jaswant Singh pujari Darbar Sahib, Thakar Singh pujari, Bhai Deva Singh Dhupia, Bhai Multana Singh, Bhai Santa Singh pujari, Bhai Hardit Singh ardasia, Bhai Mahan Singh, Bhai Tek Singh pattidar Akal Bungia, Chanchal Singh, Gulab Singh Akal Bungia, Gulab Singh pujari Darbar Sahib, Atar Singh Akal Bungia, Bhai Narayan Singh Nambardar Baba Atal Rai Sahib ji, Bhai Jawahar Singh, Bhai Dhanna Singh Sukhai Baba Atal Rai ji, Bhai Darbara Singh Jhanda Bungia, Gurdit Singh, Narayan Singh ji granthi Tarn Taran Sahib.38
Wherever there were supporters and associates of Khem Singh Bedi, Sumer Singh, Parduman Singh Giani (grandson of Sant Singh Giani), Sant Singh Giani Kapurthala, they wrote letters against Prof. Gurmukh Singh; finally when they had used all their sources all this ended within a few days; and when they were exhausted they declared themselves as winners. After this, Khalsa Diwan Lahore began campaign in favour of Prof Gurmukh Singh: on the day of first of Visakh of 1944 Bikrami (April 1887) a meeting was held in which 19 Singh Sabhas, including those of Lahore, Patiala, Jalandhar, Ludhiana, Rajpura, Tarn Taran, Ambala, Bhinder etc participated and passed a resolutions in favour of Prof. Gurmukh Singh.
The Sikhs reject the so-called Hukamnama
In retaliation, the Amritsar Diwan held a meeting at Amritsar; and, in this meeting a Sikh distributed an eight paged open letter, in which he had mentioned 40 points, alleging that Amritsar group had been acting against Sikh faith; when he had distributed some copies of this letter, he was attacked, punched and thrown out of the hall by the agents of Khem Singh Bedi; some points of this letter were:
After this, on the 16th of April 1887, Giani Dit Singh published a four-page supplement of Khalsa Akhbar; and in this he had also published an instalment of his play Supan Natak; this angered Raja Bikrama Singh and Khem Singh Bedi (who had been indirectly exposed in this play) and they threatened him (Dit Singh) that they would file a case of libel against him. To avoid wasting time and energy in litigation, Giani Dit Singh published his explanation saying that (in the play Supan Natak) he had presented battle
between pride and hypocrisy on one side and truth and generosity on other side; and it is like that of battle between compassion and logic in Parbodh Chander Natak; he further clarified that he did not want to write against any individual; but, even after this explanation Raja Bikrama Singh, through Udey Singh (one of his employees) filed a case of libel against Giani Dit Singh; all the expenses of this case were paid by Raja Bikrama Singh and Khem Singh Bedi; on the other hand Kanwar Bikram Singh Kapurthala and Atar Singh Bhadaur gave financial help to Giani Dit Singh; after the trial the local court imposed a fine of 51 rupees on Giani Dit Singh but on appeal against the decision the appellate court acquitted him.
Death of the senior leaders of the Singh Sabha
The tussle between both groups continued as before and it hampered their positive work but, in the next few years most of the senior leaders of the Singh Sabha died: Kanwar Bikram Singh Kapurthala died on the 8th of May 1887, Thakar Singh Sandhanwalia died at Pondicherry on the 18th of September 1887, Atar Singh Bhadaur died on the 10th of June 1896, Raja Bikrama Singh Faridkot died on the 8th of August 1898, Dr Jai Singh died on the 24th of September 1898, Professor Gurmukh Singh died on the 24th of September 1898; and Giani Dit Singh died on the 6th of September 1901; and with his death almost all the senior leaders of the Singh Sabha Movement were off the stage.
Contribution of the Singh Sabha Movement
The Singh Sabha Movement began in 1873; most of its work was done up to 1887; it made great contribution to the Sikh nation:
An English writer had said in 1850 that after 25 years one will not find turban on the head of any person in the Punjab42 and it is the Singh Sabha Movement that disproved his statement; and the Sikh population which had gone down to 1141848 in 1868, rose to 1853428 in 1881, an increase of seven hundred thousand (7 lakhs), i.e. about 60%.
The Sikh rulers get their daughters married to Hindus
On one hand when the Sikhs were becoming conscious of their separate identity and were becoming enlightened about their history and philosophy, some Sikh rulers, under the impact of their Brahmin ministers, began considering themselves as persons of royal blood; in fact there is no genetic superiority in the blood of those who become rulers by chance, luck or military might. Further, the Sikh army chiefs/leaders, who became masters of the Punjab after 1765, were born as dalits-jatts only; their genes were the same as were those of the other farmers, labour or servicemen had; but, under the impact of their Brahmin ministers, they began considering them persons of royal blood, superior than other Sikh elite and even feudal; and under this illusion some of them got convinced that they should marry their children (especially their daughters) in so-called royal families, and these may even be Hindus. The first such marriage was arranged by Raja of Faridkot who got his daughter married to Baldeo Sinh (who was a petty Rajput prince with no kingdom); and it was followed by Ranbir Singh (Raja of Jind) who got his daughter married to Mohinder Partap Sinh (brother of the above mentioned Baldeo Sinh); the last such marriage was that of Ripudaman Kaur (daughter of Maharaja Heera Singh of Nabha) who was married to Raja of Dhaulpur state in 1900s.43
Formation of the Chief Khalsa Diwan
Giani Dit Singh was the last major surviving leader of the Singh Sabha Movement; he died in 1901; hence now only activists of the second and the third line were participating in the efforts to propagate the ideals of the Movement. On the 13th of April 1901, many of these activists held a gathering at Rupar and resolved to form a joint Diwan; later, on the 9th and the 10th of November 1901, another meeting was held at Amritsar which resolved to form a representative Jatha of the Sikhs; again on the 1st of January 1902, about 1200 Sikh activists of 66 Singh Sabhas, held a meeting in the complex of Ramgarhia Bunga (adjacent to Darbar Sahib) and resolved that the Lahore Khalsa Diwan should be accepted as the central organisation; but when the Lahore group did not take any step towards this, another meeting was held on the 19th of August 1902 which resolved to establish a central body of the Sikhs and a sub-committee was formed to draft its rules and regulations: this sub-committee framed constitution which was passed on the 21st of September, and on the 30th of October 1902, a new central organisation, in the name of Chief Khalsa Diwan was formed; on the very first day 29 Singh Sabhas joined it; Arjan Singh Bagarian was elected its first President, Sundar Singh Majithia became the Secretary and Sodhi Sujan Singh was selected Additional Secretary; this organisation was registered on the 1st of July 1902. Later, the Lahore Khalsa Diwan was disbanded in 1903 and in 1905 the publication of the Khalsa Akhbar too was stopped; hence, after 1905, the Chief Khalsa Diwan became central organisation of the Sikhs.
Role of Chief Khalsa Diwan
After its formation, the Chief Khalsa Diwan established an orphanage in the name of Central Khalsa Yatim Khana at Amritsar; this institution did remarkable work; it took care of the Sikh orphan children, provided them residence, food, clothes and education; some of these children achieved high distinctions in different fields e.g. Kesar Singh Novelist, Prof. Sarmukh Singh (S.S.) Amol, Bhai Samund Singh Ragi, Udham Singh Sunam etc. At the time of the partition of the Punjab (1947) this orphanage played remarkable role and took care of the Sikhs orphans. After 1960, this institution went down due to financial crisis and weak management; but, in 1972, when Bhag Singh Ankhi became the in charge of orphanage he turned it into a great institution; and, now, it is perhaps the best public welfare institute of the Sikhs but, still, even some officials of the Diwan, out of jealousy, didn’t let any chance go to disturb its functioning; in July 2011, Bhag Singh was unlawfully removed from his office as the in-charge of this institution which is likely to seriously damage this institution.
The Chief Khalsa Diwan had established two more orphanages: in Shikarpur in Sind state (in 1908) and in Gharjakh in Gujranwala district (in 1909). The Diwan also started Khalsa Parcharak Vidyala at Tarn Taran in 1908, which became the first proper Sikh Missionary College; and this institution produced a large number of missionaries who went to different parts of the sub-continent and preached Sikh faith; the Diwan also established Central Khalsa Hospital at Tarn Taran in 1915; later an elders’ house too was started here.
Another great task of the Chief Khalsa Diwan was to start Sikh Educational Conferences; the first Conference was held at Gujranwala on the 18th and 19th of April 1908 in which Sikh educationists, professors, writers and other elite participated and discussed the scenario of education among the Sikhs; such educational conferences played remarkable role.44 In these Conferences, plans were formulated for (a) spread of Western education among the Sikhs; (b) promotion of the study of Sikh literature; (c) improvement of Sikh educational institutions; (d) opening of new educational institutions; (e) furthering the cause of women’s education among the Sikhs; and (f) promotion of technical and agricultural education. Under the auspices of the Sikh Educational Conference, a number of Khalsa/Sikh, schools were opened throughout the Punjab; S. B. Dharam Singh founded Guru Nanak Vidya Bhandar Trust and played major role; nowadays, more than 50 schools are being run by the Diwan. Among other precious projects launched by the Diwan was publication of magazines, books and tracts; its weekly paper Khalsa Samachar too played remarkable role; and, the Khalsa Tract Society produced rich literature on various Sikh issues of history, philosophy and culture.
Chief Khalsa Diwan launched and accomplished some great projects between 1902 and 1919 but because it was under the control of persons like Sundar Singh Majithia, Bhai Vir Singh and other feudal and men of wealth who were so loyal to the English regime that they would not only collaborate with the regime but would also try to calm the Sikhs from criticising the regime even on very important Sikh issues and even in crucial situations; hence it could not become an organisation of the masses; as a result it was never accepted as representative of the Sikh ethos and it could not get proper reward of its contribution; the revolutionary section of the Sikhs gave it the names like ‘toady’ and ‘sarkaariay’ (government touts). But, this is a truth that the role of the Diwan, in the field of education and public welfare (especially for orphans) is positive, remarkable and worthy of appreciation.
Darbar Sahib under the control of the Brahmins
By the advent of the twentieth century, Darbar Sahib was, in a way, in the grip of the Brahmins, Udasi and Nirmalas: they went to the extent to preach that Amritsar sarovar (tank) was not founded by Guru Ram Das but had been developed from an ‘ancient’ tank (they gave it the name of Braham Kund) of the time of Rama (hero of a fictional work Ramayana); where crows would have a dip and become swans; the Hindus also concocted the story of Rajni whose leper husband’s leprosy was cured after a bath into this tank; these stories had been concocted by the Brahmins with an intention of getting the sarovar reckoned as a Hindu place of worship or a common place for the Sikhs and Hindus; it was also in their mind that by propagating importance of the water of the tank they would at least lead the Sikhs to Brahminic ritualism by considering the bathing tank as tank of ‘holy’ water; and to some extent they did succeed.
By 1905, the Brahmin priests used to roam in the parikarma (periphery) of the sarovar and preach among the Sikhs the importance of ‘ishnaan’ and when some Sikhs would fall into their trap they would make them worship Vishnu, Rama, Krishan, Chandi and other fictitious and mythological gods; the Brahmins, in collaboration with Sikh looking Udasi and Nirmala priests of Darbar Sahib, had placed a big painting, under a ber (ziziphus jujuba) tree (the Brahmins had given this tree the Brahminic name of Dukh Bhanjani Beri), which showed Guru Gobind Singh seeking the blessing of a fictitious ‘devi’ for revelation of Khalsa.
As mentioned earlier, Arur Singh, the sarbrah of Darbar Sahib, has been portrayed as a toady of the English rulers by some Sikh writers, but it is remarkable to note that it was he who played major role in removal of the idols of the fictitious gods and goddesses from the vicinity of Darbar Sahib; it was he who removed the above mentioned painting from the parikarma (periphery) and destroyed it (in fact Arur Singh was also under the influence of the Singh Sabha Movement).
In 1905, another event too affected the scenario; in Kabul, when some Hindus tried to install idols of fictitious gods and goddesses in Gurdwara Guru Har Rai Sahib, some Sikhs opposed it and this case went to the court of law; the court gave a judgement which said: ‘Guru Nanak believed in monotheism and he was opposed to idol worship; hence no idol could be installed or placed in the vicinity of a Gurdwara; the Hindus have nothing to do with a Gurdwara and the Sikhs have nothing to do with a thakar-dwara or shiv-dwara.’45
Gurdwara Reform and Chief Khalsa Diwan
The Singh Sabha Movement ushered awakening among the Sikhs and made them aware of their distinct identity and enlightened them about their philosophy and history. This awareness made them make efforts to stop un-Sikh practices in Darbar Sahib and other Gurdwaras; with this in mind the Chief Khalsa Diwan passed a resolution in 1906 that “the management of Darbar Sahib should be handed over to the Sikhs”; in 1907, Punjab, a newspaper, too suggested formation of a Gurdwara Sambhal Committee for the management of the Sikh shrines.46
Although it is a common belief that the Gurdwara reform had been launched by the Akalis but, truth is that first efforts to this regard had been made by Chief Khalsa Diwan; the Diwan had been engaged in Sikh missionary activities since its formation in 1902; in 1905, Sundar Singh Majithia and Harbans Singh Attrai sent several jathas to the villages for missionary activities; and it was their manoeuvring that Mehtab Singh Bir had formed Khalsa Biradari Karaj Sadhak Dal to preach Sikhism among the so-called untouchable sections of the society. It was Chief Khalsa Diwan which started a Sikh missionary college at Tarn Taran in 1908 and it (Diwan) had sent several Sikh missionaries to Sind; further it was this Diwan which had formed Khalsa Handbill Society and printed several tracts about Sikh history and philosophy.47
This is evident in history that Sundar Singh Majithia48 had performed the marriage of his son Kirpal Singh as per Sikh rites and when he went to offer karah prashad at Darbar Sahib the priests refused to perform ardas for this ‘crime’ (of rejecting Brahminic marriage rites).49
Anand Marriage Act
In 1908, Kanwar Ripudaman Singh, later Maharaja of Nabha, presented Anand Marriage Bill50 in the Imperial Council but Kanwar’s term as member came to an end before it could be passed; however Kanwar’s cause was completed by Sundar Singh Majithia who had replaced Ripudaman Singh as member of Imperial Council in 1909; for this purpose, mainly due to efforts of the Chief Khalsa Diwan and especially Sundar Singh Majithia, about 300 gatherings of Sikhs were held and more than seven hundred thousand (seven lakh) Sikhs had signed a memorandum asking the government to pass this bill; later this lobby became the foundation of the formation of the Sikh League in 1918.
In 1909, Max Arthur Macauliffe’s work The Sikh Religion, history of the Sikhs was published; and it proved a precious source of information on the Sikh history and scripture especially for English speaking people; and they were able to understand difference between Hinduism and Sikhism.
In reaction to this, the Hindus held a Punjab Hindu Conference at Multan, in 1910, and it was presided over by Gurbakhsh Singh Bedi son of Khem Singh Bedi51 (who had
already been acting as a tool of the Hindus to counteract the Singh Sabha Movement). Gurbakhsh Singh Bedi’s act was condemned by all the Sikhs and they stopped having social relations with him.
Though Gurbakhsh Singh had attended the Punjab Hindu Conference but it did not make any difference to an average Sikh; no one followed him and all the Sikhs remained in the mainstream, rather the Sikhs began asserting their independent religious identity more and more; and it is evident from the census of 1911 that 2.88 million people declared themselves as Sikhs in comparison to 1901 when 2.1 million people had declared themselves as Sikhs; hence an increase of more than seven hundred thousand. D. Petrie (Assistant Director C.I.D.), in his secret report sent to the British regime in London, said that the Sikhs’ assertion of separating themselves from Hindus was on increase (and it was a reaction to the activities of the Arya Samaj).52
Political Awakening among the Sikhs
Canal Colonies Bill, Ajit Singh & Lala Lajpat Rai
When the English occupied the Punjab, though there was no crisis of food in the state, the new regime decided to increase food production: at that time most of the agriculture was dependant on rain water or the rivers; there were no man made canals except the Rupar-Sarhind Canal, which had been got dug by Firozshah Tughlak in 1360s); in 1870s the English got dug new canals to provided water to the land in the territory of the districts of Montgomery, Lyallpur as well as Sheikhupura tehsil of Gujranwala district; and with this the regime invited farmers to migrate to those areas and till the land; the regime offered various incentives and provided several facilities; as a result thousands of families moved from different parts of the Punjab moved to these districts and turned the new territory into the food granary of the sub-continent; this enriched the farmers and the government too received a large amount as revenue.
When the farmers had turned this area into ‘gold’ the regime decided to earn more and more from the farmers: It passed Land Alienation Act; and according to this Act, now the tillers would not be the owners of the land; and they would have no right to ‘sell’, alienate, transfer or sign a will regarding this land; in other words they would be considered just tenants. In 1904 Punjab Limitation Act and in 1905 Punjab Pre-emption Act were passed, thus creating more difficulties for them; the last in this series was Canal Colonies Bill; according to this Bill, the rates of irrigation water were increased many times; besides, now, the farmers were not allowed to cut trees from their lands and they were classified just as ‘tillers’. The new Act was not limited only to the canal colonies but was applicable to all the farmers of the Punjab; thus turning all the farmers from land-owners to land tillers on behalf of the regime; but, the farmers of these canal colony districts were badly affected; hence they began realizing themselves as slaves.
About 90% farmers affected by the new Acts were Sikhs; they had not reacted much to the first three Acts but when Canal Colonies Bill became public, they (farmers) became angry and they began calling it as the ‘Charter of Slavery’; and soon there were protest not only in the canal colonies zone but throughout the whole of the Punjab. The first protest took place in March 1907, when Charles Riwaz, the Lt. Governor of the Punjab was being given farewell party at Amritsar and the students of Khalsa College, under the leadership of Tara Singh (later Sikh leader Master Tara Singh), made a forceful demonstration condemning the new laws; the whole media published news about this demonstration; it was perhaps first political demonstration against the English in the Punjab hence in was the formal beginning of the freedom struggle (Mohan Das Karam Chand Gandhi had not yet appeared in the sub-continent).
Again, on the 21st of April 1907, the farmers of Rawalpindi too held a big demonstration; in this demonstration Banke Bihari, a poet, read out a poem ‘pagarhi sambhal jatta…’ which touched the heart of the farmers and inspired them for struggle against the regime. In this demonstration, Ajit Singh of Khatkar Kalan, addressing the farmer said, “You (farmers) are the real masters of the country and the rulers are your workers, and, the deputy commissioner, superintendent police and the senior offices of the government are your servants.” He even provoked the farmers to stop sowing crops till the regime did not withdraw increased water rates; he also asked them stop saluting and greeting the government officials and also boycott the sycophants of the regime and the ‘honorary’ officers.53
When the Deputy Commissioner (D.C.) received the text of the speech of Ajit Singh, he sent him, and the other leaders who had arranged the protest rally, summons to appear before ‘Public Enquiry’ on the 2nd of May; on the fixed hour, hundreds of people gathered outside the office of the D.C.; fearing riots and disturbances, the D.C. postponed the
‘enquiry’ and soon ordered arrest of several leaders; out of them 68 were tried in the court of a Special Magistrate.
The news of the Rawalpindi protest and the arrests of the leaders spread soon throughout the Punjab; at Lahore there was a major protest against these arrests; a big crowd of people reached the Mall Road; soon the horse-mounted police (cavalry) reached there, they trampled people under the feet of their horses, mercilessly cane-charged them and wounded a very large number of people; but, even this persecution could not stop protests.
The news of such protests and police excesses reached the soldiers too; the 26th Infantry battalion comprised mostly of those persons who belonged to the area of canal colonies; they too began expressing their support for the farmers; some of them began talking of rebellion too. Though the soldiers did not carry guns to march against the regime but the administration began realising that there was strong possibility that they could join the protesters; at Firozpur, some soldiers actually participated in a protest; in fact almost all the soldiers had been attending religious congregations in their camps and cantonments; and, the excesses of the government were now openly discussed even in the religious congregations; people in all the Gurdwaras began discussing this agitation and most of the people had turned anti-English; soon it had become a Sikh agitation because most of the affected farmers were Sikhs.
During this agitation, Swarn Singh and Kishan Singh (brothers of Ajit Singh), natives of Khatkar Kalan (who too were migrants in Lyallpur), published several anti-government pamphlets and aroused anti-regime feelings among the farmers; when the government received information about this literature it ordered confiscation of all such literature but by then it had already reached thousands of people; and it had become a major anti-government stir.
Arrest of Ajit Singh and Lala Lajpat Rai
During this period, besides the protests of the farmers, political activists too held congregations; a meeting was held in the Bradlaugh Hall at Lahore too; and Ajit Singh addressed this meeting and gave a very fiery speech. Even Lala Lajpat Rai made inflammatory speeches on the 21st, 22nd of March and 6th of April 1907 and instigated farmers not to pay water bills; all this had been reported by the intelligence (C.I.D.) to the Governor Punjab and he had further conveyed it to India Office (British regime) in London. Finally the government decided to intern Lajpat Rai and Ajit Singh under the Act of 1818; hence Lajpat Rai was arrested on the 9th of May 1907 and Ajit Singh was arrested on the 3rd of June 1907; and both were deported to Mandala (Burma/Mynamar); there were angry protests against these arrests in various parts of the Punjab; but, the regime did not bother much because Lajpat Rai’s friends and associates had already begun approaching the regime for ‘forgiveness’ to him by presenting him as an innocent person; these mercy petitions said that he should not have been bracketed with Ajit Singh; several such appeals and requests had been sent from different quarters to the regime.
Lajpat Rai’s formal apology
On the 22nd of September 1907, Lala Lajpat Rai sent a letter to the Secretary of State for India saying: “I have not participated in the riots of Rawalpindi or Lahore. I have not instigated anyone to participate in these protests and have not made any rebellious speech. I had lawfully opposed the government orders. I have never been in favour of use of violence or unlawful methods nor have I any relation with those who have such an approach”; it was, in fact, a clear apology by Lajpat Rai because he had actually made inflammatory speeches and had aroused people but now he was retracting from his acts.
Even earlier, the Hindu leader Gopal Krishan Gokhale, in his letter dated 10th of June 1907, written to the Private Secretary of the Viceroy, had said: “It is cruel injustice to bracket
Lajpat Rai with Ajit Singh. When I was in Lahore in February, Ajit Singh had begun calling Lajpat Rai a cowards and a tool of the regime.”54
Lala Lajpat Rai’s supporters Hindu weekly and Punjabi monthly papers too published editorials in favour of Lajpat Rai and asked the government to release him. These newspapers branded the government action as an act of revenge and tried to present him (Lajpat Rai) as innocent, justice-loving, law-abiding person.55
Satya M. Rai feels that “Lala Lajpat Rai had now come to making apologies and was also getting statements of sympathy and pity from others too.” It was Lajpat Rai who used to pronounce ‘blood for blood’; it was he who used to praise people like Sufi Amba Prasad and Haidar Ali; and it is he who used to instigate people not to pay taxes.
In fact Lala Lajpat Rai used to exhibit his militant posture; he was opposed to passive and peaceful policy of the Congress party but was not prepared to leave the Party; he used to raise high and loud slogans but in his heart of heart he was afraid of going to jail; so when he was arrested and sent to Burma, he began making explanations, appeals, apologies and sought recommendations from others for reprieve for him; his own letter to the Secretary of State and letters by Gokhale and Lord Minto Morley in his favour were, in a way, like unconditional apology.
The regime was also interested in breaking the pride of leaders; and when it found that Lala Lajpat Rai had degraded himself; it (regime) made an understanding with him and when a compromise was reached it (regime) decided to release him; but now there was a problem that if it released Lajpat Rai it would give impression that Lala had apologized and would tarnish his image and in that case the regime won’t be able to use him for its ends; hence it was decided that both Lajpat Rai and Ajit Singh should be released. Lala and Ajit Singh were released on the 18th of November 1807; after his release Lala went to Lahore and became busy in his legal practice but Ajit Singh continued his revolutionary activities.
Lala Lajpat Rai shaved his head and beard
It is very interesting to note that at that time Lala Lajpat Rai used to live like a Sikh; he had unshorn hair, beard and moustache; he used to tie beards and have a turban on his head.56 When he exhibited his cowardice in 1907 and came home after his release and met his mother Gulab Devi she reproached him and said that he had insulted his Sikh image as a Sikh would never apologize like that; at this Lala was so demoralised that he removed his turban and cut his hair and beard and began living as a mahasha (fanatic Hindu).
Lala Lajpat Rai shaved his head and beard
By this time, the regime had long deliberations about the Canal Colony Bill; it realised that the land of canal colonies had been tilled mostly by those who had army background, and, moreover these areas were the best centres for army recruitment; hence the regime realized that struggle for land rights and alike issues could turn into a rebellion at any time; as a result Lord Minto vetoed this Bill and also reduced rates for water irrigation and land.
The veto of the Canal Colony Bill brought an end to commotion in the Punjab but still revolutionary group continued its activities; Arjan Singh and his sons (Swarn Singh, Ajit Singh), Dhanpat Rai vakil, Zia-ul-Haq, Sufi Amba Parsad continued publishing literature against foreign rule and all this created an underground movement for freedom; at this the regime arrested all of them and granted them long sentences; but at that time Ajit Singh was in Bushahar (Iran); when he came to know that the English regime would arrest him, he went underground.
Now, though the 1907-08 peasants’ agitation was over but still, the Hindu leaders continued inspiring and provoking the Sikhs and the other Punjabis for rebellious and military activities. On the 29th of December 1908, a Hindu leader Bipan Chander Pal, while addressing a gathering in Caxton Hall London said: “Punjab is not dead; I can see the Sikhs making sacrifices with sword in their hands and are saying ‘I have given my head but not my principles’.57 Innocent and naive Sikhs would get instigated by such provocations and would get ready for rebellion and violence; not only the Sikhs but also other Punjabis who had been practicing Sikh culture in their homes also had almost the same spirit; this is evident from an important page of the history of the Punjab; in June 1909, Vir Savarkar (a fundamentalist Hindu leader) instigated Madan Lal Dhingra, a Punjabi youth to take revenge from the English for their crimes; and, he (Dhingra) killed Sir William Curzon Wahili in London on the 1st of July 1909 (Dhingra was hanged for this murder); it is remarkable to note that Bipan Chander Pal, Gopal Krishan Gokhale, Sir Surinder Nath Bannerjee, N.C. Kelkar, Sir Agha Khan etc condemned Dhingra’s action.
After the hanging of Madan Lal Dhingra, again there was lull for about three years; this silence was broken when the Ghadr Party was formed in 1913.
The Ghadr Movement
Before the Ghadr Movement: Although some writers consider Ghadr Movement as a result of injustice done to the Sikh (and Punjabi) migrants by the Canadian white rulers but, in fact, it has its echo in the Sikhs’ craving for regaining their sovereignty which they had lost to the English; the Sikhs have always recited, at least twice a day, ‘raaj karega khalsa...’ their song of national aspirations. To make the Sikhs forget this, the English gave them several incentives and facilities; they were enrolled in the Indian English Army and they were granted land in the newly established canal colonies ushering green revolution; it did attract the feudal and also created a new loyal class among the Sikhs but an average Sikh never reconciled to it and his aspiration of return of the Khalsa rule always remained in his mind (not just in unconscious or sub conscious mind).
In 1907, when some Hindu organisations observed the golden jubilee of failed Ghadr of 1857,58 a meeting was held at Caxton Hall London on the 10th of May 1857; a pamphlet under the caption of ‘Khalsa’ was distributed there; it appealed the Sikhs saying: ‘Khalsa ji be ready for struggle to expel the English from the land of Khalsa.’
Almost during the same period, Bhai Teja Singh of Mastuana, a Sikh missionary, too was studying at Harvard University; he had been preparing the Sikhs for participation in struggle for freedom of the Sikh Homeland. Though all this helped in inculcating the thought of freedom but it could not become ground for any action or planning; but this thought began spreading throughout the Sikhs living in Canada, USA and England; and the Sikhs began talking about sovereignty.
In the beginning of the twentieth century, the Sikhs in the USA and Canada had become affluent and they had now enough surplus money to contribute for national and welfare projects; hence, in 1906, the Sikhs of Vancouver (Canada) purchased some land and established their first Gurdwara59; and soon some of them formed a company in the name of Guru Nanak Mining Company and started business; this was followed by purchase of about 250 hectares of land, in Eagle Harbour, for establishing Guru Nanak Colony, a suburb exclusively for residences of the Sikhs. By this time there were ten thousand Sikh workers in Canada.
When the Sikhs achieved all this some white racist Canadians became jealous of them; they did not like the presence of any non-white immigrants in the British Columbia; hence they began thinking of planning to send them out of Canada. Under this conspiracy, they approached some Sikhs and tried to convince them that there were more incentives in Honduras (now Belize) hence they should move to that country; they arranged a tour of Honduras for some of the Sikh representatives and the Sikhs sent Nazar Singh and Sham Singh to Honduras to personally observe the conditions there; they visited Honduras on the 25th of October 1908 and noticed that Honduras was a poor country with lesser income and even lesser possibilities of jobs; hence after their return to Canada, they reported the truth to their fellowmen on the 22nd of November 1908, they told their fellowmen that Honduras was a small island as compared to Canada and it is there that hard criminals are exiled to this island60; after this report the Sikhs refused to move to Honduras; and with this the planning of the white officials failed to mature and the Sikhs decided to stay in Canada.61
In the USA, as mentioned earlier, since the advent of the twentieth century, the Sikhs of North America, had become affluent; hence they decided to sponsor some Indian students for education in the USA; they decided to issue scholarships; and they floated the scheme throughout the Indian community of the North America; and, it is interesting to note that the affluent Hindus of this continent refused to contribute any money; hence all the contribution came from the Sikh quarters; but when they invited applications, all those who applied were non-Punjabis and only Hindus.
In Canada, as mentioned earlier, the White officials (mostly English) had been planning to send the Sikhs out of Canada but when they could not succeed they began thinking of other options to trouble the Sikhs; and they made rules banning the migration of the families of the Indian migrants into Canada; they also passed a law that only those persons will be allowed entry into Canada who come directly from their country and those who reach Canada via some other country will not be allowed entry; this law was passed on the 8th of January 1908 (known as P.C. 27; later, this was passed as a special law, Privy Council Order, no. 920, on the 9th of May 1910, by the Canadian Parliament).62 At that time the ships used to sail from Chinese ports but there was no direct transport between Canada and India; all the Indians had to come via Hong Kong or any other land; as a result seventeen thousand Chinese could enter Canada but not a single Indian could come due to new rules; this created problem even for those whose ladies wanted to join their husbands and the children who wanted to join their parents.
It was a cruel treatment by the English of the Sikhs a least; because most of the Sikhs (about 90%) living in Canada were ex servicemen who had served the English army for decades; during the Buxor action in China, the English had sent 18 companies of the soldiers and out of these 16 were purely Sikh companies. It was strange that those (Sikhs) who had fought for the English were being troubled but those who had fought against the English (i.e. Chinese) were given free hand; it was injustice, and, it was ungratefulness.
The Sikhs waited for some time and finally decided to struggle against the unjust laws. On the 16th of April 1911, a conference was held a Vancouver where a resolution was passed against this law. It is remarkable to note that though, in Canada, there were non-Sikh Indians too but all the struggle was launched only by the Sikhs and their organisations, and that even from the Gurdwaras; under the patronage of Khalsa Diwan Society Vancouver; Teja Singh Mastuana, Dr Sundar Singh and Raja Singh Barian worked very hard; they met Rogers, the Immigration Canadian Minister in Ottawa, on the 15th of December 1911 and presented their case. Even in the Punjab, voices were raised to protest against the discrimination in Canada; the first action was in the form of a resolution by Khalsa Sabha Poohla (then Lahore district, now Amritsar district); Gwalior and Simla Singh Sabhas also passed resolution in favour of the Sikhs in Canada; from among leaders Sant Singh of Lyallpur made serious efforts.
In February 1913, Khalsa Diwan Society invited Baba Jawala Singh Thathian from California (USA) to visit Canada; on his arrival a meeting was held on the 22nd of February 1913, in which it was decided that a deputation should be sent to England to present the Sikh case before the government; Baba Jawala Singh and Nand Singh from the USA and Bhai Balwant Singh (granthi) and Bhai Narain Singh (joint granthi) were selected as members of this deputation: This deputation reached London in April 1913; there they arranged a meeting on the 14th of May 1913 and discussed the issue with the local fellowmen; later they approached the English authorities but they did not help the Sikhs; after this, this deputation left England on the 28th of May 1913; from London, they reached Lahore on the 6th of July 1913 and then went to Simla to talk to Michael O’Dwyer, the Governor of the Punjab; a meeting was held on the 18th of September 1913 but he too did not make any promise; later they met the Viceroy on the 20th of December 1913; he too did not help the deputation of the Sikhs; as a result, during this meeting Bhai Balwant Singh used tough words against the English regime;63 still it did not yield any results; after this the Sikhs held a rally in Simla; it was addressed by, among others, Sundar Singh Majithia too; but in spite of this the Governor did not help the Sikhs; and this deputation had to return empty-handed; and it finally decided to return to Canada and launch agitation there. All these activities, lobbying, manoeuvring and agitation clearly shows that although the discriminatory laws applied and affected all the Indians but it was only the Sikhs who were struggling against injustice; there was not a single
Hindu who participated in these activities; and, moreover, all this was done under the patronage of Vancouver Gurdwara; if anyone else helped them were the Sikhs of the USA, Hong Kong, China, Singapore etc.
When the Sikhs did not succeed in bringing an end to discrimination, they began realising that the reason for all that was their slavery; the Chinese were a free nation hence they were not discriminated against and had there been any problem to them, the Chinese government would have helped them but in their case their country’s regime being alien was not interested in helping them.
All this led to anti-English feelings among them; hence most of the Sikhs and the Indians began thinking of freedom of their land from the English regime; soon began the publication of magazines and other literature in which open rebellion against the English was preached; and the major centres of this propaganda were Canada, China, Hong Kong and Malaysia; the spies reported circulation of such literature to the regime and it (regime) started investigations; it engaged, among others, Hassan Hatano, a Japanese to spy the activities of the Sikhs; Hassan had already relations with the Sikhs as he used to translate their material from Japanese to English and vice versa. In 1914, the English asked him to find out the person behind the publication and circulation of the Sikh literature against the English; Hassan received 200 yen for this purpose; and he revealed the names of the ‘ring leaders’ of the literature campaign; these three were: 1. S. Ishar Singh (contractor Johore, Malaya, now Malayasia); 2. Dr. Thakar Singh Ikolaha (Canton-Kowloon Railways, China); 3. Secretary Sikh Temple (1866, 2nd Avenue, Vancouver, Canada); Hassan Hatano also ‘sold’ names of 500 Sikh activists to the English intelligence.64 According to the same report (of August 1914) in the USA Sohan Singh Bhakna, Udham Singh Kasel and Harnam Singh were most active against the English regime.
According to the English reports, this movement was a part of the Sikhs’ desire for regaining their lost sovereignty and a large number of Sikhs were willing to contribute money to run struggle for this purpose. Later, non-Sikhs like Lala Hardyal, Parma Nand etc, being clever, took the command of this movement in their hands; both of them, later, recanted and began living an easy life but the Sikhs had to suffer prison, fines and martyrdom.
Formation of Ghadr Party
Before the formation of the Ghadr Party, there was already existing the Hindustani Association since 1909; it had established a press where a Punjabi paper Pardesi Khalsa, and an Urdu paper Swadesh Sewak were published; it also published several tracts including Ghadr Sandesh, Ailan-i-Jang, Rikab Ganj, Canada Da Duhra, Naujawano Utho, Sachchi Pukar etc. In 1912, Hindustani Association was formed at Portland with Sohan Singh Bhakna as chief and G.D. Kumar as secretary (due to his illness Lala Hardyal replaced him). The Party declared its aim in the following word: “Today, there begins a war against British Raj…our name is Ghadr…our job is Ghadr…the time will soon come when rifles and blood will take place of pen and ink.” In an ‘advertisement’ it asked the people to join the Party; it said: “Wanted enthusiastic and chivalrous soldiers for organising Ghadr in India; remuneration will be death; reward will be martyrdom; pension will be freedom.”
Later, the Sikhs (there were a very small number of Muslims and Hindus too) of the USA held a meeting in Bridal Vale (Oregon state) on the 31st of March 1913 and decided to unite under a banner and launch a struggle against injustice: At that time Lala Hardyal, a shrewd Hindu activist, was also present in the USA, he too attended it and with his clever manoeuvring took command of the newly formed organisation; and it was he who proposed that the new organisation, instead of Khalsa Diwan, should be named as Hindi Association; and, as most of the Sikh activists were illiterate, soon he was able to have full control of its office and funds.
This organisation launched a paper in the name of Ghadr;65 the first issue of this paper was released on the 1st of November 1913.
Soon, the branches of the new organisation were established in Shangai (Sundar Singh, Dr Mathra Singh, Wisakha Singh Dadehar, Sajjan Singh), Hong Kong (Dr Thakar Singh Ikolaha; later Giani Bhagwan Singh, Harnam Singh, Bishan Singh too joined the Movement), Philippines, Siam (Thailand), Panama and other countries too. In the USA, Sohan Singh Bhakna, Harnam Singh Kala Sangha, Harnam Singh Tundilaat, Kartar Singh Latala, Nidhan Singh Chuggha, Jawala Singh Thathian, Santokh Singh etc were working very sincerely and actively. Ghadr Party resolved that the Indian sub-continent should be freed from foreign yoke. As per planning, the Punjab was to be freed first of all; the next was Kashmir and it was to be followed by Awadh, Bundhelkhand, Hindustan, Malwa, Rajputana and other countries.
Planning of Ghadr
Although no document of formal planning of armed action is available in any source but there finds a reference to a suggested plan is available from a letter written by Dr Thakar Singh Ikolaha from Canton (China) to Giani Bhagwan Singh (then at Hong Kong) on the 17th of November 1914. This letter could not reach Bhagwan Singh as he had already left his place; and, it could not be delivered to him even after having been directed to his new addresses; it finally fell into the hands of censure at Hong Kong; which opened it and got it deciphered from Punjabi into English (as a result of this letter Dr Thakar Singh was arrested and deported to India, and imprisoned for four and a half years in different jails).
According to this letter, Dr. Thakar Singh had suggested that on the birthday of Guru Gobind Singh, a joint action will be launched simultaneously in all the tehsils, police stations and districts; the revolutionary forces will murder the English officials and, in their place, patriot workers shall be appointed; the Indian soldiers should have already been prepared to join revolutionary action; hence the Punjab will soon be captured and freed; and, the English forces, being busy in war against Germany won’t be able to do much. All this action will be done on the same day throughout the Punjab. According to the letter Dr Thakar Singh had offered to take charge of Ludhiana district.66
This was the proposed plan of action to free the Punjab, which had been suggested and discussed by the Ghadr leaders and workers; but this was not acceptable to Lala Hardyal and other Hindu leaders who suggested that the action for expelling the English should be started from Kashmir and North West Frontier Province (N.W.F.P.); it was a strange suggestion because in these two zones there was not a single person who was interested in participating in an armed action; and on the other side more than 90% of the Ghadrites were Sikhs, but, it seems that Hardyal and his associates were not willing to hand over power to the Sikhs; it was one of the reasons that led to failure of Ghadr planning.
(It is widely believed that either Hardyal had been planted by the English intelligence because first he tried to thwart the Punjab action; and when he could not stop it, he ‘retired’ from all the struggle for freedom; or having been once arrested in the USA, and moving to Switzerland after release on bail, he realized that struggle would also mean being in jail also, so he retired from all political activity; after his he .began living in Switzerland and adopted western way of life; later he was found dead in mysterious circumstances; it is possible that he might have been dubbed as a traitor and killed by some revolutionaries).
Sikhs in Canada and Kamagatamaru ship
As mentioned earlier, the racist white regime in Canada had passed a law that only those persons will be allowed in Canada who come direct from their own country and not via any other land; to solve this problem, Gurdit Singh of Sarhali (Amritsar district), who was a
contractor in Malaya (Malaysia) in those days, hired a ship, named Kamagatamaru, from a Japanese company for six months on a rent of 11000 dollars per month67 so that people could have an unbroken journey to Canada. In fact this was a cargo ship and was not in good condition; Gurdit Singh spent an amount of 2500 dollar from his pocket and got it repaired and fitted with proper furniture.68 The ship was to leave for Canada on the 30th of March but the Hong Kong’s white regime tried to create obstacles in its departure; even Gurdit Singh was arrested on frivolous charges (though released after 3 days on the 28th of March 1914).69
Finally, this ship sailed from Hong Kong along with 165 passengers70, 111 joined from Shinghai, 86 from Moji and 14 from Yokohama; thus a total of 357 passengers.71
The ship reached Victoria (Canada) on the 21st of May 1914 and then entered the waters of Vancouver; but the authorities did not allow it to reach near the port and stopped it [only 20 passengers who had already been living in Canada and a Hindu Dr Raghunath Sinh (who was, in fact, a spy of the English authorities), were allowed to land]; at one stage the authorities threatened to blow the ship with guns; at this the Sikhs of Vancouver threatened that if the authorities fired at the ship they (Sikhs) will burn the city of Vancouver; after this legal battle as well as public pressure was also built but the Sikhs could not succeed. Finally the ship had to return; it left Vancouver on the 23rd of July under the escort of Canadian Navy; it reached Kilpi on the 23rd of September; here the police entered the ship and searched the passengers’ luggage; finally the ship reached Baj Baj Port (near Calcutta) on the 26th of September 1914.72
Firing at Baj Baj
By the time the ship reached Baj Baj port, the English regime had passed two new laws: ‘Aliens Law’ on the 29th of August 1914 and ‘Ingress Into India Act’ a few days later; and according to these laws the police had been given right to arrest anyone entering into British Indian soil. When the ship reached Baj Baj, the police stopped the passengers from leaving and ordered them to sit in the train which had been specially arranged for taking all the passengers to the Punjab but the passengers refused to board the train and they, Guru Granth Sahib amid them, began moving towards Calcutta: when the Sikhs did not stop, the police opened fire on them; fifteen passengers were killed and the rest were arrested but Gurdit Singh and some other passengers succeeded in escaping arrest.
When the news of this treatment with the Kamagatamaru ship and Baj Baj killings reached Punjab, there was widespread anger everywhere; only the Chief Khalsa Diwan and Congress Party condemned the passengers. It was also in the air that the sarbrah (manager) of Akal Takht Arur Singh had issued a statement that the passengers who confronted the police at Baj Baj Ghat were not Sikhs (but there is no reference in any source regarding such a statement; not even in the pro-government newspapers of the day say anything about it; however, on the 12th of October 1920, when Kartar Singh Jhabbar made a speech from Akal Takht, after the Takht building was taken over by the Sikhs, he condemned Arur Singh for issuing such a statement).
Killings in Canada
Murder of Bhai Bhag Singh, Bhai Batan Singh and Martyrdom of Bhai Mewa Singh Lopoke
The Kamagatamaru episode established that the Sikhs of Canada had a national unity and even in future they will work as a united force. By that time the white regime had already won over some Sikhs to act as agents of the regime; their functions was twofold: to spy into the activities of the Sikhs and report the same to the authorities and also to create division among the Sikhs; now they began another task of harassing and troubling the leaders of the Sikhs; all these spies used to work under the command of an English official W.C.
Hopkinson;73 the main agent of Hopkinson was Bela Singh Jian and others included Babu Singh, Harnam Singh (a former granthi of Millside Gurdwara and a room-mate of Babu Singh), Arjan Singh and some more too used to collaborate with them from time to time; the Sikhs were very angry about the behaviour of these touts and wanted to punish them.
On the 31st of August 1914, someone killed Harnam Singh, chopped off his head and threw his dead body near the railway track; Harnam Singh was the best friend of Bela Singh and had been missing since the 17th of August. It was widely believed that he had been killed for being an agent of the white people (later it was revealed that he had been killed by Jagat Singh of Sursingh village; he was not the same Jagat Singh who was hanged in Lahore Conspiracy Case). To the bad luck of Bela Singh, Arjan Singh, another of his best friends, too was killed within a few days; but, Arjan Singh had been accidently killed by his own friend Ram Singh (later Ram Singh was tried in a court of law but the judge acquitted him).
The loss of two agents was a great shock for Bela Singh and Hopkinson and they wanted to take revenge from the Sikh leaders; Hopkinson prepared Bela Singh to murder Bhag Singh Bhikhiwind (President Khalsa Diwan Society) and Mit Singh Pandori; and he assured that he (Hopkinson) will save him from going to jail. Having planned for shooting the Sikhs, Bela Singh went to the Gurdwara on the 5th of September 1914 and took seat near Bhai Bhag Singh; when Bhai Bhag Singh made obeisance to Guru Granth Sahib to begin ardaas (prayer), Bela Singh started firing at him; he (Bhag Singh) fell down; and, when Batan Singh (of Dalel Singh wala) tried to stop Bela Singh, the latter shot at him too and he too fell down; both were taken to hospital where they died after making statements. Several other persons too were injured in firing; they included Uttam Singh Nurpuri, Labh Singh Dhakko, Jawala Singh Sheikh Daulat, Daleep Singh Fahla and two more.
Bela Singh was arrested and tried for murder; Bhai Balwant Singh, Uttam Singh and even Jawala Singh (brother of Arjan Singh, who had been accidently killed in early days of September 1914) appeared as eye witnesses and told the court that it was Bela Singh who had killed the two Sikh leaders without any reason; on the other hand, Babu, Thakar, Sewa, Natha, Gangu Ram and Dr Raghunath Sinh, the local Hindus (all of them were agents of the police), appeared as defence witnesses and stated that Bela Singh had fired in self defence. The police official Hopkinson too became his (Bela Singh’s) defence witness; he was to appear in court on the 21st of October 1914 to make statement in favour of Bela Singh in order to prove the killings by Bela Singh as a result of provocation and secondly that Bela Singh had acted due to his insanity.
The role of the Hindus and white police made the Sikhs angry and some of them began thinking that it was Hopkinson who was the main person behind all these troubles; it was he who had engaged Bela Singh and the local Hindus as agents; and some Sikhs wanted to punish him, Mewa Singh of Lopoke was one of these persons; he secretly made a planning to kill Hopkinson; when, on the 21st of October 1914, Hopkinson went to the court to appear in favour of Bela Singh, Mewa Singh too reached there with two loaded pistols and fired a shot at Hopkinson; the latter tried to grab Mewa Singh but in the meanwhile he fired another shot after which Hopkinson fell down;74 Mewa Singh could have escaped but he did not try to run; he openly confessed killing Hopkinson and proclaimed that he was responsible for all the trouble; Mewa Singh was tried for murder; his case was decided on the 30th of October and he was given death sentence; he was hanged on the 11th of January 1915.75
On the other hand, on the 18th of November 1914, Bela Singh was acquitted76 in the case of the murder of Bhai Bhag Singh and Batan Singh; the court gave verdict that Bela Singh had committed that act for self defence. During this period, some Sikhs made a planning to punish Bela Singh; however, an attempt by Bhai Jagat Singh to kill him (Bela Singh) on the 18th of March 1915 did not succeed and rather Jagat Singh got killed by Partap Singh (a companion of Bela Singh); Partap Singh was given life imprisonment in this case
(but he was released after 4 years). On the 13th of April 1915, Bela Singh and his gang blew up residence of Mehtab Singh; the latter was killed in this explosion. Again, on the 16th of April 1915, he and his companions attacked Bhai Lachhman Singh (because he was friendly to Bhai Balwant Singh); in this case he (Bela Singh) and Naina Singh were given imprisonment for one year; sometimes later Bela Singh’s companion Partap Singh made an unsuccessful attempts to kill Mit Singh Pandori (on the 3rd of December 1915, Partap Singh was given one year’s jail term for this). After his release Bela Singh spent some time in Canada but the police realised that the Sikhs will definitely kill him for his crimes; so he was given a lot of money (as reward) and sent to him village in the Punjab. In Punjab too he became a tout of the police; he actually helped in the arrest of some Babar Akalis. Later, in April-May 1934, Bhai Harnam Singh Soond and his companions killed him (news of his murder was published in daily Vancouver Sun, on the 9th of May 1934). Bela’s killer could not be identified for about seven years, and, when they were arrested and tried the court had to release them due to insufficient evidence against them.
Actions and finale of the Ghadr Movement
The Ghadr Party had planned to launch its armed action after a preparation of ten years i.e. in 1924-25 but when the war between England and Germany broke out on the 28th of July 1914, the action was pre-poned to 1917. On the 4th of August 1914, Ghadr, the newspaper published an appeal to its members and sympathisers to go to their villages to participate in struggle for freedom; soon all the activists of Ghadr Party began leaving for their homeland; the first batch actually left right in August 1914; Kartar Singh Sarabha and Harnam Singh Tundilaat were also in this batch; it was followed by a bigger group of 70 persons which left by S.S. Korea ship; it left San Francisco on the 29th of August 1914; according to government reports, between the 13th of October 1914 and 25th of February 1915, 2312 Ghadr workers entered British India; in fact the total number of Ghadr workers who came to join the action was much more than the government figures.
The intelligence had already informed the government about their departure for Calcutta; hence before they could reach there the government had issued two Ordinances: Aliens’ Act on the 29th of August 1914 and Ingress Into India Act a few days later; and according to these laws the police had been given right to arrest anyone entering into British Indian soil; hence whosoever landed in Calcutta was arrested and taken to an interrogation centre set up at Ludhiana; there a thorough interrogation of each and every passenger was done and action was taken. Out of these North American passengers 370 were charged and imprisoned, 2212 were interned in their villages.77 Those who were imprisoned included Dr Thakar Singh Ikolaha, Kartar Singh Latala, Harnam Singh, Jagat Singh Chuggha and Bibi Gulab Kaur too.
In spite of the arrest of so many senior activists of the Ghadr Party, some of them had already escaped, and, some of those who had been interned in their villages, they too fled and held a meeting and planned the execution of the plan of Ghadr for the 15th of November 1914 but it was, later, postponed to the 21st of February 1915.
As per planning, Harnam Singh, Gurmukh Singh Lalton, Udham Singh Kasel, Piara Singh Langeri etc began contacting soldiers in different units; they were able to make contact with soldiers in cantonments at Mian Mir (Lahore), Jalandhar, Firozpur, Peshawar, Jehlum, Rawalpindi, Mardan, Kohat, Bannu, Ambala, Merrut, Kanpur and Agra etc; and they had got assurance from the soldiers of the 23rd Cavalry, 25th Punjabi, 128 Pioneers, 9th Bhopal, 12th Cavalry etc; the total number of units contacted by them was more than 20.
On the 12th of February 1915, it was decided to start rebellion on the 21st of February 1915. As per planning, on the 21st of February 1915, the soldiers were to kill the white officers and take control of all ammunition; this action was to begin simultaneously in all the
cantonments (Lahore, Firozpur, Rawalpindi, Merrut etc) and then to proceed to Delhi. Wisakha Singh Dadehar was selected in charge of this action. In the Majha area the action was to begin on the 20th of February with attack on Lopoke police station where a large quantity of arms and ammunition had been stocked. In Malwa, Bhai Randhir Singh (later founder of Akhand Keertani Jatha), Kartar Singh Sarabha and Sajjan Singh Narangwal were to monitor the action; they were also being co-operated by Ras Bihari Bose, Sachin Sanyal, Vishnu Ganesh Pingle and some other Bengali revolutionaries.
During the course of their action, it was planned that the informers of the regime should also be punished, bridges should be blow up, trains should be derailed; and to translate these plan into action they had set up factories to manufacture bombs and other explosives.
On the other hand, the intelligence had been getting all the details about the activities of the Ghadr leaders; they had succeeded in planting some spies in the organisation; so much so that a C.I.D. officer, Kirpal Singh Brar, succeeded in becoming a member of the apex body of the Ghadr Party; and it is strange that he had joined the party just 9 days earlier and soon he was able to become a member of their Central Committee; but, soon, some Ghadr workers began doubting his credentials and stopped sharing information with him; now the date of Ghadr was also advanced by one day (from the 21st of February to the 20th of February 1915) but Kirpal Singh spy got this information too and he immediately reported the same to the authorities; hence in the evening of the 19th February, a big contingent of the army put siege to the secret headquarters of the Ghadr Party and arrested 13 most senior leaders of the Party; besides these arrests Vishnu Ganesh Pingle was arrested at Merrut on the 23rd of March 1915; (however Ras Bihari Bose and Kartar Singh Sarabha succeeded in escaping to Varanasi); along with these arrests all the Sikh soldiers were disarmed and put under strict vigil by the English officer; and with this all their planning got aborted; and Ghadr action died before it could be launched.
Trials and Punishments
The arrests of the majority of the Ghadr leaders brought almost an end to the movement; and to try the Ghadr activists, the Government of India passed ‘Defence of India Act’ and under it established a tribunal with Pandit Shiv Narayan and two English judges as its members: the arrested persons were tried inside the Central Jail Lahore under ‘Lahore Conspiracy Case’ which began on the 26th of April 1915 and on the 13th of September 1915, of the 82 tried in this case 24 were given death sentence (later death sentences of 17 of these was converted into life imprisonment), 23 were given life sentence and 6 were given various terms of imprisonment; those who were finally hanged included Kartar Singh Sarabha, Jagat Singh Sur Singh, Harnam Singh Bhatti Goraya, Bakhshish Singh Gilwali, Surain Singh s/o Ishar Singh Gilwali, Surain Singh s/o Bur Singh Gilwali, and Vishnu Ganesh Pingle. Those who were given lesser sentence included Sohan Singh Bhakna, Nidhan Singh Chuggha, Jawala Singh Thathian, Wisakha Singh Dadehar, Piara Singh Langeri, Udham Singh Kasel, Harnam Singh Tundilaat etc.
After the beginning of the trial in this case, some more Ghadr activists had been arrested; they were tried in Supplementary Lahore Conspiracy Case; its trial began on the 29th of October 1915 and Pandit Shiv Narayan and two English judges gave their verdict on the 30th of March 1916; in this case 5 (Uttam Singh Hans, Ishar Singh Dhudike, Rur Singh Talwandi Dosanjh, Ranga Singh Khurdpur, Bir Singh Bahowal) were given death sentence, 64 were to be transported for life and 8 were given various terms of imprisonment (Bhai Randhir Singh Narangwal, Harnam Singh Kala Sangha, Inder Singh Sheikh Daulat too were among them).
The Second Supplementary Case was stated on the 8th of November 1916 in the court of Rai Bahadur Gopal Das Bhandari and two judges who gave verdict on the 5th of January
1917; five (Bhai Balwant Singh Khurdpur, Rur Singh Sanghwal, Hafiz Abdullah, Nama, Babu Ram) were given death sentence, seven were given life imprisonment and five were acquitted. In the Third Supplementary Case the verdict was given on the 2nd of March 1917; in this case Mathra Singh Dhudial was given death sentence. The Fourth Supplementary Case was decided on the 26th of May 1917; Jawand Singh Nangal Kalan was given death sentence in this case.
Besides these five Lahore Conspiracy Cases, Prem Singh, Sur Singh and Inder Singh Padhri Kalan, were given death sentence in Padhri Murder Trial; Kala Singh Jagatpur, Chanan Singh Burchand village, Harnam Singh Thathi Khara, Atma Singh Thathi Khara, Banta Singh Sanghwal were given death sentence in Valla Bridge Amritsar murder case; Kala Singh Jagatpur and Chanan Singh were given death sentence in Jagatpur murder case; Banta Singh Sanghwal and Buta Singh Akalgarh were given death sentence in Nangal murder case; Harnam Singh Sahri and five others were given death sentence in Burma case. From among the soldiers, trials were held of the following units: 23 Cavalry (twelve death sentences and six life sentences; the twelve were shot dead in Dagshai cantonment), 12 Cavalry (4 death sentences), 130 Baloch (4 death sentences and 59 life sentences), and 128 Pioneers (1 death sentence). Besides, some trials were held in San Francisco and Chicago (USA) too.
In all these cases, 101 were given death sentences or were shot by the army, 316 were transported for life (to Andamans) or varying terms of imprisonment, and 42 were acquitted; some were killed while trying to escape and still some died in jails due to ill treatment and sickness.
Causes of failure of Ghadr
The Ghadr Movement which could have ended the British rule in the South Asia miserably failed due to some reasons e.g. lack of good leadership, failure to keep secrecy, lack of co-ordination between the leaders, infiltration of intelligence; alertness of the C.I.D., police and army; Ismonger and Slattery (in An Account of Ghadr Conspiracy) too support the above thesis.
According to the reports of the Home Department of the British regime, even in 1934, there were about 700 former Ghadr workers who were active in the field.78
Ghadr Movement and the Sikhs
Ghadr Party was in fact a Sikh Movement; more than 95% of its members were Sikhs; the main centres for its organisation were Gurdwaras; its sources were funds from the Sikhs only; almost all its actions took place in the Sikh-Punjab. There is no doubt that a couple of Muslims joined it and some Bengali revolutionaries made their contribution but the Hindus form abroad or in the Punjab did not participate; Lala Hardyal, as mentioned earlier, was either a spy of the imperialist forces or was a coward who, having been once arrested in the USA, retired for fear of going to jail; on the other hand, some other Hindus like Parma Nand and Ram Chand even went even to the extent of renouncing their relationship with the revolutionaries. Even the Communist writer Gurcharan Singh Sehansara accepts that the English regime considered it only a Sikh movement because the regime punished only the Sikhs (except the hard core leaders like Vishnu Ganesh Pingle, Hafiz Abdullah and Babu Ram) and acquitted all the Hindus.79
According to the government, even after the failure of the Ghadr in the Punjab, the Sikhs living abroad kept this Movement alive; some of them even went to Russia and got training there; all of these ‘extremists’ hated the English and continued their activities to end the British rule.80
After their release most of the Ghadr activists joined political parties which were engaged in movements for the freedom of their homeland from the English; though some of
them joined the Communist Party too but most of them joined the Sikh League, Shiromani Akali Dal, Babar Akalis; e.g. Wisakha Singh Dadehar, Bhai Randhir Singh, Dr Thakar Singh Ikolaha (he remained General Secretary and Vice President of Akali Dal), Piara Singh Langeri (he remained an office bearer of the Akali Dal), Piara Singh Canadian etc; and two leaders of Kamagatamaru ship (Gurdit Singh and Rai/Daljit Singh Kauni) too joined the Akali Movement; Gurdit Singh became president of Akali Dal in June; Rai Singh served as the manager of Gurdwara at Muktsar; Wisakha Singh was chairman of Parliamentary Board for SGPC elections in 1936; he also served as caretaker of Akal Takht. Similarly, Karam Singh Jhingarh, Karam Singh Daulatpur joined the Babar Akali Movement; according to the government, the Babar Akali Movement was revival of Ghadr Movement; most of them were former emigrant and like Ghadr workers they used 32 bore revolvers and Mausers.81
On the 21st of November 1924, a ‘Qaidi Parvar Sahaik Committee’ was formed to help the families of jailed Ghadr workers; later it was merged with another such Committee; it had 21 members: 13 from Ghadr Party, 4 from Sikh League and 4 were co-opted by these 17 members; Wisakha Singh was the first president of this Committee, Harchand Singh Lyallpuri was its General Secretary and Dr Thakar Singh Ikolaha was its Joint Secretary.82
The Sikh League
It was written in the constitution of the Chief Khalsa Diwan that the organisation will not discuss nor participate on any political issue; hence it (Diwan) did not react to any such situation; even in 1907, it (Diwan) did pass a very weak resolution, making a request to the government to consider the demands of the farmers; hence the elite as well as common Sikhs did not have a soft corner for the Diwan; a Sikh raees (affluent/feudal) Harchand Singh Lyallpuri did, however, raise his voice and earned goodwill of the masses.
Again, in 1913, when on the issue of injustice to British Indian immigrants to Canada, a Sikh delegation visited Punjab; the Diwan did not play any role; only Sundar Singh Majithia tried to help them on his own behalf.
During this period, the British government had been establishing a new town in the outskirts of old Delhi; and it was constructing a palace for the Viceroy (now President’s House); and in order to have a straight road towards it, it demolished the outer wall of Gurdwara Rakab Ganj on the 14th of January 1914; it infuriated the Sikhs and there were voices of resentment and anger from various Sikh quarters; Harchand Singh Lyallpuri being the most vocal; though the government stopped further action but the wall remained broken and it continued for some months.
In the meanwhile war between Germany and England broke out and the English authorities contacted Harchand Singh and requested him to stop agitation and assured that the government will not acquire the land of the Gurdwara; hence for some time this issue remained closed. After this the Sikhs met another injustice in Canada when Kamagatamaru ship passengers were not allowed to land there and further when it (ship) was returned, the police fired at the passengers and killed several of them.
Further, in 1915, the Ghadr activist planned an armed revolt but before it could be executed, most of the Ghadr leaders were arrested; many of them were given death of life imprisonments; even this issue could not create sympathy in the mind of the leadership of Chief Khalsa Diwan; hence an average Sikh was disillusioned with it (Diwan).
The first world war ended in 1918: in this war more than half a million Sikhs joined the British army and fought for England; and during this war more than 83000 Sikhs were killed and about one hundred and ten thousand Sikhs were wounded; but, when the war ended, the English regime, instead of rewarding the Sikhs for their services; passed Rowlatt Act and then promulgated Martial law in the Punjab; on the 13th of April 1919, a congregation protesting against these laws was fired at killing 379 and wounding more than eleven hundred people. The Chief Khalsa Diwan did not utter even a single word against all this injustice; all this created hatred for the Diwan in the mind of an average Sikh; and they began thinking of forming an organisation where the Sikhs’ political and other issues could be raised.
In 1916, a Conference was held at Lucknow which decided sharing of seats for the Muslims and the Hindus in the legislative Councils; this Conference fully ignored the rights of the Sikhs (later it was known as ‘Lucknow Pact’). In 1917, Sundar Singh Majithia submitted a memorandum to the government demanding fixing of a quota for the Sikhs in the Councils according to their position; the Hindus of the Punjab (not the Muslims) vehemently opposed the Sikh demand; it also began propagating that Sikhism is not a separate religion and was a part of Hinduism; at this the Sikhs opposed the Hindu propaganda with an equally forceful voice and declared hat Sikhism had nothing to do with Hinduism; again Sundar Singh Majithia and Harbans Singh Attari played an important role on this issue; but Chief Khalsa Diwan, as an organisation, did not play any role.
In July 1918, Montague Chelmsford Committee considered the issue of the Sikhs and accepted the Sikh claim; in February 1919, Southborogh Committee fixed the Sikh quota at 15% but there was a flaw in this allotment because the so-called sahijdhari (in fact Hindus)
too were to be considered against this quota; and it was interesting that any Hindu could declare himself a so-called sahijdhari Sikh. When this came to light, the Sikhs opposed it and declared that they would boycott the elections.
(Later in July 1920, some Sikh leaders visited London and met the Secretary of State; he increased the Sikh quota from 15 to 18.75%; hence the Sikhs were given two more seats; though the issue of so-called Sahijdhari remained unsolved, it was declared that all the voters shall have to declare their religion at the time of registration; and this was enough to stop cheating in the name of so-called sahijdhari as the Hindus did not want to be called Sikhs, though they wanted to enjoy the benefits given to the Sikhs). 83
Though the issue of the Sikh quota in the Councils was partly solved, there were still several other issues concerned with the Sikhs which were not on the agenda of any Sikh organisation; hence the Sikhs had begun discussing the need of a political platform; at that time the Muslims (Muslim League) and the Hindus (Congress) organisations were already in existence; realising this, some Sikhs held a meeting in Lahore on the 30th of March 1919; S.B. Gajjan Singh of Ludhiana, some members of the Council and some other influent Sikhs and some feudal attended this meeting; however, most of them were those who had been collaborating with the regime and were in its (regime’s) good books.
But, on the 13th of April 1919, firing at Jallianwala Bagh Amritsar and killing 379 and wounding 1137 innocent people, created an atmosphere of terror and anger84; and in this situation Arur Singh Sarbrah of Darbar Sahib honoured.85 General Reginald Edward Harry Dyer, the ‘butcher of Jallianwala Bagh’; and this act became a cause of further hatred for those Sikh leaders who had been co-operating with the English regime; hence for some time the issue of forming a Sikh political organisation went into abeyance.
After a silence of seven months, the Sikh leaders again held a meeting in November 1919 and decided to hold a bigger congregation in December, to form a Sikh political organisation in the name of Sikh League (later it was named Central Sikh League, in order to differentiate the central body from the local units).
Pro-Government group captured the Sikh League
The first session of the Sikh League was held on the 27th of December at Amritsar; it was attended by more than twelve hundred Sikhs from all shades of life; it was presided over by S.B. Gajjan Singh; the function began with an ardas (the Sikhs’ national prayer) by Prof Teja Singh Mastuana (of Benaras Hindu University); it was followed by presidential address by S.B. Gajjan Singh who said: 1. the Sikhs are entitled to one third share in the Punjab, in the seats of Councils, in the jobs in judiciary and Royal Commissions and in all departments because the Sikhs pay two third of the revenue, recruits in army and contribution during war. 2. The management of Darbar Sahib and the Sikh properties should be given to the Sikhs.
15 resolutions were passed in this Conference: 1. The Sikhs assure loyalty to the king and the government 2. Tikka Ripudaman Singh is congratulated 3. Expressed thanks on Royal proclamation of amnesty and demanded release of all the political prisoners and restrictions on the interned persons should be removed. 4. India should be given self-government on the pattern of other colonies. 5. The Act of 1919 does not grant self-government; it should be amended; besides the Sikhs should be given their share in the Punjab 6. The management of the Gurdwaras and the Sikh jagirs should be haned over to the Sikhs and these should be managed by elected committees. 7. Punjab should have fixed revenue system; it should not be increased or decreased; the farmers should be charged tax and not rent for their lands. 8. Kirpan should not be covered under by the Arms Laws. 9. Water rates for canal waters should be reduced 10. The Sikhs should have right to senior government offices. 11. Sikh should be granted more Royal Commissions. 12. The Conference thanks Madan Mohan Malavia and Moti Lal Nehru. 13. The Conference expresses condolence on the death of Maharaja of Faridkot. 14. Those officers who had perpetrated excesses during the Martial Laws should be punished by the Government. 15.
The Sikh soldiers should have right to Kirpan; and those who have been dismissed for having Kirpans should be reinstated.
This Conference was attended by M.K. Gandhi, Madan Mohan Malavia, Mr. Tayyab and C.R. Das too; on their arrival a hymn was sung to welcome them (it was an act of sacrilege; singing hymns to welcome or praise any person is an act of blasphemy). After the arrival of these non-Sikh guests, Khazan Singh Barrister said: “Guru Tegh Bahadur by offering his head had solved the crisis of the country; and we feel that Pandit (Malavia) ji have come here to the Punjab to repay that debt; and we hope that they will recognise our rights and will get them through Congress.”86
After this Malavia said: “We cannot repay the debt of the Ninth Guru for Ages to come; as far as the question of the rights is concerned we shall honour capable persons”; but Malavia said nothing about the specific rights of the Sikhs and reservation of the seats for them (Sikhs); the same was repeated by Gandhi: “Malavia is my elder brother… You should accept what my elder brother has said.” The function ended with thanks by Gurbakhsh Singh Giani, followed by Ardas by Akali Kaur Singh.87
Except for passing these 15 resolutions, the Sikh League did not take any further step; it did not proceed even on the issue of the state of the Gurdwaras. But, all this underwent a major change on the 21st of May 1920 when daily Akali newspaper, in Punjabi, began its publication from Lahore; this newspaper began publishing news about and debate on the state of Gurdwaras as well as on the political issues; and from the very first day this paper became extremely popular; and also with this paper began a new co-ordination among the Sikh activists of all spheres; soon this paper began reaching a very large number of villages and it was read in big groups of the Sikhs. This paper also gave birth to Gurdwara Reform Movement, then known more as Akali Lehar (Akali Movement) and this name owes its origin to this newspaper; and, under this Movement the Sikhs were able to take control of Gurdwara Chomala Sahib Lahore in September 1920, Gurdwara Babe-di-Ber Sialkot in the first week of October 1920, and, Darbar Sahib and Akal Takht on the 12th of October 1920; which gave birth of Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee (S.G.P.C.) on the 15th of November 1920.
Sikh League under the Control of Akalis
The second session of the Sikh League was to be held on the 20th and 21st of October 1920, in Bradlaugh Hall at Lahore; a week before the session the name of the President of the session was to be finalised; just a few days earlier the Sikhs had taken control of Gurdwara at Sialkot and had selected Kharak Singh as its chief; hence he was one of the most talked of person among the Sikhs, and, he was a raees (affluent person) too; so his name was floated for President-ship of the second session of the Sikh League; and he immediately gave his consent; Sundar Singh Chawla was the Chairman of the Reception Committee and he too was an Akali.88
On the 20th of October 1920, when the session began the main attraction of the session was Bibi Kartar Kaur (wife of Bhai Randhir Singh of the Ghadr Party); besides, about 50 leaders of the Ghadr Party and Kamagatamaru ship episode were also present in a special enclave on the right side of the stage; and seven chairs had been left empty with the tags of the names of Ghadr leaders (Bhai Randhir Singh, Chatar Singh, Nidhan Singh, Madan Singh, Jawala Singh Thathian, Amar Singh and Nidhan Singh Chugha) who were serving sentences in the jails.
On the first day Dr Saif-ud-Din Kitchlew, Mohammed Ali, Shaukat Ali and Maulana Abu Kalam Azad too came to attend the session; followed by Kharak Singh and Prof. Teja Singh Mastuana and M.K. Gandhi, his wife, Chowdhry Ram Bhaj Dutt, Sarla Devi, Duni
Chand, Agha Safdar, Lala Govardhan Das, and Parma Nand Jhansi. Principal Teja Singh performed ardas and after the reading of a hymn the session was started. Giani Gurbakhsh Singh acted as master of ceremony (the stage secretary); and when he was going towards the stage, someone in the audience hooted by calling him guilty of honouring General Reginald Edward Harry Dyer (the butcher of Jallianwala Bagh massacre of 13.4.1919) and Michael O’Dwyer (the Governor of the Punjab); the first to address the session was Sundar Singh Chawla who read out presidential address. After the presidential address Amar Singh (editor Lyall Gazette, later it was named Sher-i-Punjab) formally proposed the name of Kharak Singh as president; it was seconded by Sardool Singh Kaveeshar, Master Mota Singh Patara, Harchand Singh Lyallpuri and Giani Gurbakhsh Singh Advocate.
Before the beginning of the speeches, Harchand Singh Lyallpuri presented some leaders of the Ghadr Party and Kamagatamaru ship on the stage and introduced them to the audience; and he also condemned those priests of the Akal Takht who had declared that ‘those who had defied the police orders at the Baj Baj Ghat in 1914 were not Sikhs’; when Harchand Singh said these words Giani Gurbakhsh Singh, who was one of those who had honoured General Dyer, too was sitting there with shame (his head bowed and eyes closed).
The next day, on the 21st of October 1920, much before the beginning of the session, all the seats had been occupied. Before beginning the formal agenda of the session, it was requested that everyone should take off his necktie (they believed that a necktie was a symbol of cross; hence Christianity); about 500 people voluntarily took off their neck-ties and put them in their pockets (it also proves that the session was attended by so many elite Sikhs wearing suits and neck-ties). The first to address was Sardool Singh Kaveeshar who narrated the history of promulgation of the Martial Law in 1919 and the excesses committed on the Sikhs and Khilafat leaders; he also spoke about denial of political rights to the Sikhs; and finally he proposed resolution for non-cooperation with the regime; and he proposed that: 1. Government honours, honorary magistrate-ship, memberships of all types of offices should be returned. 2. Government functions and darbars should be boycotted. 3. Children should not be sent to the Government schools as well as the schools aided by the State. 4. Instead of taking cases to the Government courts, these should be presented before the Panchayats. 5. The Government should not be co-operated for enrolment of soldiers for action in Mesopotamia (Iraq). 6. No one should contest elections for the Councils and no one should caste vote. 7. All imported articles should be boycotted.
After presenting the resolution Sardool Singh told that innocent Ghadrite and other Sikh activists are still in the jails; under the Amnesty all the Hindu and Muslim prisoners had been released but Bhai Randhir Singh and several others were still in the jails; he also condemned Jallianwala Bagh massacre. This resolution was supported by Mangal Singh Gill (editor Akali), Dan Singh Vachhoa, Sujan Singh Advocate, Jodh Singh, Sewa Ram Singh Advocate, M.K. Gandhi, Shaukat Ali, Mohammed Ali, Maulana Abu Kalam Azad, Agha Safdar, Jaswant Singh Jhabal, Giani Sher Singh, Sundar Singh Lyallpuri, Master Mota Singh, Sohan Singh (editor The Sikh). On the other hand Ujjal Singh, Teja Singh Mastuana, Jodh Singh, Narain Singh B.A., Sohan Singh editor Sikh and even Kharak Singh (the president) proposed amendments to this resolution89 but the majority did not approve them; hence the resolution for non-cooperation was passed by majority vote.
When the resolution was declared as adopted, Hardyal Singh Beharhwal, Balwant Singh Raees Kulla, Lal Singh Sheikhupura, Harnam Singh Maan90 announced their resignation from Council; Kundan Singh and Sawan Singh announced resignation from Nambardar-ship; Atma Singh Amritsari announced returning medals and uniform; Beant Singh Ludhiana announced returning of medal won in France and Partap Singh Gujarat announced returning of medals; Santokh Singh and Gurbakhsh Singh announced stopping studying in Government Medical College.
The second resolution formed a Committee to help the families of the Sikh political prisoners; Harchand Singh, Sundar Singh (both from Lyallpur), Jaswant Singh Jhabal, Kartar Singh Jhabbar, Piara Singh Langeri, Badan Singh, Sant Singh Advocate, Teja Singh Samundari and Gurdial Singh were selected as members of this Committee.
After this Master Mota Singh appeared on the stage and declared that ‘I shall not wear shoes and shall eat just one meal a day till all Sikh political prisoners are not released.’
The session of the Sikh League continued for the 22nd of October too. On this day, it was announced that a Shaheedi Jatha (martyrs band) will go to Delhi to rebuild the wall of Gurdwara Rakab Ganj (which had been demolished by the regime on the 14th of January 1914).
Kharak Singh, while addressing the session, said that the Hindus and the Muslims had done injustice to the Sikhs in Lucknow Pact (of 1916) by ignoring their rights; as a result Gandhi too had to accept the Sikhs’ position.
The Sikh League session was a grand success but due to passing of the resolution for non-cooperation, some senior Sikh leaders, who were not in favour of this resolution and were not interested in confrontation with the regime, severed their relations with the Sikh League (see page 117).
After the formation of the S.G.P.C., on the 15th of November 1920, the religious role of the Sikh League was gone to the S.G.P.C.; and as there was an agitation for the control of the Gurdwaras from 1920 to 1925, the Sikh League and the S.G.P.C. remained almost as one organisation; and, though annual session were held for the Sikh League it was all a common platform; finally it became an umbrella organisation; its sessions continued up to 1932 after which even formal sessions came to an end; its agenda had already been adopted by the Shiromani Akali Dal. However a similar role was played by All Parties Sikh Conferences and World Sikh Conventions.
Gurdwara Reform Movement
Concept of Gurdwara: Gurdwara literally means ‘door of Guru’ i.e. the place/state from where one steps forward to have union with Guru (God).91 Even the term Gurdwara was unknown until the end of eighteenth century; of course Gurdwara word has been used in Gurbaani (the Sikh Scripture) but there it does not mean a building; it means “being in the feet of the Guru or the Guru’s words/teachings/advice.”
Guru Nanak:
By going to Guru’s door (by following Guru’s teachings), one will be blessed with understanding. (Guru Granth Sahib, p. 730)92
Name can be availed at the doors of Guru (by following Guru’s teachings), and without true Guru one can achieve nothing. (Guru Granth Sahib, p. 715)93
Guru Amar Das:
God has attached the liked ones with the door of Guru (to the feet/teaching of the Guru); He has shown the tenth gate (has given consciousness) to them.
(Guru Granth Sahib, p. 922). 94
Guru Ram Das:
Go to Guru’s door (follow Guru’s teachings) remember your Master. 95
(Guru Granth Sahib, p. 554).96
Guru Arjan:
At the doors (feet) of Guru, let us listen the singing of the praise of God.
(Guru Granth Sahib, p.1075)97
As mentioned earlier, the word Gurdwara in Gurbaani does not mean a building; and at the time of the Gurus, a place where the Sikhs would congregate to listen to the Guru, or in his absence, to sing His praise, was known as dharamsaal [literally: where dharam (righteousness) is practiced]; Bhai Gurdas too has used this word:
Ghar ghar andar dharamsaal hovay keertan sadaa visoaa (Var 1, Pauri 27)
(i.e. every home was like a ‘dharamsaal’ where praise of God was sung).
During the time of the Gurus there was no formal ‘dharamsaal’; wherever the Guru would have congregation would be known as ‘dharamsaal’; at the time of Guru Amar Das, there were 22 manjis (diocese) and 52 peehras (sub centres) where the Sikhs used to congregate; and, though they were not formally known as ‘dharamsaals’ but they came under the definition of a ‘dharamsaal’. At the time of Guru Nanak, the Sikhs used to visit and listen to the Guru; but there was no formal ‘dharamsaal’ at Kartarpur; even after this Khadur (Guru Angad) and Goindwal (Guru Amar Das) did not have any place known as formal ‘dharamsaal’. In 1574, when Guru Ram Das began living at Guru-da-Chakk (now Amritsar), he got dug Amritsar sarovar (tank) for bath of the visitor; congregations were still held in front of Guru-de-Mahal, the residence of the Guru; and there was no separate congregation hall; it was at the time of Guru Arjan when he built Darbar Sahib in midst of the tank; and with this he established the first formal place for congregations; and on the 16th of August 1604, it was here that the first parkash (opening and reading) of (Guru) Granth Sahib was performed.
The usage of term ‘dharamsaal’ was common during the time of the Gurus; references are available about Guru Tegh Bahadur staying at the ‘dharamsaala’ of Bhai Kalyana at Delhi in 1664. Though Gurus had founded several villages and towns; and later some memorials too had been built but none of them was called Gurdwara; Guru Arjan Sahib got built a baoli (well with stairs reaching down to water level) at the site of the birth of Guru Ram Das; Guru Hargobind Sahib had built a memorial at the site of the martyrdom of Guru Arjan Sahib in Lahore and it was named Dehra Sahib; Guru Gobind Singh built Sees (Sis) Ganj at the site of cremation of the severed head of Guru Tegh Bahadur Sahib at Anandpur; there is no reference to building of any other memorial or any dharamsaala during the time of the Gurus; there was no memorial at the site of cremation of any other Guru (except fifth and ninth Guru); of course there were other buildings e.g. baolis at Goindwal, Dalla, Dhakauli, Anandpur etc, six tanks including Amritsar, Santokhsar in Amritsar, one at Tarn
Taran, one at Talwandi Sabo and some other structures; but none of these was named or meant to be used as dharamsaala; in fact, all the Gurdwaras had been built during the time of the rule of the Misls; and most of these were known as Manji Sahib; and these structures were very small in the beginning; perhaps the first Gurdwaras were built by Baghel Singh and Jassa Singh Ramgarhia at Delhi in 1783; even these were not named as Gurdwara; these were known as Sis Ganj, Rakab Ganj, Damdama Sahib, Bangla Sahib, Balaji Sahib, Majnu Tilla etc. It seems that the term Gurdwara was used by the Udasis and Nirmalas when they began controlling historical Sikh places as granthis; most probably after annexation of the Punjab by the English in 1849 because the word Gurdwara does not find mention in earlier literature.
A Gurdwara is not a place of ‘worship’ or ritualism in the sense of religious places of other religions; a Gurdwara is a complete common house of the Sikh nation; it is a place where praise of WahGuru is sung through keertan and katha (exegesis) of hymns and history; it is place where one learns Sikh culture though the institutions of sangat (congregation), sewa (selfless service), langar (sacred community kitchen), pangat (equality); it is a place to learn national cohesion, patriotism, love for brethren and national qualities. In other words, Gurdwara is a national centre of the Sikh nation; a centre of spiritual, social welfare, educational and political activities; as a student cannot get formal and proper education without attending a school similarly, a Sikh cannot become a complete Sikh without attending a Gurdwara.
Gurdwara is ‘door of Guru’ i.e. from here one’s journey to have union with God begins; God is present in a Gurdwara and one can feel His presence in the Word (Guru Granth Sahib). The place where God is present must be full of love and devotion; it should be an atmosphere where one should get fragrance of spiritual and celestial world; hence the management of such a place should be in the hands of those servants of God in whom His love dwells.
The Gurus had revealed such role-models who were assigned duties to serve the Sikh centres: Baba Buddha was given duty to take care of Darbar Sahib98 and Bhai Gurdas was given charge of the Akal Takht Sahib;99in 1698 (after the Meenas left Amritsar in 1696) the charge of Darbar Sahib Amritsar was in the charge of Bhai Mani Singh (and his companions Bhupat Singh, Gulzar Singh, Koer Singh, Keerat Singh and Dan Singh); on the night of the 5th of December 1705, when Guru Gobind Singh left Anandpur Sahib he handed over the charge to Bhai Gurbakhsh Das. After the Guru period, Talwandi Sabo remained with (Baba) Deep Singh and Nander was looked after by Bhai Santokh Singh.
During the period of persecution of the Sikhs, and especially after the martyrdom of Bhai Mani Singh (24 June 1734), Amritsar remained either under the occupation of the Mughal army or it remained deserted because any Sikh trying to visit was likely to be attacked, arrested or killed by the Mughal forces. In 1765, the Sikhs became de facto masters of their homeland and with this the city of Amritsar again became the main centre of the Sikhs; they began visiting it and holding their gatherings there. For some time, Udasi Santokh Das too remained the caretaker of Darbar Sahib Amritsar (when he became greedy and corrupt, he was relieved by Chanchal Singh, who was further succeeded by Atma Singh and finally Naina Singh Akali of Misl Shaheedan); and since then the services of the Darbar Sahib remained with them. They were also known as Nihangs; in the last years of the eighteenth century, Naina Singh was the caretaker of Darbar Sahib; he was also known as Akali; after his death, his nephew Phula Singh Akali took over the charge; he embraced martyrdom in 1823; during the time of Ranjit Singh, the city of Amritsar was under the management of Lehna Singh Majithia but he had nothing to do with the management of Darbar Sahib.
After the death of Akali Phula Singh, the Dogra and the Brahmin ministers of Ranjit Singh got appointed Nirmala and Udasi priests in the Gurdwaras; Darbar Sahib came under the control of a Nirmala, Sant Singh Giani; and after his death, he was succeeded by his son Gurmukh Singh, followed by latter’s son Parduman Singh.
When the English annexed the Punjab, they also took the control of Darbar Sahib in their own hands and appointed a nominal Committee under the President-ship of Teja Sinh Misr (a Brahmin, who, being the chief of the Sikh army, had collaborated with the English and helped them occupy the Punjab, now acted to make the Sikh religion too as slave of the English and Christianity); it was during this period that the Udasis and Nirmalas became permanent priests of Darbar Sahib and with the passage of time they began considering them as owners of the Gurdwaras.
Dastur-i-Amal of Darbar Sahib
In 1859, Raja Teja Sinh (Misr Tej Ram), Mr. Cooper (the then Deputy Commissioner, Amritsar) and Jodh Singh Sarbarah held a meeting at Amritsar from the 5th to the 12th September and prepared rules (Dastur-i-Amal) for the Gurdwaras of Amritsar and Tarn Taran. Apart from the Sikh leaders and the Deputy Commissioner, Amritsar, the draft was signed by the Sarbarah, the granthis and the priests; a Committee was formed for the management of the Gurdwaras at Amritsar and Tarn Taran; this Committee comprised of Raja Teja Sinh, Shamsher Singh Sandhawalia, Raja Surat Singh Majithia, Bhagwan Singh, Giani Parduman Singh, Gulab Singh Bhagowalia, Jaimal Singh Khanda, Sardool Singh, Rai Mool Singh and Raja Singh Mann; this committee continued to function for some time. Later on, the Government replaced it by another committee; its members included: Raja Dayal Singh, Raja Harbans Singh, Thakar Singh Sandhawalia, Ajit Singh Attariwala, Arjan Singh Chahal, Rai Kalyan Singh, Atar Singh Bhadaur and Jagat Singh Jind.
This arrangement worked for some years. But the Sarbarah, the Granthis and the priests had their own ways. When there was a quarrel, they would approach the Committee; apart from that the Committee had no say; this Committee too became defunct in 1881. Now the sarbarah directly acted according to the Government’s will. He never cared for the Sikhs. By this time, the Singh Sabha movement was already in the offing. The Sikh leaders approached the Government and urged it to form a committee to improve the management of the Gurdwaras. Some Sikh Rajas and leaders also met the Lieutenant Governor of Punjab. The matter reached the Viceroy, Lord Rippon. R.E. Egerton, the Lt. Governor of the Punjab, sent his advice to the Viceroy:
“I think it will be politically dangerous to allow the management of the Sikh Shrines to fall into the hands of a committee emancipated from government control and I trust your Excellency will assist to pass such orders in the case as will enable to continue the system which has worked out successfully for more than 30 years” R.E. Egerton 8-11-1881
The British government never wanted the Gurdwaras’ control to pass into the hands of the Sikhs. Formation of a Gurdwara Management Committee would provide to the Sikhs a platform, a class and an organization to gain unity and strength (as it finally did, after the formation of the Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee). Today it is a state within a state. It was as much a thing to fear in 1881 and 1920-25, as it is today in 2011.
Around this time, a dispute of Darbar Sahib’s priests reached the Court. In 1886, in case No. 807- Narain Singh versus Bhagat Singh- the Civil Court ruled that only a rahitdhari (initiated) Sikh, above 35 years of age, was eligible to become the granthi of Darbar Sahib. This verdict did not make much of a difference; however, the Hindus’ interference in the name of becoming a granthi grew less.
By this time, the Singh Sabha Movement had begun; it laid great stress on establishment of schools, propagation of religion and preservation of Sikh culture; but, it played no role in Sikh politics, nor did it think about the state of affairs in the Gurdwaras; the
sarbarah, the mahants and other priests were getting more and more wilful day by day; non-Sikh practices were being followed in the Gurdwaras. The British government was rather happy to see distortion of the Sikh religion, a decline in its mission and a deterioration of the Sikh shrines; as the Sikhs’ loss would be a gain for it (the government) and the Christian Missionaries.
In such circumstances, Khalsa College, Amritsar was founded on March 5, 1892. It enriched the Sikhs with knowledge and information. The Professors and the students of the college, later on, played a very important role in building leadership of the Sikh nation.
By this time, Panch Khalsa Diwan, Bhasaur was also playing its role. On 30th October, 1902, Chief Khalsa Diwan too came into being. It furthered the programme of the Singh Sabha. The series of Sikh Educational Conferences also played its part in making the Sikhs aware of their rights and bringing them together on one platform. Gradually, schools started coming up in various cities and towns. Khalsa College, Amritsar and these schools produced a large number of Sikh leaders. Chief among them were, Master Tara Singh, Master Mota Singh, Master Sundar Singh, Professor Jodh Singh, Bawa Harkishan Singh, Professor Niranjan Singh, Headmaster Mehtab Singh, Gopal Singh Qaumi, Mangal Singh Gill, Giani Kartar Singh, Giani Hira Singh Dard, Sardul Singh Kaveeshar and many others. Apart from the sewadars of these institutions, many other Sikhs joined leadership in this scenario. These included Harchand Singh Lyallpuri, Teja Singh Samundari, Kartar Singh Jhabbar, Dan Singh Vachhoa, Amar Singh, Sarmukh Singh, Jaswant Singh (the three Jhabal brothers), Harbans Singh Attari, Amar Singh (editor Sher-i-Punjab) etc.
Condition of the Gurdwaras at the hands of the Mahants
As mentioned earlier, during the last quarter of the nineteenth century, the mahants (caretakers) of the Gurdwaras had begun behaving as the owners of the property of the Gurdwaras; they would use all the offerings of the public not only for their personal use but also for luxury; and they had begun even selling and embezzling the property and land attached to the Gurdwaras. So much so that the mahant of Tarn Taran Gurdwara sold the building of one bunga (hostel) to a Christian society which was returned to the Gurdwara on the 5th of January 1907 when this issue was taken to a court of law; similarly mahant Mitha Singh of Gurdwara Punja Sahib had got Gurdwara land transferred in his own name; and the mahant of the memorial of Akali Phula Singh at Naushehra sold the land attached to the Gurdwara.
When the Singh Sabha Movement began in 1873, the mahants were sympathetic to it; and on the 12th of Katak 1936 Bikrami (corresponding to the 12th of October 1879), the ‘priests’ of Darbar Sahib and Akal Takht issued an appeal to the Sikhs to make this Movement a success. But, when they realised that that Movement was a danger to their monopoly of management and the income of the Gurdwaras, they began opposing it and after this the priests of Nander wrote letters to the priests of Akal Takht, Darbar Sahib, Kesgarh Sahib (Anandpur) asking them not to co-operate the Movement.
On 8th April, 1907, Khalsa Diwan, Amritsar passed a resolution in its session (6th to 8th April ) asking for formation of a committee for the management of Darbar Sahib; it demanded that the Sarbrah should be removed and instead a committee of Sikh Chiefs should be set up for the management of Darbar Sahib; concern at the state of affairs in the Tarn Taran and other Gurdwaras was also expressed at the gathering held on the 9th and the 10th April; but these resolutions and appeals fell flat on the mind of the English regime.
In 1912, Bhai Kartar Singh Jhabbar started the initial work of Gurdwara Reform by setting up Khalsa Diwan Kharaa Sauda (later on it was named ‘Akali Dal, Kharaa Sauda Bar’). In 1914, Bhai Mehtab Singh Bir100 too started reform activities by forming the Khalsa Biradari Jatha.
The First Agitation of the Gurdwara Reform Movement
(Demolition of the Wall of Gurdwara Rakab Ganj Delhi)
Though the Gurdwara Reform Movement began in 1920 but its first action had already begun when the wall of Gurdwara Rakab Ganj Delhi, had been demolished by the English regime, on the 14th of January 1914, in order to give a better look to the Viceregal House (now Rashtarpati Bhawan i.e. President’s House); this act was reacted to vehemently by some Sikh sections; especially raees Harchand Singh and Master Sundar Singh of Lyallpur, who tried to raise this issue in the Sikh Educational Conference held at Jalandhar from 10th to the 12th of April 1914. When the Managing Committee of the Chief Khalsa Diwan (which was holding the Conference) did not allow Harchand Singh to raise the question, he stood up and tried to speak loudly to assert his point and to attract the gathering; at this the Committee called the police which expelled them from the hall; a very large number of Sikhs followed them. After this all of them reached the Railway Station where Harchand Singh addressed them and narrated the truth; this gathering passed a resolution demanding restoration of the wall of Gurdwara Rakab Ganj.
Now it was a question of credibility of the Chief Khalsa Diwan; hence to wash their guilt of ignoring the issue of the wall, they called a gathering of their associates and sympathisers at Amritsar; it was attended by 245 persons, mosof these were loyal to the English regime; during this meeting too some participants demanded restoration of the wall but the organisers of this gathering did not bother and amidst of disturbance, it passed resolution which was a sort of flattery and in the form of a humble request to the regime:
“Most humbly we request the government to restore the wall of the Gurdwara in its earlier state; but if, due to some important reasons the government wants to change its position, then in the views of this Committee this will be acceptable in case, without decreasing the area of the land of the Gurdwara, it (wall) should be planned in such a way that the Gurdwara should be in the middle of this and roads should run on both sides of it. All this should be done under the supervision of a Committee of the Sikhs which should be given funds by the government for this job.”
“The Sikhs should have permission to stay in the Gurdwara day and night (all the time). A Committee comprising of seven prominent Sikhs should be formed which would manage and look after Gurdwara Rakab Ganj and other Gurdwaras of New Delhi; and, for meeting the expenses of the Gurdwaras, in exchange of Raisina village land, the government should grant enough land irrigated by stream water.”
It is understood that the government would have accepted such ‘demands’ without any hesitation; and the government had already offered 30 murabba (about 360 hectares) of land in Bari-Doab area (between rivers Beas and Raavi); it seems that these resolutions had been prepared in consultation with the regime; and, in a way, this was rather giving a free hand to the government to acquire as much land of the Gurdwara as it wished subject to allotment of land in lieu of it somewhere else; and setting this precedent would mean that in future too the government could do the same in the case of other Gurdwaras too.
Harchand Singh and Sundar Singh of Lyallpur opposed this resolution tooth and nail but the leaders of the Chief Khalsa Diwan did not bother; and in reaction the Lyallpur leaders called a gathering of the Sikhs at Lahore. On the 31st of May 1914, a big gathering of the Sikhs was held in Landa Mandi (Lahore); it was addressed, among others, by Harchand Singh Lyallpuri, Master Sundar Singh Lyallpuri, Master Mota Singh, Master Tara Singh and Bhai Randhir Singh too; and this gathering resolved that the Gurdwara wall should be restored to its earlier state. After this Lahore gathering, more gatherings and meetings of the Sikhs were held in various places; even Khalsa Diwan Hong Kong sent a telegram to the Viceroy of India and asked him to ‘immediately rebuild the wall of Gurdwara Rakab Ganj, failing which
the Sikhs will be compelled to make every kind of sacrifice.”
In August 1914, the First World War broke between England and Germany. The Deputy Commissioner of Lyallpur had a meeting with Harchand Singh and requested him ‘as the war has begun, you should stop agitation for Rakab Ganj wall; the government too has stopped further demolition of the Wall; and rebuilding this Wall will be done in consultation with the government after the war is over’; Harchand Singh accepted the assurance and the agitation over the Wall was stopped.
Though the government stopped further demolition of the Wall, but after some days the incident of killings of the Sikhs at Baj Baj Ghat created another situation of tension; and it was followed by Ghadr Movement during which hundreds of Sikhs had been arrested, out of which dozens were hanged; and further, more than two thousands were interned in their villages; hence the Sikhs’ homeland always remained tense; in fact, the period of the duration of War, from 1914 to 1919, was a period of tumultuous commotion; on one hand people were joining the English army to fight for the English and on the other hand they were being persecuted in one or another case.
In August 1914, C.M. King, the Deputy Commissioner of Amritsar ordered to stop giving river water to Darbar Sahib (which was given through hansli, a small canal) and asked the Sikhs to use a tube well for this purpose; this order too created strain between the Sikhs and the government and the government had to revoke its decision.
In November 1918, the World War came to an end but the government did not take any steps to restore the wall of Gurdwara Rakab Ganj101; on the other hand the government passed Rowlett Act which strangulated the people; it was strange that, instead of thanking and rewarding the people of the Punjab for their contribution during the War, they were being persecuted; and when there were protests, the government promulgated Martial Law which further aggravated the situation; at Jallianwala Bagh Amritsar motr than three hundred innocent people were killed on the 13th of April 1919. Finally, the Martial Law was withdrawn on the 23rd of July 1919, followed by a general amnesty for the prisoners; and this eased the tension.
By this time, the Hindus (Congress) and the Muslims (Muslim League) had been manoeuvring for the rights of their fellowmen but there was no common Sikh organisation; the Chief Khalsa Diwan had lost popular support among the Sikhs due to its role in Gurdwara Rakab Ganj wall issue; this led to the formation of the Sikh League.102
Beginning of the Gurdwara Reform Movement
Though the Sikh League had been formed in December 1919, but it did not show any performance except that of holding a Conference, electing office bearers and passing a few resolutions; even four month later it was just a paper organisation with a big name. On the other hand serious Sikh activists were concerned over the political plight of the Sikhs as well as dismal state of the Gurdwaras; the mahants had been using the Gurdwaras as their own personal estates; and they had turned some of them even into centres of sin and licentiousness; Darbar Sahib was the major shrine of the Sikhs and that too was in poor state; Gurdwara Tarn Taran was still in more miserable state; Arur Singh (of Ranghar Nangal) was the Sarbrah of Darbar Sahib and Tarn Taran both. A report published by the Singh Sabha stated the state of Tarn Taran as such: “Massiya fair (of Tarn Taran) was considered one of the undignified fairs of the Punjab; visitors from outside would consume intoxicants and come to the parkarama; groups of knavish people and men of bad character would go around singing erotic songs and passing vulgar comments; dancing girls would dance; lapfuls of berries and sweets would be emptied on women; hooligan youth, with staffs on their shoulder, would shout loudly and tease others; there was pushing and shoving, violent fighting among group would result into serious head-injuries to many of them; and, there
were dances of the prostitutes and romantic play would be performed in front of the Darshani Deodi (entrance of the Gurdwara).”
The same was the state of Nanakana Sahib; Sadhu Ram had been the mahant of this Gurdwara; after his death Kishan Das and then Narain Das became mahant; all the three were known as alcoholic and debauch; the Sikhs were very distressed at their way of life as well as at the state of the shrine. Similarly, in August 1906, when some visitors went to Muktsar, they found the priest in a drunkard state.
As mentioned earlier, the mahants used to consider themselves as the masters of the Gurdwaras; so much so that once a mahant stated in a court of law, “I am Sri-Mahant103; 300 Gurdwaras are under my command; and, the proof of me being the Sri-Mahant is this that the government has granted me right to get two boatfuls of cannabis which I use for preparing (drink of bhang) and supply them to the Gurdwaras under my control;” this also indicated that the government had been patronising the mahants.
Besides this, the state of the buildings and sarovars of several Gurdwaras was very precarious; there was no maintenance and no cleanliness in the Gurdwaras under the mahants; among the sarovars, the water of the sarovar at Tarn Taran had become dirty due to water of drainage falling into it; washer-men and other people used to wash their dirty clothes in the sarovar and the restaurant people would wash their utensils there. On the 4th of February 1918, the Municipal Committee Tarn Taran passed a resolution to close this sarovar by filling it; but when the Sikhs reacted this resolution was withdrawn.
The state of Darbar Sahib Amritsar too was no good; the parikarma looked like an open market; there were stalls for selling fast-food and drinks; the parikarma was also being used for dancing and singing of romantic and erotic songs; one could find sadhus in saffron-dresses indulging in sinful activities.
Besides all this, there was shameful display of boards saying: “No untouchable is allowed to enter Darbar Sahib before 11 O’clock”; this was anti-Sikh and it hurt the Sikhs; the newspapers (like Khalsa Samachar, Khalsa Advocate, Panth Sewak, The Khalsa, Lyall Gazette etc) had been writing against this anti-Sikh act but the mahants and the priest did not bother; some Sikhs approached the administration too but they too turned cold shoulder and due to this the priests further assumed airs; again when the priests presented honour to Michael O’Dwyer (the Governor of the Punjab), the Sikhs got more agitated; and this act of the priests caused the gathering at Faizalapur to pass a resolution asking the Sikhs never to greet Sundar Singh Majithia, Arur Singh sarbrah, Gajjan Singh Ludhiana and Gopal Singh Bhagowalia (who had joined honouring Michael O’Dwyer).
Birth of Daily Akali newspaper
In the beginning of 1920, several groups of the Sikhs had been working with a zeal for spread of the Sikh mission; and though some of them had been friendly to each other, but they were not functioning as a ‘movement’; suddenly erupted an atmosphere of an undeclared religious missionary movement and several small and big groups began holding small gatherings where, usually, a few persons would have Khanday-di-Pahul (the Sikh initiation ceremony); and soon this movement spread throughout the Sikh homeland; and within a few weeks one could notice a large number of Sikhs, with flowing beards and carrying kirpans, making appearance in the public.
In this scenario, some friendly Sikhs held a small meeting at Lahore; Master Sundar Singh Lyallpuri, Harchand Singh Lyallpuri, Sardool Singh Kaveeshar, Giani Hira Singh too were among them; and resolved to bring out a Punjabi daily in the name of daily Akali;104 on the 21st of May 1920, the first issue of Akali was published; on the very first day it became the beloved of every Sikh, and, soon, it began reaching even the remotest corners of the Sikh homeland; this paper played a remarkable role which had not been achieved by any other
paper; it created a liaison among hundreds and thousands of the Sikh activists and their sympathisers with each other; and it created a wave of Sikh missionary movement; within a few days the whole atmosphere began echoing with the word Akali-Akali and Akal-Akal; and all the Sikh activists suddenly came to be known as Akalis; and the credit for all this goes to Akali newspaper; soon these activists began wearing blue turbans (the colour of the Akalis/Nihangs, which represented the colour of the flag of Guru Gobind Singh); people began respecting them and accepting their advice and command; it seemed that they had become representatives of an organisation which was born without holding a meeting and without making a declaration; the Sikhs were so much full of enthusiasm that it seems as if the whole Sikh homeland was going to join this Akali movement; and, to turn this heat into wildfire only a small spark was needed (and that spark blazed on the 12th of October 1920).
As mentioned earlier, several elite and missionary Sikhs had been expressing their anguish at the state of the administration of the Gurdwaras and they wanted to bring major reform but the mahants were not interested in listening to them; they had been treating the Gurdwaras as their private property. But, with the publication of daily Akali the state of Gurdwaras was now known to many Sikhs and by July 1920, the Sikhs everywhere began discussing as to how to free Gurdwaras from these corrupt and debauched mahants; and this though went on spreading throughout the Sikh homeland.
Removal of Arur Singh as sarbrah of Darbar Sahib
It is usually believed that the first victory of the Gurdwara Reform Movement was occupation of Gurdwara Chumala Sahib Lahore (on the 29th of September 1920) but, in fact, the first achievement of the Gurdwara Reform Movement was removal of Arur Singh as the sarbrah of Darbar Sahib Amritsar. The Sikhs were very much angry at Arur Singh for his mismanagement of Darbar Sahib as well as his acts of sycophancy of the English officials; and they wanted that he should be removed; local Sikhs, under the banner of Gurdwara Sewak Committee with Bhai Deva Singh as its secretary, had been struggling for reform in the management of the Gurdwaras; and they had been holding small gathering of the Sikhs to present this before the Sikhs. In the first week of August 1920, Bhai Deva Singh held a congregation in the Jallianwala Bagh Amritsar and narrated the stories of mismanagement of Darbar Sahib; and in this congregation it was announced that a big congregation of the Sikhs will held on the 15th of August 1920, at Manji Sahib (in the vicinity of Darbar Sahib). On the 14th of August, the Deputy Commissioner issued an order prohibiting Deva Singh from holding such a congregation; but, in spite of this ban thousands of the Sikhs gathered at Manji Sahib; Amar Singh Jhabal and Jaswant Singh Jhabal too reached there; the police tried to stop the Sikhs from holding congregation but the Sikhs did not bother and several Sikh activists made speeches and demanded removal of Arur Singh.105
The next day, on the 16th of August 1920, another congregation was held at Jallianwala Bagh; where a notice was issued to Arur Singh to resign from sarbrah-ship within a week otherwise his effigy will be taken out in a procession; the notice said:
“Notice: to Arur Singh sarbrah Darbar Sahib Amritsar; limit one week. Khalsa nation and sangat has held several big congregations and ordered you to immediately resign from Sarbrah-ship because you have begun acts of mismanagement and debauched activities in Darbar Sahib, and we are fed up with this. Now we cannot tolerate any more. So, though this notice we inform you that if within the said limit you don’t resign the sarbrah-ship, we shall take out your effigy and the nation will consider you as a dead person.”
– Gurdwara Sewak Committee Amritsar
When Arur Singh received this notice, he took leave for two months and the government appointed Sundar Singh Ramgarhia as ad-hoc sarbrah and released the news of exit of Arur Singh;but when the Sikhs learnt that he has just gone on leave, they held another
gathering on the 18th of October 1920, at Jallianwala Bagh; it was addressed by Bhai Deva Singh, Amar Singh Jhabal, Jawahar Singh, Akali Kaur Singh, Dr Bhagwan Singh, Abdul Quraishi Advocate and Dina Nath editor Dard. This gathering rejected sending Arur Singh on two month’s leave and demanded his complete removal; the congregation passed four resolutions: 1. Sending Arur Singh on leave for two months will make the Sikhs angrier; he should be relieved. 2. A Panchayat, free from government influence, should be formed which should check the accounts of 18 years (of the period of the sarbrah-ship of Arur Singh). 3. Boorhi (Boorh Singh), the priest of Akal Takht should be considered as ‘excommunicated’ from the (Sikh) brotherhood. 4. The new sarbrah Sundar Singh Ramgarhia is requested not to allow Burh Singh to sit in the premises of Akal Takht until he apologises before the Panth.106
On the 24th of August 1920, the Gurdwara Sewak Committee Amritsar held another congregation in Jallianwala Bagh (that day the limit given to Arur Singh has passed and he had not resigned and his effigy was supposed to be taken out in the evening); the proceedings were to begin at 6 p.m. but a few minutes before this could happen Basant Singh Rasaldar, Chanda Singh Attari and another one (three representatives of Arur Singh) reached there and requested the organisers that if they promised not to insult Arur Singh he would appear before the sangat and apologise; and further they should not take out his effigy; Master Chanda Singh assured them that if Arur Singh wished to do so no one will show disrespect to him. Arur Singh reached the congregation at 7.45 p.m. and said; “I have been serving Guru Ram Das and Khalsa for eighteen years; was it good or bad, please accept it and with this I resign and you should not take out my effigy”;107 at this sangat passed a resolution that effigy will not be taken out but accounts shall positively be checked.108
This was in fact, the first success and a grand success of the Gurdwara Reform Movement and the credit goes to Bhai Deva Singh, Bhai Chanda Singh and their companions. The apology and resignation by Arur Singh added to the high spirit of the reformist Sikhs and they began participating in reform activities still with more vigour.
Gurdwara Chumala Sahib
Gurdwara Chumala Sahib Lahore was in the possession of Hari Singh granthi; he had created an atmosphere of ‘manmat’ (unSikh practices) in the Gurdwara; he did not allow Sikh travellers to stay at the Gurdwara; he had handed over the rooms of the Gurdwara sarai (inn) to butchers and meat-sellers; he did not perform the duties of a granthi (so much so that he could not even recite Japuji Sahib and Rahiras Sahib (the hymns which have been prescribed as must for every Sikh to recite daily); the Gurdwara was rarely cleaned and the sangat was fed up with him; to discuss all this, the Khalsa Parcharak Jatha (a group of the Sikh missionaries) called a meeting on the 21st of August 1920; when the sangat arrived and began deliberations, the granthi sent the females of his household to attack and disrupt the meeting. He also filed a case in the court to stop their activities. The next day, on the 22nd of August, a diwan (congregation) was held in the Gurdwara campus to discuss this issue; in this congregation Sardul Singh Kaveeshar, Sundar Singh Chawla and others presented before the sangat the true picture of the state of affairs of the Gurdwara.
A few days later, on the 27th of September 1920, the local Sikhs held a gathering and took possession of the Gurdwara; a fourteen member Jatha was appointed for the management of the Gurdwara; these members were Sant Singh, Sadhu Singh, Bawa Singh, Gurdit Singh, Bishan Singh, Chatar Singh, Diwan Singh, Arur Singh, Waryam Singh, Hari Singh, Chet Singh, Natha Singh, Charan Singh, and Jasbir Singh. After the sangat took control, the granthi tried to enter the Gurdwara but the Sikhs did not allow him to do so; on 2nd October, a formal committee of the Sikhs was selected to look after the day to day management of the Gurdwara; it consisted of the following members: Sohan Singh (Secretary, Singh Sabha Sialkot), Amar Singh (editor Lyal Gazette) S.B. Mehtab Singh,
Sardul Singh Kaveeshar, Sohan Singh (Editor Sikh newspaper), Sundar Singh Raees, Master Sundar Singh Lyallpuri, Gurdit Singh, Gurbakhsh Singh, Sant Singh (President, Parcharak Jatha), Sadhu Singh, mahant Teja Singh (Gurdwara Dehra Sahib, Lahore).
On the 4th of November, the granthi filed a civil suit under section 107 against the Sikhs; the Sikhs decided not to plead their case;109 thus, the management of the Gurdwara permanently came into the hands of the Sikhs; The report sent to the government on the 22nd of February 1922, by V. W. Smith, the chief of the Secret Service Department, Punjab also mentions that Chumala Sahib was the first Gurdwara to be ‘captured’ by the Sikhs.
Gurdwara Babe-di-Ber Sialkot
By this time, the issue of Gurdwara Babe-di-Ber, Sialkot had also flared up; mahant Harnam Singh of Gurdwara Babe-di-Ber had died on the 26th of September, 1918; there arose a dispute as to who should be his heir; after the mahant’s death, his father Prem Singh declared his minor grandson Gurcharan Singh as the successor to the ‘gaddi’110 and fixed the 8th of November 1918, as the day for the succession ceremony.
The local Sikhs opposed it because it was no personal property and there was no question of succession of so-called ‘gaddi’; and they even approached the D.C; initially, the D.C. sided with the Sikhs but, later on, he slyly made a registration in the name of the minor boy Gurcharan Singh; it happened on the 6th of May 1919. Meanwhile Prem Singh (Gurcharan’s grandfather) too had died; Gurcharan Singh was still a minor. In this situation, the Singh Sabha (later on Khalsa Diwan) Sialkot met the D.C. and demanded that the control of the Gurdwara should be handed over to the sangat; they suggested that a 15-members committee should be constituted; it should consist of 5 members from Khalsa Diwan, 5 from Singh Sabhas (one from each Tehsil), 2 from the local sangat of Sialkot, 2 representatives of the Sikh feudal and one representative of the mahant; and this committee should appoint the new mahant and also look after the Gurdwara management; discussions were still going on when one day the late mahant’s wife appointed Pandit Ganda Singh as the guardian of her minor son and also appointed him as the manager of the Gurdwara; it caused deep resentment among the Sikhs; several Sikhs expressed their protest by sending letters and telegrams to the Governor, the Commissioner and the D.C.; the Sikhs also released photographs of the late mahant with prostitutes in objectionable poses; as an eye-wash, the Government appointed an enquiry officer; and after the submission of a formal report by the Commissioner, the Government accepted the mahant-ship of Prem Singh and appointed Ganda Singh a manager of the property despite strong the protests by the Sikhs; at this the Sikhs now started a campaign against Ganda Singh Oberoi; after a few days’ cold war, the Sikhs set up an 11-members committee and took over service in the Gurdwara on the 23rd of July; this state of confusion continued for a few days. On the other hand, on the 20th August, 1920, the court ordered that the Sikhs should deposit a fee of Rs. 50,000 and file a case within 10 days; but instead of depositing the fee, the Sikhs decided to launch an agitation; during this period the control of the Gurdwara remained in the hands of the Sikh Committee; though an atmosphere of uncertainty prevailed for some time.
In the second half of September, the Babe-di-Ber Gurdwara issue flared up again; on the 21st of September 1920, the Sikh league held a gathering at the Mochi Darwaza of Lahore; Prem Singh Sodhi, Sardul Singh Kaveeshar, Master Mota Singh, Giani Sher Singh etc. addressed this gathering of 5000 Sikhs; the gathering passed a resolution against Pandit Ganda Singh, the newly appointed mahant of Gurdwara Babe-di-Ber. The news reached the Viceroy also; he approved the handing over of the Gurdwara to the Sikhs.
In the last week of September, Amar Singh Jhabal reached Sialkot; with the help of some other Sikh leaders, he set up a 5 member committee and asked it to take over the control of the Gurdwara; these five Sikhs were: Bhag Singh, Jawahar Singh, Nanak Singh,
Ram Singh and Mohan Singh. On the other hand, as mentioned earlier, the Viceroy too had advised that Pandit Ganda Singh should be removed and the control be given to the Sikhs; but later on, the government changed its decision; instead of recognizing this committee, the D.C. issued warrants for the arrest of the members of the Committee; the same night, a big diwan was held in the Gurdwara; it was decided at this diwan that the members of the Committee should court arrests and not offer bail for their release; accordingly, on the following day, the Sikhs courted arrests and refused to offer bails for their release; at this the regime surrendered and on the 4th of October and they were released unconditionally. On the same night, a big Diwan was held in the Gurdwara; it was presided over by Kharak Singh raees; in this diwan a 13-member Committee, under the president-ship of Kharak Singh, was constituted for the management of the Gurdwara. Although a state of confusion continued for some more time, but finally, the Sikhs established a permanent control over the Gurdwara.
On the 27th of September 1920, Gurdwara Chumala Sahib Lahore had been captured and on the 4th of October 1920, Babe-di-Ber Sialkot came under the Sikhs’ control. Meanwhile, Bhai Lachhman Singh too had announced launching of an agitation for the liberation of Nanakana Sahib at a diwan (congregation) at Dharowali held on the 1st to the 3rd of October 1920. The liberation of two Gurdwaras had boosted the spirit of the Sikhs; a spark turning into a mighty flame on the 12th of October marked the tempestuous beginning of the formal Gurdwara Reform Movement.
The Sikhs take control of Akal Takht and Darbar Sahib
From the 10th to the 12th of October, the Khalsa Biradari Karaj Sadhak Dal held a big diwan at Jallianwala Bagh Amritsar; on the first day of the three-day diwan no Sikh leader participated; so much so that they could not even manage utensils for the langar; but on the second day, Sundar Singh Majitha, Kartar Singh Jhabbar, Teja Singh Bhuchchar, Mangal Singh Maan, Hakim Bahadur Singh etc attended the Diwan.
During those days the priests of Darbar Sahib would not accept Karah Prasad offered by the so-called low-caste people; the Sikhs were angry for this discrimination which was against the Sikh fundamentals; hence, on the night of the 11th of October, a resolution was passed that the following morning the Sikhs of the so-called lower castes should go to Darbar Sahib with prasad, and, the Sikh leaders should accompany them and bring an end to this anti-Sikh practice; the next day, early in the morning, several Sikhs got initiation at Jallianwala Bagh and at the end of the ceremony; at about 8 a.m. all these Sikhs went to Darbar Sahib; as it was expected, at first, the priests did not allow them to enter but the people, who were in large numbers, pushed their way in; but when they offered prasad, the priests became adamant and did not perform ardas; at this, holding shawl around his neck, in utter humility, Professor Harkishan Singh Bawa thrice requested the priests to accept the prasad; but the priests did not agree; at this Bawa Harkishan Singh himself performed the ardas and asked one Sikh to distribute prasad. This Sikh was still distributing the prasad when Kartar Singh Jhabbar and his companions reached there; they were offered seats in the front; in the meanwhile Jhabbar had already known what had happened, hence he asked the Sikh (who was distributing prasad) to give the prasad to the priests first; before it could be done, another Sikh stood up and told how the priests had refused to perform the ardas; and, they had neither accepted nor distributed the prasad; on hearing it, Jhabbar stood up and addressed the priests asking them: “Can any priest tell me if Darbar Sahib has been built as a memorial to anyone of your relatives or it is blessedly set up by Guru Ram Das Sahib? Can anyone tell me if it has been mentioned anywhere in Gurbaani or Sikh history that only Sikhs of a particular caste can offer prasad and others can’t? What rights have you to disobey the rules passed by the Panth?”; at this one of the priests replied: “We are not educated enough to answer these questions but we will neither perform the ardas nor distribute the prasad;
nor shall we eat anything touched by them”; hearing this Jhabbar said: “If you do not obey the sangat, we are going to take a decision today; we shall respect you as pujaris of Darbar Sahib if you perform the ardas and distribute the prasad; but if you insult the sangat and reject their prasad, you shall be immediately turned out of Darbar Sahib”; by this time the sangat had sufficiently increased in numbers.
When the pujaris did not take any decision, Jhabbar again spoke: “We do not want to do injustice to the priests, this is the place of the Guru; as per the Guru’s command it is the duty of every Sikh to eat the prasad brought by the sangat; the priests must eat it since it is the prasad of the Guru; it can be called injustice only if we go to their houses and compel them to eat it; a priest of the Gurdwara will have to obey the orders of the Guru and the sangat; it is a matter of principles and not any injustice; the priests must answer these questions, otherwise they will be turned out immediately and the Panth will take the service of the Gurdwara in its hands.”111
When the priest realised that they had no option, one of them said: “Give us five minutes to think”; Jhabbar agreed; they discussed with each other and after three minutes one of the priests said: “We accept the orders of the sangat, but half of the prasad has already been distributed; so more prasad should be brought”; at this Bhai Mehtab Singh Bir, the Secretary of the above-mentioned Khalsa Biradari, and two other Sikhs brought prasad of 21 rupees within 10 minutes; 36 rupees were given to the pujari who performed the ardas; then the priest performed the ardas and Bhai Gurbachan Singh granthi sought the ‘vaak’ (command through reading of a hymn); the ‘vaak’ of Guru Granth Sahib was:
Nigunian no ape bakhsh laye bhai satgur ki sewa laai.
Satgur ki sewa utam hai bhai raam naam chit laai.112
(Guru Granth Sahib, p. 638)
The command of Guru Granth Sahib was in favour of accepting prasad and this sent the sangat in a state of bliss;113 thereafter the whole sangat went to Akal Takht; seeing them arriving, the priests ran away leaving Takht building unattended. When the Sikhs found Akal Takht abandoned, Bhai Deva Singh (Secretary of Amritsar Singh Sabha) made an appeal to the Sikhs present there to assume the service of Takht Sahib; at this, the sangat constituted a sewak jatha of 17 Sikhs for the service and look after of the building of the Takht; Teja Singh Bhuchchar was selected the Jathedar of this jatha;114 its duty was also to keep a vigil around Takht.115 Later on, the sangat presented a kirpan as siropa to Bhai Kartar Singh Jhabbar and Bhai Teja Singh Bhuchchar.
Committee for Management of Darbar Sahib
When the Deputy Commissioner of Amritsar, who was supervising the management of the Sikh shrines at Amritsar, came to know about the latest situation, he invited the Sikh leaders, the priests and the sarbrah to discuss the situation; the sarbrah and the priests abstained from this meeting; in this meeting an interim-committee was agreed upon for the purpose of managing the affairs of the Sikh shrines in the vicinity of Darbar Sahib; this 9-member Committee comprised Sundar Singh Ramgarhia (sarbrah), Professor Teja Singh, Bawa Harkishan Singh, Bhai Deva Singh, Bahadur Singh Hakim, Jathedar Teja Singh Bhuchchar, Jathedar Kartar Singh Jhabbar, Bhai Chanda Singh and Dr. Gurbakhsh Singh.
After this, the priests approached the leaders of a group of Budha Dal and convinced them that the Nihangs had been the caretakers of the Akal Takht hence Takht belonged to them116 and incited him to fight against the Akalis and occupy Takht; the Nihangs actually marched towards Akal Takht on the 10th of November 1920; at that time Kehar Singh Patti, himself a Nihang, was also present there; he persuaded the Nihangs to agree to Akali Jatha continuing the service till a common gathering of all the Sikhs had taken a collective decision on the matter and thus averted a battle. 117
Restoration of the wall of Gurdwara Rakab Ganj Delhi
As mentioned earlier, when the Delhi regime began construction of the Viceregal Lodge it even demolished the outer wall of Gurdwara Rakab Ganj; when the Sikhs came to know about it they began a movement against the government; but after some months the World War began and the government, fearing that it won’t get Sikh recruits for the army, approached the Sikh leaders and promised to rebuild the wall; the War came to an end in 1918 but the wall of Rakab Ganj was not built.
In July 1920 the Sikhs again raised the issue of the wall; and, now, the government came with a plan to construct a small wall around the Gurdwara. When the Sikh leaders got the news they decided to launch an agitation (at that time there was no S.G.P.C. or Akali Dal; and, though Sikh League had been formed in December 1919 but it did nothing except electing office bearers); on the 2nd of September 1920, Sardul Singh Kaveeshar published an open letter in the daily Akali inviting the Sikhs to enrol in to join a Shaheedi Jatha (martyrs band) which would proceed to Delhi to build the wall of Gurdwara Rakab Ganj;118 the letter said: “Needed 100 martyrs to save the Sikh Gurdwaras. Spade on Gurdwara Rakab Ganj”. In the letter Sardul Singh Kaveeshar had revealed that the regime had acquired the land of Rakab Ganj for pennies and had demolished the wall of the Gurdwara but when the Sikhs launched an agitation it (regime) stopped demolition fearing that that would stop recruitment of the Sikhs to the British Army to fight against the Germany.
The letter revealed that earlier (in 1914) the Chief Khalsa Diwan had consented to the action of the regime; and then (in 1920) the regime, in collaboration with the Khalsa Diwan Delhi, an unknown Committee (which does not represent any section of the Sikhs), had planned to proceed with its action of demolition of the wall by granting land in lieu of the Gurdwara land; and all this conspiracy was evident from the letter of the P.A. of the Chief Commissioner Delhi, published in daily Akali on the 18th of August 1920.
Kaveshar’s letter reminded the Sikhs that the Gurus had rejected even offers of crown and throne; and how can Sikhs accept petty offer of canal-irrigated land in lieu of Guru’s memorials; and though some phoney Sikh have sold their honour to the regime for their personal benefits: some of these are the contractors and engineers, hence dependent upon the government for their business and jobs. The letter warned the Sikhs that “the Chief Khalsa Diwan had gone down to this extent that it has begun propagating that ‘the wall is not a Gurdwara’; let them explain then what a Gurdwara is; is it the air inside the building; no, every part of a Gurdwara building including roofs, walls, doors and walls is Gurdwara”; the Sikhs don’t bother for Land Acquisition Act; we can’t accept a law that interferes in our religion.
The letter asked the Sikhs to offer their names to join the Shaheedi Jatha (martyrs’ band) which would proceed to Delhi to construct the wall of Gurdwara Rakab Ganj; it said that the Sikhs needed martyrs like Bhai Mani Singh and Bhai Taru Singh.119
When this letter was published in daily Akali, the names of the Sikhs volunteers began pouring in the office of the newspaper;120 and soon, instead of 100 more than 800 Sikhs offered themselves to join the Shaheedi Jatha; when the names were published the regime took no time to announce that it was willing to restore the wall of the Gurdwara; but, still, the government was playing tricks; it said that it (government) had negotiated with the Chief Khalsa Diwan (it still refused to accept the Sikh League as representative of the Sikhs); but, the Sikh leaders refused to trust the Diwan hence some Sikh leaders went to Delhi to observe the state of the Gurdwara wall.
Again, it was planned by the government that a high wall would be built so that the inside of the Gurdwara should not be visible from outside; the Sikh leaders rejected this too and declared that the jatha would march to Delhi and construct the wall itself. In the
meanwhile, the second session of the Sikh League was going held at Lahore on the 20th and 21st of October 1920; and the Sikh leaders gave a call to all those who had offered to join the Jatha to reach Lahore on the 20th of October so that it (Jatha) may start ‘Delhi March’; but, during this period Maharaja Ripudaman Singh Nabha had talks with the regime and offered to construct the wall to which, the government, in order to save its face, agreed; at that time Harchand Singh Lyallpuri was also present in Delhi; being satisfied that the wall would be ready within a week, he sent a telegram to Sardul Singh Kaveeshar requesting him not to march towards Delhi. The Sikhs’ victory in getting the wall of the Gurdwara restored added to their morale; by the middle of October 1920, they had also taken control of Gurdwara Chumala Sahib Lahore, Gurdwara Babe-di-Ber Sialkot, Darbar Sahib and Akal Takht Sahib; and these major successive victories inspired them to proceed further for reform in other Gurdwaras too.
Control of the Khalsa College at Amritsar
After gaining the control of Akal Takht on the 12th of October 1920 the Sikhs began giving attention to the other pending issues as well; the management of the Khalsa College at Amritsar was also one of them; this College had been established in 1892 with the money donated by the Sikh States as well as other affluent Sikhs and even common Sikh folk but it had gone under the control of the English regime; for some time, the Sikhs did not bother for it but after the agitation of 1907 the Sikhs began thinking about this institution too; in 1909, Master Sundar Singh Lyallpuri published a pamphlet entitled ‘Ki Khalsa College Sikhan Da Hei?’ (Does Khalsa College belong to the Sikhs?); but, still, not many Sikhs raised their voice; especially the Sikh feudal, the Chief Khalsa Diwan and other English-loyalists remained totally indifferent to this issue. With the launching of the daily Akali the issue of the management of the Khalsa College again came up; especially after July 1920 when Bhai Jodh Singh was dismissed from his job as Lecturer due to his sympathies with the Khilafat Movement. Though, later, Bhai Jodh Singh re-established his liaison with the English and became a favourite of the regime, but the Sikh leaders began demanding the transfer of the Khalsa College to a Sikh Committee. Because of the involvement of the Sikh leaders in Gurdwara Chumala Sahib Lahore and Babe-di-Ber Sialkot the issue of Khalsa College remained in background but after the occupation of the Akal Takht and Darbar Sahib this issue too came in forefront.
On the 26th of October 1920, 13 Professors121 of the Khalsa College wrote a joint letter to the Viceroy demanding transfer of the management of the College to the Sikhs; through this letter they also gave an ultimatum that if the government did not translate this demand into action they will not work under the English management; they also suggested formation of an interim committee, comprising of Arjan Singh Bagarian, Bachitar Singh Patiala, Inder Singh Faridkot, Kharak Singh, Harchand Singh Lyallpuri and Teja Singh Mastuana, to draft rules for new management of the College; on the other hand, the government, instead of bothering for the letter of the Professors, threatened that it would stop the financial help of the College; reacting to this Harchand Singh Lyallpuri declared that in case the government stops grant he would pay the same from his own pocket; Harchand Singh and Master Sundar Singh Lyallpuri actually visited the College on the 31st of October 1920 and with this the teachers and the students began agitation for transfer of the control of Khalsa College with full force (which finally succeeded).122
Birth of the S.G.P.C.
On the 14th of October 1920, the 9-member Committee (appointed by the D.C.) had formally begun controlling the services at Darbar Sahib and Akal Takht; but, as it was an ad-hoc Committee and did not represent all the sections of the Sikhs. During this period, one day, Master Mota Singh visited Amritsar and received information about the scenario of the
management of the Gurdwaras; he suggested that a gathering of all the Sikhs in the name of Sarbat Khalsa be called and a Panthic Committee be chosen there for the management of all the Gurdwaras123; consequently, Dr. Gurbakhsh Singh, who was a member of the above mentioned 9-member committee, issued a hukamnama (in fact a letter) in the name of Akal Takht Sahib to all the Sikhs asking them to reach Darbar Sahib on the 15th of November 1920; he had signed this edict as a sewadar (literally: servant, caretaker, it was also used for the office of secretary) of Akal Takht; this ‘hukamnama’ said:
Hukamnama
“All the Khalsa Ji, let it be known that on the 1st of Magghar, 1977 Sammat Nanakshahi 451, corresponding to the 15th of November, 1920 a huge Panthic gathering shall be held in front of Akal Takht Sahib, where after deep deliberations, a representative Panthic Committee will be chosen for the management of Darbar Sahib, Amritsar and other Gurdwaras. Therefore all the Guru Takhts, Gurdwaras, Khalsa Jathas, Sikh Platoons, Sikh Armies of the States, should send Singhs, of the following description, elected on the following pattern:
The qualifications of a representative:
He should be:
Number of representatives to be elected as follows:
6 from the managing committee
8 from amongst teachers
7 from amongst students
The decision about the Committee will be announced before the entire Sikh sangat. All the devotees of the Gurus’ abodes can participate; they should be kind enough to be present.
Note: All correspondence regarding this diwan should be addressed to this Sewak (secretary). Efforts have been made to send this announcement (information) to the islands of Guru Sikhs also. Every representative desirous of participation must have a certificate from his Jathedar. -Dr. Gurbakhsh Singh, Sewak, Akal Takht Sahib, Amritsar
In the last week of October 1920, several Sikh leaders, Professors and students gathered at Khalsa College, Amritsar; there were discussions for forming an ‘organization’ for the management of Gurdwaras;124 some of the persons present there were of the view that the constitution of the Chief Khalsa Diwan be amended and it (Diwan) should be entrusted with the service and look after of Gurdwaras; hence, the meeting passed a resolution, proposed by Bawa Harkishan Singh, that a dialogue be held with the leaders of Chief Khalsa Diwan so that an ‘organization’ could be formed for Gurdwara management; and, for this purpose, a committee was also selected; it consisted of the following members:
It was also decided that this Committee should hold talks with the leaders of Chief Khalsa Diwan and present its report before the gathering on the 15th of November 1920.125
The above mentioned 35 members Committee held talks with the leaders of the Chief Khalsa Diwan but there were no results; to further discuss the issue, a gathering was held at Akal Takht Sahib on the 7th of November; in this meeting it was resolved there that there was left no alternative but to elect a new Committee for Gurdwara management in the gathering of Sarbat Khalsa on the 15th of November 1920.
Government forms a Committee to stall the S.G.P.C.
Sarbat Khalsa gathering was to be held on the 15th November; two days earlier, on the 13th of November Maharaja Bhupindra Singh Patiala; Sundar Singh Majithia, Nihal Singh Judge Patiala, Bachitar Singh granthi Patiala, Shivdev Singh Sialkot, Mehar Singh Lahore, Maan Singh Ambala and Professor Jodh Singh met the Governor of Punjab. In this meeting, it was planned that to stall the formation of the Sikh Committee (later named as the Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee) on the 15th of November 1920, the government should appoint a Committee for the management of Darbar Sahib and other Gurdwaras; hence the Governor of Punjab announced a 36-member committee;126 it included the following members:
Apart from these 31 members, chiefs of Nihang jathas were also to be included; Harbans Singh Attari was to be the Chief of this committee; the Government did not include any Kooka127 in it as the latter had not yet begun collaborating with the regime. A remarkable feature of this Committee was that at least 25 of them had not got even initiation
Formation of the Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee (S.G.P.C.)
Although Maharaja Patiala and other well-wishers of the government had joined hands to stall the formation of the Gurdwaras Committee, still the Sarbat Khalsa gathering took place on the 15th of November 1920 as per schedule; the delegate session, held at Akal Takht, was attended by 742 persons; none without proper pass was allowed in this meeting; and this gathering selected the members of the first S.G.P.C.
The public session was held in front of Akal Takht; more than eight hundred persons were present there; the session began with an Ardas, followed by vaak (literally: sentence; it means reading a sentence/verse from Guru Granth Sahib for instruction/blessing) from Guru Granth Sahib; then congregation selected Professor Teja Singh Mastuana as the chairman of the session and after this S.S. Charan Singh ‘Shaheed’ recited his poem ‘Ik jaan tay teeh lakh jism saaday’ (meaning: we are three million bodies but have one soul); the first to address were Professor Jodh Singh and Nihal Singh who narrated the story of the formation of the 36 member Committee by the government; after this Bhai Chanda Singh addressed the gathering and said that the government has transferred the responsibility of the Deputy Commissioner128 to this 36-member Committee; moreover the government has appointed this Committee without the consent of the Panth; and besides it is a temporary Committee; hence
not acceptable to the Panth hence an all representative Committee should be formed; Bhai Chanda Singh proposed a resolution regarding the division of seats for selection of the members to the Committee: Amritsar 13 (urban 5, rural 8), Lahore 4, Firozpur 4, Ludhiana 6, Gurdaspur 4, Sialkot 4, Montgomery 2, Multan 1, Gujranwala 4, Gujrat 2, Jalandhar 4, Hoshiarpur 2, Jehlum 2, Rawalpindi 4, Attock 1, Sheikhupura 4, Lyallpur 6, Dera Ghazi Khan 1, N.W.F.P. 10 (Kohat 2, Peshawar 4, Abbotabad 2, Bannu 2, Ambala 2, Delhi 2, Rohtak-Gurgaon-Hissar-Karnal 1 each, Patiala and Nabha states 5 each, Jind state 4, Faridkot state 2, Kalsia state 2, Malerkotla 2, Kapurthala 2, Kashmir 2, Muzzaffargarh-Jhang-Dera Ismail Khan 1 each, Shahpur 2, Mianwali 1, Nihangs 5.129
When Chanda Singh finished his speech Shivdev Singh raees Sialkot stood up and suggested an amendment; he proposed that the government appointed 36-member Committee should also be accepted and alongside an Executive should be selected from amongst the members of the Committee to be selected in the present gathering; and, both these Committees should jointly manage the Gurdwaras; Shivdev Singh’s proposal was debated by various persons and finally he withdrew it. After this, there was a break and all the delegates gathered again after dinner and the proceedings began; the first to speak was Mangal Singh Kooka130 who proposed that separate representation should be granted to the Udasis, the Nirmalas, the Kookas and the Suthrashahis; it was opposed by Kartar Singh Jhabbar, Master Mota Singh and Principal Ganga Singh; their objection was that such reservation would create factionalism among the Sikhs; they proposed that if anyone of these groups is an initiated Sikh he can get elected from his constituency; at this the Kooka withdrew his proposal.131
Another amendment was proposed by Professor Teja Singh; he suggested that some zones had remained unrepresented in the scheme presented by Bhai Chanda Singh; hence the following representation should also be granted: Sind 8, U.P. 2, Bikaner 2, Bengal 5, Hong Kong, Shingai, Canada, California, Burma, Sistan, Balochistan, Simla, Punchh and Kabul 1 each; thus the total number would rise to 179; this amendment was unanimously accepted.
The following day, on the 16th of November, the proceedings began again and Chanda Singh asked the sangat to approve the previous days’ proceedings; after this it was proposed that from amongst this complete Committee a 72 member Committee should be short-listed; at this Kartar Singh Jhabbar proposed that the 36 member government announced Committee should also be included in this short-listed Committee; the meeting ended after the selection of Punj Piaray (the Five Chosen Ones; literally ‘five beloved ones’) which were given the duty to verify the religious credentials of the selected members; the Punj Piaray selected for this purpose included: Balwant Singh Kulla, Bawa Harkishan Singh, Master Mota Singh, Jathedar Teja Singh Bhuchchar and Prof. Teja Singh Mastuana; objections were raised against the selection of Prof. Teja Singh that he allowed Sikhs call him a sant and bow before him; at this, he declared before Akal Takht Sahib: “I will not allow anyone to bow before me and even address me as sant”.132
The following day, the Punj Piaray enquired about their religious credentials of the selected members; when the actual sitting of the Punj Piaray began, Master Mota Singh was not available as he had gone somewhere; hence in his absence Bhai Jodh Singh was co-opted as the fifth member; Bhai Bakhshish Singh of Kesgarh performed the duties as a granthi.
Though there is no list available of the members of this first S.G.P.C. but I have found out the names of more than 120 members from the newspapers of that period:
In addition to these, some other names were as follows:
Election of the office bearers of the first S.G.P.C.
On the 16th of November, 1920, a meeting of the selected members of the S.G.P.C. was held to verify the religious credentials of the selected members; only 61 members were present at this meeting; even Master Mota Singh and many other prominent leaders were absent; in this meeting, the members were examined; those who had not taken amrit (initiation) were asked to do so at earliest possible; Sundar Singh Majithia got away by just showing the five kakaar (articles of faith) on his person; those who did not observe rahit (Sikh code of conduct) or had not taken amrit (initiation) included Surat Singh Delhi, Sadhu Singh Lahore, Sundar Singh Chawla Lahore, Buta Singh Sheikhupura, Sundar Singh Ramgarhia sarbarah, Bhag Singh Kalsia, Ram Singh Sargodha, Dr. Gurbakhsh Singh, Daan Singh Vachhoa and Captain Bahadar Singh etc. During the meeting, objections were raised against the anti-Panthic role of Sundar Singh Majitha, Harbans Singh Attari and Dr. Gurbakhsh Singh; giving an evasive answer, Sundar Singh Majithia said: “I have been working for the welfare of the Panth as my humble intelligence has directed me”; Gurbakhsh Singh (who was a member of the Committee that honoured Governor O’Dwyer) said: “I am fallible and the sangat always forgives generously; please forgive me for the wrongs done by me knowingly and unknowingly”; after this, an ardas was performed.
How was Sundar Singh Majithia elected as President?
The same night, at 7 o’clock, when only 40 or 50 members were present, the President of the S.G.P.C. was elected; the names of Sundar Singh Majithia, Harbans Singh Attari and Bhai Jodh Singh were suggested for President-ship; as most of those present were supporters of Majithia; they pleaded that Majithia would soon become a member of the Executive Council of the Viceroy hence he should be elected President up to that time; this stratagem worked and Majithia was elected President; after this other office-bearers were elected: Harbans Singh Attari became the Vice President, Sundar Singh Ramgarhia got Secretary-ship and Bawa Harkishan Singh were elected as Joint Secretary; besides, Jodh Singh, Teja Singh Mastuana, Buta Singh Vakil, Harbans Singh, Charan Singh, Amar Singh Lyal Gazette and Kehar Singh Patti were elected as the members of the Executive; now, all the three main office-bearers (president, vice president and secretary) had close links with the government; the manner in which the election was held was a well thought out conspiracy; when the news reached the Governor he heaved a sigh of relief hoping that the S.G.P.C. would not go out of their control; after a few weeks Majithia became a member of the Executive Council and Attari became President in his place.
The S.G.P.C. was got registered on the 30th of April 1921; new office bearers were elected on the 14th of August 1921 which elected Kharak Singh as President, Sardar Bahadar (S.B.) Mehtab Singh as Vice President and Sundar Singh Ramgarhia as Secretary; now it was only the Secretary who had links with the government.135
Taking of the Control of Gurdwara Punja Sahib
The S.G.P.C. was formed on the 15th and 16th of November 1920; on the following day, Teja Singh Bhuchchar received a telegram from the Sikhs of Campbellpur telling that ‘Mitha Singh, the mahant of Punja Sahib is dead, therefore it (Punja Sahib) should be taken over immediately’; hearing this Teja Singh Bhuchchar and Kartar Singh Jhabbar, along with 22 companions, set out for Hasan Abdal (Punja Sahib); they reached Lahore in the evening of the 17th of November; they were to board a train to Hasan Abdal the next morning. On the other hand when some Congress workers of Punjab got information that Jhabbar was going to occupy Punja Sahib, they held a meeting at Sardool Singh Kaveeshar’s residence; and, after deliberation, they decided to stop him; Amar Singh Jhabal and Sundar Singh Lyallpuri were assigned duty to stop Jhabbar from taking possession of the Gurdwara; Jhabal went to Gurdwara Shaheed Ganj Lahore and said to Jhabbar: “Jhabbar Ji, don’t go there with the jatha; Gandhi has said136 that there will be swaraj (independence from the English) by the 31st December137; hence there is no need to take control of the Gurdwaras; let us all work with the Congress”; Jhabbar immediately retorted: “At present I don’t believe Gandhi’s statement that the English will quit India so easily; even if we, for the sake of hypothesis, believe that there will be swaraj; then it will bring even a greater danger to Gurdwaras as, then, there will be a Hindu rule in India; at present there is a Government of the English people; hence it turns a blind eye when we take possession of Gurdwaras because the English have no religious antagonism with us; but if there is a Hindu rule, as Gandhi says, nobody will allow us to go even near the Gurdwaras; Hindus are religiously opposed to us”; and Jhabbar refused to give up the idea of taking possession of Gurdwara Punja Sahib;138 when Amar Singh Jhabal failed to stop the Jatha, he accompanied them right up to Punja Sahib.
On the 18th of November the Gurdwara Sewak Jatha of Jathedar Jhabbar reached Hasan Abdal; when it reached near the Gurdwara he had a bit of argument with the police; the police wanted to stop them from going into the Gurdwara; but the Sikhs refused to obey the police; on the other hand Sant Singh, brother of the dead mahant Mittha Singh had gathered some 60 goondas (professional criminals) and got them ready for an attack on the Sikhs; when this goondas reached near the Gurdwara the police arrested them; at this Sant Singh started a dialogue with the Sikh leaders with the mediation of the police; meanwhile some Sikhs from Gujarkhan too reached the Gurdwara; collectively, these Sikhs took over the
charge of the services at the Gurdwara; when the Sikhs opened the kitchen, they were shocked to find decks of cards, chicken feathers, cigarette packets and cigarette-buts lying here and there; and, someone (having drunk) had also vomited at two places and covered them with ashes.
In the evening, Sant Singh brought some Hindus and Muslims to attack the Sikhs; but the sangat persuaded them not
Babar Sher, in its issue of 4.3.1925
to interfere in religious matters they went away. The next day, in the morning of the 19th of November, attempts were made by Sant Singh’s men to stop the Sikhs from performing keertan; but they did not stop and performed keertan. After some time, karhah prasad was brought by some person; on enquiry it came to be known that that had been prepared by a hooka smoker; and the Sikhs refused to accept it; at this Sant Singh tried to turn the local Hindus against the Sikhs by dubbing them (Jatha) as anti-Hindus; but Jathedar silenced them through persuasion. At noon, Sant Singh again came; this time he brought the Campbellpur Police with him; they (police) threatened the Sikhs and tried to turn them out of the Gurdwara; but the Sikhs stood their ground; the Hindu policemen continued smoking hooka
in the Gurdwara premises; it infuriated the Sikhs but Jhabbar asked them to remain peaceful.
When all the mean tricks failed, Sant Singh gave in and expressed a desire for compromise; deliberations were held with him in the presence of Guru Granth Sahib (five Hindus too had been called by Sant Singh for negotiations on behalf of the Hindus of Hasan Abdal); the points agreed upon included (1) arranging for the education of deceased Mitha Singh’s son up to B.A. (2) Giving monthly allowance to the whole tribe of Sant Singh (3) forming a Committee attached to the Shiromani Committee for the internal management of the Gurdwara; when agreed by Sant Singh, the conditions were put down in black and white; and an ardas was performed; but at the time of signing the agreement, Sant Singh backed out at the instigation of a Brahmin; the same day, in the evening, at the gathering of Rahiras path, the Jathedar presented a gurmata to declare Sant Singh tankhahiya (guilty for religious lapse) for backing out after performing ardas; it was passed unanimously; after this, the Jathedar ordered that Sant Singh should be turned out of the Gurdwara premises; consequently, he was ousted and the Panth got control of the Gurdwara. After this a Gurdwara Committee was selected; Ram Singh Sahni was selected as the President and the other members were: Giani Sher Singh, Teja Singh Vakil, Malik Deva Singh and Jaswant Singh (later on, Kartar Singh Jhabbar and Sundar Singh Neela Jehlum were also added as members). In the evening, when Sant Singh was asked to sign the agreement, he backed out; now he again called all his supporters; some of them were Muslims; however, Qazi Muzaffardin and Mirza Qutabdin Vakil persuaded them to go away.
The next morning, at the instigation of Mahasha Kishan Chand, editor of the newspaper Shanti, about 70 Hindu women, led by the widow of Mittha Singh, came to take possession of the Gurdwara; the Jathedar took away sticks and axes from the sewadars and said: “Whatever these women say, do not react; even if they strike you, do not raise even a finger.” The whole day the mahantani and the Hindu women shouted and raised a hell; they even abused the sewadars; but the Sikhs remained quiet; at last at 10 p.m., their husbands were brought there, they scolded them and took them away.
The following day, Sant Singh incited the Hindus and brought them to Gurdwara to attack the jatha; in the meantime Chowdhry Sultan Ahmad, the Deputy Commissioner Campbellpur had also arrived there; he tried to pacify the Hindus; but when the Hindus did not relent, Jathedar Jhabbar told the Deputy Commissioner that they were creating problems at someone else’s behest and they themselves are not interested in the Gurdwara and if he (D.C.) allowed they (the Sikhs) would send the crowd away in no time; to test it the D.C. allowed; and in order to prove it to the D.C., he asked two Sikhs to come forward and asked them to go towards the Hindus and just show them sticks and not strike; when these two Sikhs challenged a group of the Hindus, more than half the Hindus, who were only hired goondas, took to their heels and disappeared; seeing this the D.C. turned Sant Singh out of the Gurdwara and permanently banned his entry; he (D.C.) also asked him (Sant Singh) to seek legal remedy.139
A big diwan was held in the Gurdwara on the 26th of November 1920; here Kartar Singh Jhabbar made an appeal for formation of an Akali Fauj in order to defend their possession of the Gurdwaras and asked the Sikhs to proffer their names; at this fifty Sikhs came forward (it later on led to the birth of Akali Dal). In the same meeting, Giani Sher Singh made an appeal for funds for the Akali Fauj; one thousand rupees were offered by the sangat on the spot and there were promises for the donation of another four thousand rupees; thereafter a committee was selected for the management of the Gurdwara; it comprised of:
From Peshawar: Malik Deva Singh, Gulab Singh, Dulla Singh Abbotabadi; from Rawalpindi: Raja Singh, Bagh Singh Giani, Atar Singh; from Campbellpur: Amar Singh, editor Lyal Gazette, Mehar Singh granthi Singh Sabha; from Hazara: Ram Singh Thekedar,
Jawand Singh, Giani Sher Singh, Gopal Singh Sagari, Kartar Singh Kallar; from Jehlam: Jiwan Singh, Sundar Singh Neela, Jathedar Kartar Singh Jhabbar. Besides Master Tara Singh, Jagat Singh Pardesi and Isher Singh Punja Sahib were also co-opted.
Birth of Shiromani Akali Dal
After the taking over of the control of Gurdwara Punja Sahib, Bhai Kartar Singh Jhabbar realised that a permanent Jatha was needed to maintain this control; such a Jatha should be ever ready so that it may be summoned whenever it was needed; and since the mahant’s widow at Punja Sahib had made an effort to attack the Sikhs, some women should also be recruited in this Jatha i.e. Akali Fauj. According to the daily Punch, it was Master Mota Singh who had suggested that an appeal should be published in the newspaper and a Gurdwara Sewak Dal should be set up; the appeal was as under:
Gurdwara Sewak Dal
Wanted Five Hundred Singhs
“After the selection of 175 members, Master Mota Singh has suggested that in addition to the Committee, a Gurdwara Sewak Dal should also be set up which should take over the control from the mahants. It should consist of 500 Sikhs; 100 of them should be regular paid workers and 400 unpaid workers in reserve, so that a Jatha could be immediately sent from Akal Takht Sahib to any Gurdwara wherever the situation demanded it. This responsibility should be entrusted to a committee consisting of 25 members selected out of the 175 members of the Panthic Committee. We take the responsibility of the action of this Dal”.140
As mentioned earlier, the recruitment for this Jatha began at the gathering of Punja Sahib on the 26th of November where 50 Sikhs offered their services; for the formation of the central body of this Gurdwara Sewak Dal141 a gathering was called at the Akal Takht for the 14th of December 1920; in this gathering Jathedar Kartar Singh Jhabbar proposed:
“Circumstances compel us to bring about reforms in Gurdwaras immediately. It requires sacrifices of all of us. Therefore an Akali Dal should be set up. Its sewaks should devote to the Panth at least one month every year. Amritsar should be the centre where 100 Sikhs should always be ready to be sent in required numbers wherever they are needed. Its units should be set up in different regions”
The gathering unanimously passed a resolution that on the 23rd of January sangat should reach Bunga Akal Takht in large numbers so that such a Jatha be set up; under this news item, an appeal was also published:
“The sewaks of Jathas, Diwans and societies are requested to reach in large numbers. They should reach a day in advance and earn the Guru’s blessings with devoted service: body, mind and finance”142
This appeal had been signed in the name of Teja Singh Bhuchchar.
Several Akali Jathas had been formed both before and after the gathering of the 14th of December 1920; prominent among them were Akali Dal Kharaa Sauda (Jathedar Kartar Singh Jhabbar), Gargajj Akali Dal Tarn Taran (Jathedar Teja Singh Bhuchchar) and Shaheedi Diwan Bar Dharowali (Jathedar Sangat Singh); Akali Jathas were set up in other villages, towns and cities as well.
In between, on the 16th of Poh 1977 Bikrami (corresponding to the 30th of December 1920), a gathering was held at Kharaa Sauda also where Jathedar Kartar Singh Jhabbar presented a resolution that Akali Dal (District Sheikhupura) be set up for Gurdwara reform; Lakha Singh supported the proposal; 31 persons were enrolled immediately; Jhabbar was elected its Jathedar; Lakha Singh was selected Vice President, Sucha Singh became the Secretary and Teja Singh Chuharkana was taken as Joint Secretary.
The First Selection of the Office-bearers of Akali Dal
At the gathering of 14th December, decision had been taken to set up Gurdwara Sewak Dal; in this context, a gathering had been called at Akal Takht Sahib for the 23rd of January 1921, where the name of the organization was to be finalised and its office bearers were to be elected; this meeting went on for two days. In this meeting, Arjan Singh Dheerke suggested that this organization should be named Gurdwara Sewak Dal but ultimately Akali Dal was unanimously accepted as its name; Sarmukh Singh Jhabal was elected its first Jathedar (President).
(Akali Dal declared a two-point manifesto: (1) Serving the Panth by bringing together all the Akali Jathas (2) Carrying out the commands of the Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee for the service of Gurdwaras.143 Later on, in its meeting of the 29th of March 1922, it was re-named Shiromani Akali Dal, so as to distinguish it from local units).
After the martyrdoms of the 25th of January on the 1921 at Tarn Taran and 20th of February 1921 at Nanakana Sahib, the organisation of Akali Dal began gaining momentum; Jathas were set up at a large number of places; a conference was held at Nanakana Sahib on the 4th and 5th of April, 1921; on this day, for the first time the Sikhs came to this conference donning black turbans; at this diwan, the rules of Akali Jatha were read out and enrolment were started; Baba Kharak Singh was the first person to get enrolled.
In a report sent to the Viceroy on the 22nd of February, 1922, V.W. Smith, S.P. (political), C.I.D. Punjab, of the British Government, had given elaborate details about the organisation and the activities of the Akali Dal and the Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee; some important points were as under:
“In the summer of 1920, Akalis carrying big kirpans and wearing dark blue turbans appeared among people for the first time. They appeared to be hot headed militants but they were harmless. Gradually, their numbers increased and the size of the kirpans also increased. The Gurdwara Reform Movement too reached its full swing in the summer and autumn of 1920. The first trouble spots were Gurdwara Chumala Sahib in Lahore and Gurdwara Babe Di Ber in Sialkot. Prominent Sikhs took part in the agitation in the Chumala Sahib dispute. They wore black turbans, carried kirpans and they called themselves Akalis. As the shape of Gurdwara Movement began to emerge, local units came to be formed in a systematic manner. Amritsar was the first district chosen for the recruitment of Akalis. At a Diwan of the Sikh League at Tarn Taran on the Bhadon Massiya (July-August), Amar Singh Jhabal exhorted the sangat to be ready for attaining martyrdom for re-building the wall of Gurdwara Rakab Ganj. Some 70 to 80 Singhs offered their names. With the help of his brother Jaswant Singh Jhabbal, Teja Singh Bhuchchar and some other less known leaders, he started regular work of recruiting Akalis so that the Gurdwaras of Nanakana Sahib could be taken over. After the arrest of Teja Singh Bhuchchar in the Tarn Taran case, his successor was immediately named. Help also came from the Shiromani Committee which controlled the movement.”
After this minor flutter of April, May and June, a new spirit arose among Akali circles. Adopting the policy of non-cooperation, the Shiromani Committee undoubtedly decided to achieve its end by all means; but these ‘means’ did not include violence. It started a movement to infuse a new spirit among the Akalis and decided to raise a 5000 strong Jatha, by fixing a quota for each district, which should be ready to sacrifice their lives for Gurdwara Reform. Large number of people offered their names in response to this appeal. The exact number of such people is not known. According the
report of the Government their number was less than 5000. But the Shiromani Committee claimed that it far exceeded the number solicited in the appeal. The Akali demonstration at Nanakana Sahib on the Pooranmashi of November belies the claims of the Government report.
The Akali Recruitment got great success in Patiala, Kapurthala and Nabha. It is not wrong to say that the number recruited in Phulkian States was somewhere between 3000 and 4000 or even more. Every Akali was made to take the following oath:
“In the holy presence of Guru Granth Sahib, I vow that I will sacrifice myself, body, mind and soul, for Gurdwara Reform. I will always be at the command of my Jathedar. I will neither hurt anyone with my words nor resort to violence even in the face of worst calamities.”
Women too were becoming Akalans in large numbers. But their work was confined to speaking on stage and propagating the Akalis message.
Shiromani Committee’s efforts to make Akali Dal disciplined and a united organization have been highly successful. The clarity with which during the morcha for keys the Jathas of various places gathered at Gurdwara Teja and reached Amritsar, proves that the communication system of the Akalis was highly successful and effective and also that there existed a complete unity and harmony in the whole Akali Dal from the President of Shiromani Committee to an ordinary Akali in a far off village.
A 5000 strong Jatha of Akalis, most of who were ex-servicemen, had been chosen and kept in reserve to deal with any emergency. This force was under Captain Ram Singh’s command. No proof of its regular training or parade is available but at the time of the arrest of Baba Gurdit Singh Kamagatamaru, this force had marched in lines and displayed all the military signals with whistles and the hands’ gestures.
Shiromani Committee has always asserted that the Akali movement is religious, and non-political and its sole objective is to bring reform in the management of all the Gurdwaras, but it is evident that its control lies in the hands of those militants who hold the reins of the Central Sikh League which is the most progressive organization. It can be said that the radical leftist Akalis of the Shiromani Committee hold real control of this smaller organization and the moderate Akalis who wish to seek solution through a co-operation and compromise with the Government, are not strong enough to exercise any influence on them.
From the rising awareness of the past few years among the Sikh qaum, it was apparent that they would display greater zeal in the propagation of religion. The Central Sikh League did not directly lead the Gurdwara Reform movement. The only reason for this is that its objectives purely political and the Government could have looked upon any of their campaigns with suspicion. The movement could have then faced many obstructions from the Government side. Probably if could have been crushed in the very first stage. Therefore, it is not difficult to understand that issues were deliberately chosen as targets. The plan and method of the campaign was simple and direct; the aim being that Gurdwara Reforms should be concluded at any cost; and that a force of preachers and martyrs be raised for this purpose. The call was essentially religious and it proved to be more effective than any movement for political freedom. We can gauge its success from its work in Gurdwara Teja, Nanakana Sahib and Amritsar during the last four months. Full control over Gurdwaras and the Kirpan issue are important issues which are to be taken up without delay. At this point, taking full advantage of the opportunity, the Sikh League has also announced its participation in the All India Qaumi Movement.
Baba Gurdit Singh’s emergence is a symbol of the change coming in Sikhs’ minds. Moreover there are indications of Ajit Singh’s return to India after his exile in 1907. The Sikh farmers generally believe that the present movement is merely a trailer of a bigger revolution which will result in the return of the Sikh rule. This thought has either been fostered by the Sikh leaders or it has started spreading of its own. Nothing can be said about its origin. But it is widely prevalent.
All Sikh newspapers except ‘Khalsa Advocate’, have dealt its religious issues in detail from a strongly anti-British point of view. Sikh newspapers’ continuous attacks on Government policies are evidently a great obstruction in the way of any compromise with the Government. They are a major cause of their strained relations.
The Akali movement is a matter of greater concern than Gandhi’s civil disobedience. Gandhi’s propaganda mainly influences the urban people who lack physical courage and ability to successfully face even a small police squad. On the other hand Akali movement is a purely rural
movement and its participants have strong bodies and a national history. The present Sikh situation is so fluid that it is impossible to say with any certainty what turn the Akali movement will take in future. Using Akali Dal for political purposes is the only hope for the future”
V.W. Smiths’ report mentions the massiya (the 10th of November 1920) at Tarn Taran in connection with the setting up of Akali Dal. But he is incorrect as there was no recruitment of Akali Dal or Akali Jatha on this occasion. There was only an appeal for forming a Jatha for Gurdwara Reform.
Gurdwara Tarn Taran &
The First Martyrs of the Gurdwara Reform Movement
In 1920, Darbar Sahib, Akal Takht Sahib, Gurdwara Baba Atal and Darbar Sahib Tarn Taran, all the four Gurdwaras, had a common sarbarah; therefore, they were governed from one place; but they had different priests; on the 12th of October 1920, the Sikhs took over the management of Akal Takht and Darbar Sahib Amritsar, but the administration of Tarn Taran remained still in the hands of a corrupt mahant.
In December 1920, Jathedar Lachhman Singh Dharowali (who later on attained martyrdom at Nanakana Sahib) went to Gurdwara Tarn Taran, along with the girl students of his school for making obeisance; the priests did not allow them to perform keertan and turned them out; on the 11th of January 1921, the local Sewak Jatha was also stopped from performing keertan; and such a treatment had also been done to other supporters of the Singh Sabha Movement and other Sikhs. It all had been happening for a long time; C.M. King, the Commissioner, knew all this; in fact, he had been helping the mahants; and the mahants had claimed that he had also issued them a letter in support of their ‘rights’. When the mahants made public claim of having received such a letter, Bhai Mohan Singh Vaid of Tarn Taran wrote a letter to C.M. King on the 23rd of January 1921, and asked him to repudiate this commonly held belief in Tarn Taran that he had issued such a letter; in this letter, he (Mohan Singh Vaid) had expressed his fears that something unpleasant might happen any moment; but C.M. King gave no reply to this letter; hence, the fears of Mohan Singh Vaid did come to happen ultimately.
On the 23rd and the 24th of January 1921, a gathering was being held at Akal Takht in order to give a final shape to the formation of Akali Dal and for the selections of its office-bearers; on the second day, the wife of Sant Singh (Secretary of Singh Sabha Tarn Taran) reached there and narrated the misdeeds of the mahant of the Tarn Taran Gurdwara; she said: “Today, I tell my woes to the Panth like the Brahmin of Kasur (whose wife had been taken away by a Pathan chief of Kasur in 1763); one day, my seven year old daughter went to the Gurdwara; one of the priest addressed my daughter as bhabi (friend/brother’s wife); and then, tying a big stone round her neck, the priests drowned my child in that sarover; earlier, on another day another priest gripped a seventeen years old daughter of a rich Hindu of Tarn Taran (who had gone to pay obeisance) and tried to molest her; she showed great courage and saved herself. Out of fear, respectable women of the city have stopped visiting the Gurdwara; sangat coming from other places is badly humiliated; everyday insults are heaped on one Sikh or another; especially now, no blue-turbaned Sikh can pay obeisance at the Gurdwara; we are suffering greatly; the Panth should act immediately to reform the immoral priests of Tarn Taran.”
On hearing all this, the sangat got infuriated; some angry Sikhs at once got up to go to Tarn Taran; but Jathedar Teja Singh Bhuchchar pacified them. 144
The following day, Jathedar Teja Singh Bhuchchar left for Tarn Taran along with 40 companions by the first train. They entered the Gurdwara at 8 a.m.; keertan was being performed in the Gurdwara at that time; for two hours they listened to the keertan. In the meantime, the mahant collected about seventy persons, most of whom were young men;
having observed the situation, Jathedar told the mahant that they were not there to take possession of the Gurdwara but to apprise him of the people’s complaints; but some young members of the mahants’ gang lost temper and resorted to provocative activities; they started abusing the Akalis; but the elderly priests pacified them and told the Akalis that they were ready for talks and they fixed time for discussions at four in the evening; the priests nominated Mihan Singh, Gurbakhsh Singh, Gurdit Singh, Sewa Singh, Sundar Singh and Teja Singh to hold talks on their behalf. Jathedar Teja Singh Bhuchchar, Jathedar Balwant Singh Kulla, Daan Singh Vachhoa, Jathedar Kartar Singh Jhabbar and Hakim Bahadar Singh were nominated by the Akalis; in addition to them, some local Sikhs e.g. Bhai Mohan Singh Vaid, Sant Singh Lambardar, Gian Singh, Dharam Singh Usman were also called to the meeting as local representatives. Deliberations began, at Bunga Dhotian, at 4 p.m. in the evening; and finally a five-point agreement was arrived at after the meeting; it said: (1) Gurdwara management should be run as per the rules of the Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee (2) A local committee should be selected for liaison with the Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee. (3) The non-Sikh practices in the Gurdwara should be done away with (4) the granthis and sevadars of the Gurdwara should be amritdharis (5) Sangat should assign punishment to that priests who violates the code of the Sikh Rahit.145
The agreement was finalized by 5 o’clock in the evening; after this the priests said that they wanted to consult their companions; and saying this, they came out. On the other hand, at the house of Gurdit Singh at Jhanda Bunga, the priest’s henchmen were making preparations to attack the Sikhs; they had piled up weapons and gun power; at 8.30 in the night, two priests again came there and asked the Sikh leaders to bring the draft of the agreement; the Sikh leaders got suspicious about their intentions; but the mahants laughed and assured them that there was no conspiracy; at this the Sikh leaders sent Bhai Mohan Singh Vaid to go out and write the draft agreement on a proper sheet of paper in a good handwriting; after coming out of the building Mohan Singh Vaid told the Tehsildar, the circle inspector and other Government officials, who were standing outside, about the whole matter; after this, Bhai Bahadur Singh Hakim started briefing the sangat about the agreement; at the same time, a hand bomb fell near them; after that four or five more bombs were thrown which injured many persons; these shells had been thrown simultaneously from Gurdit Singh’s house and other Bungas.
Inside the Gurdwara, Balwant Singh Kulla was bowing in reverence before Guru Granth Sahib; as he was bending, he received a heavy blow of sword on his shoulder and it was badly ripped; Hazara Singh146 (of Aladinpur) was also paying obeisance by his side; the mahants’ gang men stabbed him in the belly with a sword; he was badly wounded and he collapsed there; after that Hukam Singh (of Wasaukot) got four or five blows of chhavis in his head and he also fell down in a wounded state; apart from these three, Sucha Singh Chakk Gurdaswala, Tehal Singh, Gurbakhsh Singh, Labh Singh and Isher Singh also suffered injuries. It all happened in a few minutes and after that the mahants’ henchmen ran after switching off all the lights. When the wounded Sikhs came out and disclosed the whole matter, all the Sikhs rushed inside; inside, there was blood on all sides; the sangat looked after the wounded persons. The police arrived at 10 o’clock and inspected the spot; they also saw the priests in a drunken state. The next day, the priests’ men inflicted artificial and minor wounds and went to the hospital so that a parallel case could be filed against the Sikhs; in fact, the police was also a party in this conspiracy. Later, the police registered cases against both the parties.147
The Superintendent of the Police (S.P.) Amritsar arrived at Tarn Taran on the 26th of January 1921; he held discussions with both the parties; in view of the delicacy of the matter, the District Magistrate forbade the mahant and his men from entering into the Gurdwara; after a few days, the mahants even made a written apology. On the 27th of January 1921,
Hazara Singh of Aladinpur, who had been injured by the mahant’s men, succumbed to his injuries; on the 28th of January, thousands of Sikhs joined the funeral procession of Bhai Hazara Singh; it was the longest procession of those times. Another wounded person, Hukam Singh of Wasaukot too passed away on the 4th February; these two persons were the first martyrs of the Gurdwara Reform Movement.148
Although two Sikhs got killed and dozens of them were wounded in the Tarn Taran bloodshed, but simultaneously the Panth got the control of the Gurdwara; immediately after assuming the charge, the Sikhs set up a Committee with Balwant Singh Kulla as its Jathedar (president); Dharam Singh was selected the vice-Jathedar; and a 13-member Committee was also selected which comprised of the following:
Later, the mahants filed a case against the Sikhs in the court of law for taking the possession of the Gurdwara, but the Judge dismissed the case on the 9th of July 1921 and accepted the supremacy of the Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee.
Massacre at Nanakana Sahib
Like other historical Gurdwaras, situation in Gurdwara Janam Astham, at Nanakana Sahib, too was very appalling; its control was in the hands of Udasi sadhus. Its management had been going on smoothly till the beginning of the 20th century; but a lot of profane activities began taking place since Mahant Sadhu Ram’s times; the mahant started drinking and womanizing; and due to promiscuous sex he got inflicted with some venereal disease. He was succeeded by mahant Kishan Das; he too was a debauched person; he had illicit relations with a widow and had even fathered a son from her; he had also arranged a dance of professional dancing girls in the Gurdwara premises at the time of his nephew’s marriage. Again, once, this mahant, along with other members of the marriage party, had been given a shoe-beating in a village where they had gone to join the marriage of a boy of the family, for misbehaving with the village girls in a drunken state. Kishan Das too got inflicted with the same disease that had claimed his predecessor Sadhu Ram’s life; after this he started living at Lahore. One day his chela Narain Das (Narainu) went to Lahore; he took out the keys of the Gurdwara from the mahant’s pocket when he was on his death-bed; after this, he declared himself the new mahant and soon did he win over the support of the police and goondas by using the Gurdwara money. After some time Mahant Kishan Das died; at the time of his cremation, Narain Das promised in writing that he would not act like Kishan Das and would go by the sangat’s will.
For some time, Narain Das did quite well; but soon he too started emulating Kishan Das; he had a Muslim Mirasan keep who bore him two sons and two daughters; he had built two houses for them (one at Nanakana Sahib and the other in Ram Gali, Lahore). In August, 1917, he too arranged a dance of the professional dancing girls in the Gurdwara; the Singh Sabhas everywhere condemned this unSikh act. In 1918, a Sindhi family went to pay obeisance in the Gurdwara; in the evening, when the recitation of Rahiras hymns was going on, a priest raped their 13-year-old daughter; but the mahant did not take any action; towards the end of the same year, six women of Jaranwala village came to the Gurdwara for paying obeisance; the mahant and the priests raped these women; several such incidents had happened earlier too but people did not complain for fear of shame.149
In these circumstances, a huge gathering was held at Dharowali on 1st, 2nd and 3rd October, 1920. Dr. Saif-ud-Din Kitchlew, Agha Safdar and many other non-Sikh leaders also attended this gathering. Master Mota Singh, Master Sundar Singh Lyallpuri, Daan Singh Vachhoa, Jaswant Singh Jhabbal and many other Sikh leaders spoke there and expressed concern at the situation in Nanakana Sahib; and the gathering passed a resolution for reform there; at the same time, Lachhman Singh Dharowali announced the formation of a Shaheedi Jatha for this purpose.150
Mahant Narain Das also came to know about the discussions held at the meeting. Instead of mending his ways, he engaged 400 goondas on salary in the month of November; the gang included dreaded goondas and murderers like Ranjha and Rihana. With the help of Kartar Singh Bedi, Narain Das arranged a gathering of mahants, sadhus, and Bedis at Akhara Sangal Wala (Amritsar) on the 12th of December 1920; under the President-ship of Mahant Gobind Das (of Jamsher), 53 mahants participated in this gathering; in this meeting it was decided that the Akalis should be given a tough fight. After this, mahant Narain Das and Bedi Kartar Singh jointly raised 60 thousand rupees and started publishing a weekly paper in the name of Sant Sewak from Lahore151; this newspapers was distributed free of cost; anti-Akali propaganda was carried out through this paper. The mahants also formed a phoney ‘Gurdwara Committee’ of their own; it was a mere eye-wash and this Committee had no role to play; mahant Narain Das became its President and Basant Das was nominated Secretary.
As mentioned earlier, in November, 1920, Narain Das had gathered 400 goondas in
view of the apprehensions of Akali efforts to take control of the Gurdwara. On the occasion of Guru Nanak’s birthday, on the 25th and 26th of November 1920, all these goondas had gathered inside and around the Gurdwara. But the Akalis had no programme for that day; even then the mahant did not allow any Sikh to enter the Gurdwara with a kirpan. On this day, Bhai Lachhman Singh too visited the Gurdwara; when the mahant’s goondas, armed with chhavis and axes, surrounded him, the Deputy Commissioner and Superintendent CID were also present there; therefore the bloodshed was averted, otherwise the bloodshed of the 20th of February 1921 could have occurred on the 26th of November 1920. After the gurpurab celebrations, the mahant sent away most of his men but he retained with him ferocious people like Ranjha, Sakhu and Kahna; soon the mahant fortified the building of Gurdwara Nanakana Sahib; he arranged defences on all sides to protect it from outside attack and also piled up weapons inside. C.M. King, the Commissioner, other police and CID officials, the D.C. and the Governor knew all about it; but they sat silent;152 the Sikh leaders also knew about the mahant’s plans and activities and they had been warning the sangat about it in congregations and through the media.
In this scenario, one day, Kartar Singh Jhabbar went to Lahore to get printed some posters; there he met Partap Singh (editor of daily Akali); the latter showed him a letter printed in English which had been given to the mahants by C.M. King (Commissioner Lahore) at the instance of Kartar Singh Bedi; he told that this letter was against the Akalis and there was some legal matter which he could not understand; he suggested that it should be shown to some lawyer; Jhabbar took the letter with him and went to Amar Singh (editor Lyal Gazette); the latter too could not understand its contents and suggested that they should consult S. B. Mehtab Singh; at this Jhabbar went to S.B. Mehtab Singh; when the latter read the letter he said that there was nothing new in that letter; but it seemed that the Government would do something soon to check your adventurism (taking possession of the Gurdwaras). After a few minutes’ conversation, he took him aside and asked him which Gurdwara they intended to take over next; Jhabbar told him the Jatha was making preparations to take over a Gurdwara near Hafizabad.; at this S.B. Mehtab Singh said: “It won’t be a very big victory even if you take over all the Gurdwaras of British India; but, if you assume control of just one Gurdwara, Nanakana Sahib, it will elevate the Sikh qaum and strengthen its roots beyond description; but you know that the mahant of Nanakana Sahib is a scoundrel; he is preparing for a big fight; I believe that there will surely be a confrontation when you reach there”; at this Jhabbar asked him, “What assurance can you give if we are in trouble there?” Sardar Bahadur replied: “I will immediately reach Nanakana Sahib and help you in every possible manner in case a problem arises; if money is needed, I will give 40 thousand rupees; if legal help is needed, I shall provide it even if I have to resign and give up the Government job.” Kartar Singh Jhabbar and S.B. Mehtab Singh then gave a solemn word to each other.153
Having discussed it with his companions, in the middle of January he (Jhabbar) wrote a letter (see the photo of the original letter on the following page) to the S.G.P.C. asking them to take up the issue of Gurdwara Nanakana Sahib in its hands lest some calamity might take place.
Having received letter from Jathedar Jhabbar,, the S.G.P.C. held a meeting at the Akal Takht on the 24th of January 1921; discussions were held about the situation of Nanakana Sahib; it was decided that a diwan (congregation) should be held at Nanakana Sahib on the 4th, 5th and 6th of March 1921 and the Mahant should be told to mend his ways. Besides, the S.G.P.C. also issued a letter in which an appeal was made to prominent Sikhs to persuade the mahant to hand over the Gurdwara to the Panth; this letter was also sent to the Punjab Governor, the Sikh rulers, the Government officials and prominent personalities. On the 6th of February 1921, the S.G.P.C. formed a Committee comprising of Bhai Lachhman Singh Dharowali, Daleep Singh Sangla, Teja Singh Samundari, Jathedar Kartar Singh Jhabbar and
Bakhshish Singh to make langar arrangements for the sangat which would be coming to participate in the congregation on the 4th, 5th, 6th of March.
This announcement of the Akalis frightened the mahant;154 he sent Sundar Das Sialkoti and Hari Das to Sacha Sauda to meet Bhai Kartar Singh Jhabbar expressing his readiness to make a compromise with the Sikhs; he made an offer that he was ready to accept a Committee for Nanakana Sahib provided that (1) he would not be turned out, (2) he too would be a member of this committee (3) he would be given a part of the income instead of a fixed salary. Jathedar Kartar Singh Jhabbar accepted the first and the third conditions and told him that only the S.G.P.C. could take a decision on the second demand; when the report was sent to the S.G.P.C., it set up a sub-committee to hold talks with the mahant; it included Kartar Singh Jhabbar, Jodh Singh, Teja Singh Samundari, Buta Singh Vakil and Kehar Singh Patti as its members. This committee summoned the mahant at Gurdwara Khara Sauda to hold talks on the 7th, 8th and 9th of February 1921.
Diverting the Sikhs attention in the name of holding talks, the mahant had been, in fact, making preparation for a fight; he had engaged some cruel murderers from Bhai Pheru and other parts or Majha zone; he got replaced the outer wooden gate of Nanakana Sahib Gurdwara with an iron one which had holes for firing guns; holes and openings were also made in the walls of the houses around the Gurdwara through which guns could be fired easily. The mahant also made contacts with other mahants, Bedis and Kookas; on the 7th of February 1921, he called a meeting of his touts and supporters in the premises of the Gurdwara; apart from all his hired goondas and murderers, the Bhatti Muslims of Nanakana Sahib, Bedi Kartar Singh, Kooka Mangal Singh155 and many others were present there; all of them vowed to stand by the mahant in case there was a fight with the Akalis.
On one hand, the mahant had called this secret meeting on the 7th of February, on the other hand he sent his agents Sundar Das and Hari Das to Sacha Sauda to tell the Akalis that he would meet them at Sheikhupura on the 15th of February; when Jhabbar reached there on the 14th of February, he came to know that the mahant would now meet them at Lahore; this meeting was fixed to be held at the house of Amar Singh Lyal Gazette at 10 a.m. on the 15th of February; the mahant did not reach there also; in fact, the mahant was diverting the Akalis’ attention from his original plans through such tricks.
On the 14th February, the mahant had held another meeting in which plans were finalised to murder all the Sikh leaders during the Akali gathering of the 3rd, 4th and 5th of March. According to Jhabbar, he had a spy in the mahant’s circle which told him about the planning of the mahant.156 Jhabbar at once rushed to Kharaa Sauda and consulted his associates; they called for Bhai Lachhman Singh Dharowali and Buta Singh; all of them met on the 17th of February and decided that in order to thwart the mahants evil designs, they should reach Nanakana Sahib on the intervening night of the 19th and the 20th February and occupy the Gurdwara; because on that day all the Bedis, Sodhis, Bhallas, Udasis, Nirmalas, Namdharis, Nihangs, Addan Shahias, Suthra Shahias, Gahar Gambhirias, Nirankaris, Charandasias, Sanatani mahants, pujaris and saadhs had been called to Amritsar to attend a conference which was to be presided over by Kartar Singh Bedi; a joint action plan to fight against Akalis was to be chalked out there.
At the meeting of the 17th February, Jhabbar, Lachhman Singh and Buta Singh Sheikhupura finalised a plan that Buta Singh would reach Nanakana Sahib on the 19th of February; the same night, Lachhman Singh Dharowali’s jatha would reach Chanderkot (Chanderkot is only a few kilometre away from Nanakana Sahib); Jhabbar’s jatha would come from the other side and both of them would occupy Gurdwara Nanakana Sahib in the morning of the 20th of February. After this meeting, Buta Singh went to Lyallpur and consulted some friends and then returned to Nanakana Sahib; on the other hand, Harchand Singh Lyallpuri, Teja Singh Samundari and Master Tara Singh, who had come to know about
this planning, wished that the Gurdwara should not be captured in this way; to consult some other leaders they called a meeting at Lahore in the morning of the 19th of February; Sardul Singh Kaveeshar, Master Sundar Singh Lyallpuri, Jaswant Singh Jhabal and Daleep Singh Sangla also attended the meeting; it was decided there that no Jatha should try to take control of Gurdwara Nanakana Sahib before the proposed diwan of the S.G.P.C.
The meeting deputed Daleep Singh Sangla and Jaswant Singh Jhabal to go to Kharaa Sauda to stop Jhabbar; when Daleep Singh reached Kharaa Sauda, Jhabbar had already left; he (Daleep Singh) therefore went to Chanderkot; meanwhile Teja Singh Nadali also reached there with 60 companions; all of them stopped Jhabbar. After this, they asked Daleep Singh and Waryam Singh to go with a letter from Jhabbar and stop Lachhman Singh’s jatha from taking possession of the Gurdwara; from there Daleep Singh went to the house of Uttam Singh (a Sikh factory owner of Nanakana Sahib) after directing Waryam Singh Bhojian to stop Lachhman Singh at the railway crossing in the outskirts of Nanakana Sahib. 157
Meanwhile, Lachhman Singh reached near the brick-kilns outside the town of Nanakana Sahib; here Bhai Waryam Singh met him and conveyed to him Daleep Singh’s message to desist from taking possession of Gurdwara Nanakana Sahib; when Lachhman Singh read the letter he decided to turn back; but Tehal Singh, a member of his jatha, suggested that they should at least pay obeisance at the Gurdwara though they would not make any attempt to take possession of it; he pointed out that they must pay obeisance as that was the birth day of Guru Har Rai Sahib, and, the worst that could happen was that the mahant would kill them; consequently the jatha gave up the idea of occupying the Gurdwara and set out to pay obeisance; they reached the Gurdwara at 6 a.m. in the morning.
On the other hand, in the afternoon of the 19th of February, 1921, at about 3.45 p.m. the mahant reached Nanakana Sahib Railway station to board train to attend the meeting at Lahore; at this point, a Muslim Mirasan of Jarhanwala village spoke to him: ‘Oh mahant, what are you doing here? The Akalis are coming; I swear by the Holy Qur’an and my faith, about 100 black-turbaned Akalis have got down at Bucheana station’; getting this news from the old woman, the mahant jumped off the moving train shouting for his friends; some jumped off there and others got off at Warburton railway station and returned to Nanakana Sahib; all night, they kept watch on the paths coming towards Nanakana Sahib for long distances; when no one turned up they returned to their places at dawn.
How the Massacre was carried out?
When the jatha arrived in the Gurdwara, the mahant was in his living room; on hearing the jaikaras, his friends rushed to him and said: “the Akalis have come and entered Darbar Sahib; what are our orders?” The mahant immediately began planning to act; his preparations went on for about an hour. On the other hand, after entering Darbar Sahib, the Akalis had bolted doors from inside; therefore the mahant asked Sher Singh Saini to bring a ladder from the house of Jameet Singh, the priest of Gurdwara Baal Leela; Sher Singh at once brought the ladder and set it to the west side of the southern gate of the Gurdwara near the well; and, six persons: Ranjha, Machhi, Rihana, Wasakha Singh Sahriwala etc. (who had guns) and Jagan Nath Bagianwala (who had a pistol) reached atop the houses to the south of the parikarma and started firing; taking position near the lavatory corner to the eastern side of the living room, mahant Narain Das and Smail (Ismail) Bhatti were egging them onto fight; within a few minutes 25-26 Sikhs had been killed; during all this time the saadhus who had been staying with the mahant continued throwing bricks and stones at the Sikhs; at that time there were about 60 Sikhs inside the quadrangular building; the mahant’s killers killed them too; some Sikhs tried to go out, they too were killed; by this time some Sikhs pilgrims, who had reached Nankana Sahib by chance, too were killed; wherever any Sikh was seen he was surely killed.
When firing started, Bhai Daleep Singh heard its sound at Bhai Uttam Singh’s workshop and rushed towards the Gurdwara; Uttam Singh and others tried to stop him saying: “Bhai Sahib, do not go; firing has started; you will get killed” but Daleep Singh did not stop; Bhai Waryam Singh Bhojian and Bhai Buta Singh Lyallpuri too went with him. On the way, past Rookian’s Bunga, Bhai Buta Singh stopped for urination and then went atop the living room. On the other hand, when Bhai Daleep Singh and Waryam Singh reached near Darshani Darwaza, mahant Narain Das rode straight to them; Bhai Daleep Singh who knew him already, said: “O mahant, you have committed grave atrocities; put a stop now; I will secure the Panth’s forgiveness for you; don’t kill the Sikhs now”; at this the mahant shouted: “Who are you?”; he replied: “I am a Sikh”; “No, you are an Akali” said the mahant; at this Daleep Singh said, “Well, I am an Akali”; hearing this the mahant pointed his pistol towards him and said: “If you are an Akali, then take this” and the mahant fired the gun; the bullet struck Daleep Singh in the chest under the right shoulder; in the meantime Ladhu of Gauri Kama struck him (Daleep Singh) with an axe from behind; Daleep Singh’s right arm got separated from his body; meanwhile three or four persons cut his body into pieces with their axes. Bhai Waryam Singh Bhojian, the ‘Bijla Singh’ (spy) of Jhabbar’s jatha was standing close by; the mahant’s nephew Arjan Das Bagi hacked him with an axe; after killing them, Sher Singh Saini and Ladhu threw their bodies in the oven, poured some oil on them and set them afire.
When the gunmen sitting atop the houses had wounded the Sikhs present in the baaradari of Darbar Sahib, men armed with axes came down; the first to jump down was Uttam Singh Dhariwala; he started cutting the wounded Sikhs into pieces with his axe; some Sikhs were still alive; as per the orders of the Jathedar, they did not raise even a finger; two Sikhs ran up through the staircase on the western side and jumped off to escape; one was shot dead from behind; the other one got a bullet in his foot but he managed to escape; the remaining wounded Sikhs were driven to the verandas of Darshani Deodi and cut to pieces with axes. After this, the mahant shouted to the Pathans to pile up all the wood available inside the Gurdwara, pour some oil on that and burn the bodies of the Sikhs leaving behind no trace at all; cruel Pathans started throwing groaning Sikhs into the fire; when Sikhs were being burnt alive by pouring oil, some of them tried to rise up on their knees; men standing nearby at once hacked them with axes; a tall Sikh rose twice and quickly moved close to a Jand tree; at this immediately oil was poured on him and he was burned there and then; no one was however tied to the Jand.
When all the Sikhs present near the parapet had been burnt, a goonda shouted: “The doors of Darbar Sahib are locked from within; Akalis must be there”, at this some goondas went towards Darbar Sahib; they (mahant’s men) tried their best but the hinges could not be broken off; therefore the mahant called a carpenter; and with a tool, he made a hole in a door to the west of the Darbar Sahib; now guns were fired through holes. The bullets struck Guru Granth Sahib and also injured the Sikhs. Meanwhile the northern door had been opened by breaking off the latch; a dozen killers rushed in and started butchering the Sikhs; soon, the interior of Darbar Sahib was covered with the Sikhs’ blood which now flowed out through holes; after this, the murderers dragged the Sikhs to the place where other Sikhs were already being burnt alive, and dumped them there; during all this killing an burning, the mahant and his men began drinking whiskey.
Hearing gunshots and the news of the massacre, the residents of the city began informing the police. At 8.15 a.m., Narain Singh, who was a District Engineer, sent a man on horse- back to inform the Deputy Commissioner (D.C.); at that time the D.C. was in village Mangatwala, 19 kilometres away from Nanakana Sahib. At 9.12 a.m., Uttam Singh, a local factory owner, sent the news of the massacre to the Governor, the Commissioner, the D.C., the S.P. and several prominent Sikh leaders. The local patwari and the Railway station master
also sent telegrams to various places. Despite all this, the D.C. reached Nanakana Sahib at 12.30 p.m., i.e. four hours after the massacre; at that time, mahant Narain Das and his murderers’ band were going to the house of Bhai Uttam Singh to kill him and his family; seeing the Deputy Commissioner on the way, they immediately turned back.
The D.C. reached the Gurdwara with Narain Singh Engineer and Uttam Singh; some bodies of the Sikhs were still half-burnt; the D.C. asked as to whose bodies those were; the Mahant replied: “The Akalis had come here to occupy the Gurdwara; some Udasi Sadhus were sitting here; they killed them and ran away”; at this the D. C. Said: “O.K. we shall make the necessary arrangement, but do not burn these bodies;” he asked the Pathans to bring some water and got the fire extinguished. He had no policemen with him; therefore he treated the Pathans in a patronizing manner and put them on duty as guards; he also deputed Akbar Khan, the Thanedar (Station Head Office i.e. S.H.O.) of Mangatwala, to keep vigil. After this, the D.C., along with Bhai Uttam Singh, went to the post office and telegrammed the news of the massacre of Sikhs to the Punjab Government. When the D.C. had gone towards the post office, the mahant had given a bribe of 1000 rupees to the Thanedar Akbar Khan and again started burning the bodies of the Sikhs. When Bhai Uttam Singh came to know about this, he urged upon the D. C. to do something as the mahant had destroyed evidence by burning the bodies; therefore the D. C. returned to the Gurdwara and again asked them to extinguish the fire; at this, a sub-inspector of police extinguished the fire at about 2 p.m. in the afternoon.
The Commissioner’s visit to Nanakana Sahib
When telegrams reached the Governor Punjab, at Rawalpindi, he ordered Mr. King, the Commissioner Lahore, to reach Nanakana Sahib along with 150 soldiers of the British Army; at this King talked to Sardar Bahadur (S.B.) Mehtab Singh, the Public Prosecutor and Vice President of the Punjab Council, on telephone, and called him to his place and held consultations with him; in the meanwhile, soldiers were called from Mian Mir Cantonment and a special train was got ready; this train left for Nanakana Sahib with 150 soldiers and 6 Sikh leaders; the train reached Nanakana Sahib at about nine p.m.; By this time, all the goondas and murderers had run away; with the help of the army, King laid a siege on the mahant’s living room and arrested him, his two companions and 26 hired Pathan criminals; for the night, the mahant and his companions were kept at the station; in the morning they were made to board the special train and sent to Central Jail Lahore. The next morning, at 8 a.m., as per S.B. Mehtab Singh’s advice, the Gurdwara was locked up under article 145 and the soldiers of the English Army were deployed all around it. Bhai Uttam Singh, who knew that his life was in danger, got some relief at the D.C.’s arrival; he sent telegrams to all the cities, Gurdwaras and leaders of Punjab.
Fearing the wrath of the Sikhs, the Government stopped the running of buses and trains within the 20 miles (32 kilometres) area around Nanakana Sahib and set up check points on the roads so that no one could reach Nanakana Sahib; strict Vigil was kept on all routes leading from Lahore to Nanakana Sahib. By next morning, the news had reached the Sikhs everywhere; thousands of Sikhs started marching on foot towards Nanakana Sahib.
Jhabbar’s Jatha to Nanakana Sahib
Jathedar Kartar Singh Jhabbar had returned to Khara Sauda from Chanderkot along with his Jatha on the morning of the 20th of February. On the day of the massacre, at 11 a.m., when he was sitting in Gurdwara Khara Sauda, he received a telegram sent from Nanakana Sahib sent by Uttam Singh; it said: Bhai Lachhman Singh and Daleep Singh have been killed. The mahant is killing other Sikhs. He is burning Sikhs alive by pouring oil. We are under siege. Come with a Jatha immediately.
At this Jhabbar at once sent 40 of the Sikhs present there to various villages to bring as many Sikhs as they could, and he himself set out for Chanderkot with the remaining 50 Sikhs; before it was evening more than a thousand Sikhs had reached there. When they reached near the Chanderkot Bridge, they saw the mahant’s ‘chela’ Dewa Das fleeing in a motor along with three other persons; they stopped him and overpowered him; further ahead they also captured Santa Singh, another tout of the mahant, trying to run away; at Khimwala village, a Muslim murderer was arrested with 72 cartridges. Here, Jathedar Jhabbar received a written letter from the D.C. ordering them not to go towards Nanakana Sahib; but the Sikhs continued their march without paying any heed to these orders. A little further, they saw S.B. Mehtab Singh coming towards them on horseback outside; when he reached near them, he told them that the army had surrounded the Gurdwara and that they should not go there; at this Jathedar Jhabbar asserted that they would certainly go to the Gurdwara; Jhabbar asked him to talk to the Commissioner about the Sikhs’ resolve; and, promised to stay put till he returned. At this Mehtab Singh went back and warned the Commissioner that after the arrival of Sikhs in large numbers, the situation would go out of control, therefore it would be advisable to hand over the control of the Gurdwara to the S.G.P.C.
In the meanwhile, Jhabbar’s jatha reached Nanakana Sahib; the army threatened them and tried to stop them; but, after the sacrifices of so many lives, fear of death could not hold back any Sikh; and the Army too was not prepared to take the risk of opening fire or taking any such action.158 Meanwhile, Mehtab Singh too came back; he said, “Khalsa Ji, the Commissioner says that the jatha should rest here for four pahirs of night (12 hours) and the keys will be handed over in the morning;” on hearing it the whole jatha was furious; the whole jatha began stamping the ground with their axes and hatchets; Maan Singh, a very young and handsome Sikh of Langran village, who had barely started having moustaches, roared: “Not to speak of 4 pahirs, we are not willing to wait even for 4 minutes; Jathedar Ji, give us permission we will instantly snatch away guns from the English soldiers.”
At this Jhabbar said: “Sardar Bahadur go back quickly; the Sikhs are angry; if someone kills you, I won’t be responsible”; Sardar Bahadur turned pale; turning back he asked the Jathedar to hold back the jatha for 4 minutes; the Jathedar agreed; at a field’s distance159 the officers had some consultations and then said, “Call the Jathedar I will hand over the keys right now”; immediately S. B. Mehtab Singh returned and told the jatha: “Khalsa Ji, you have won; the Commissioner has invited the Jathedar to get the keys.”
When Kartar Singh Jhabbar and S. B. Mehtab Singh went to the Commissioner, he said: “It will be better that you form a Committee, we will hand over the possession of the Gurdwara and its property to that Committee”; at that time, S. Harbans Singh Attariwala was also present there; he said: “Some members of the S.G.P.C. are already here; form a Committee from amongst them and sign and deliver the possession to them;” the commissioner hesitated for a moment; Harbans Singh Attari said something to him in English to which the Commissioner agreed; a Committee of seven members, from amongst the S.G.P.C. members present there, was constituted and the Commissioner handed over the keys and the possession of the Gurdwara to this Committee in writing. After this, these seven members and the Commissioner went to the Gurdwara; standing in front of the small northern gate, the Commissioner ordered the soldiers to take an about-turn; at this the army went back to the camp. Harbans Singh Attari opened the lock; the sun was setting; on entering, they saw that the Gurdwara was spattered with blood to its north, some burnt and some half-burnt bodies of Sikhs were lying in the fire place; three mutilated bodies of Sikhs were lying on a raised platform; to the north, there was the body of a saadh who had been by chance hit by mahant’s men’s bullet; looking at this scene a chill ran down the spines of the on-lookers and their eyes were filled with tears; they came out immediately and closed the door. Harbans Singh said to Bhai Kartar Singh Jhabbar: “bring the jatha here and make arrangement to keep
vigil on the bodies of the martyrs”; at this Jhabbar rode back to the jatha.
The Gurdwara gate was opened at 8 a.m. on the 21st February 1921; there were cartridge shells, stones, blood, pieces of dead-bodies and smell of half-burnt bodies; the police recovered more than 275 cartridge shells from there; there were 24 big heaps of stones and brick-bats on roof-tops. By the noon of 21st of February, a large number of Sikhs had reached Nanakana Sahib walking through fields; by evening, thousands had arrived; the Sikhs wanted to enter the Gurdwara but the police barred their entry. It became evident that Sikhs could not be stopped for a long time; at last, assessing the gravity of the situation, the Government had already handed over the keys of the Gurdwara to a Committee of the Sikhs. This Committee allowed the Sikhs to make a queue and have a look at the sight from a distance; thereafter, the Sikhs entered the Gurdwara and at the Akali leaders’ request came out quickly after having a look and paying obeisance to Guru Granth Sahib; the following day, thousands of Sikhs started visiting Nanakana Sahib.
The Governor’s visit to Nanakana Sahib
Emperor George V’s uncle was, at that time, visiting India; on the 20th of March 1921, he was at Rawalpindi with the Punjab Governor Michaelgan and Sundar Singh Majithia; at Majithia’s suggestion the Governor agreed to visit Nanakana Sahib. He reached there on the 22nd of March 1921, at 3 p.m. along with some Sikh members of the Punjab Council; when he reached the Gurdwara, Harbans Singh Attari and Jodh Singh showed him the site of the massacre. They were walking around the Gurdwara when Kartar Singh Jhabbar came forward and requested him to take off his shoes; go up to the platform and see for himself how bullets had struck even Guru Granth Sahib and see how the Gurdwara had been turned into a slaughter house; at this the Governor took off his shoes and went up the platform; Bhai Hira Singh Ragi who sat in the presence of Guru Granth Sahib raised the rumala (cloth covering Guru Granth Sahib) and showed him how nine bullets had struck Guru Granth Sahib; when the Governor saw the blood spattered in the interior of the Gurdwara, tears started rolling down his cheeks; seeing this several others too began weeping, many of them very bitterly. At this juncture, someone started shouting that it was all the doing of King (Commissioner) and Curry (D.C.); some officials got angry at the mention of the names of King and Curry; according to Jhabbar, it was the first spark that ignited the fire of hostility between the Sikhs and the English.
Every spot connected with the massacre was shown to the Governor; after seeing all the places, he when reached the Railway platform, Kartar Singh Jhabbar said to him: “Michaelgan Sahib, You have done very well by visiting this place; I appreciate your gesture; but, Sahib, our innocent brothers sitting in this Gurdwara were slaughtered like animals; let justice be done; the murderers should be given severe punishment; secondly, there are rumours that a group of 100 naked sadhus are coming and according to another source a large number of thieves are arriving to take possession of the Gurdwara; sir, you are the custodian of law; I tell you now that if someone crosses our path, we shall not take things lying down; we shall do to them what the Sikhs do to their enemies”; hearing this the Governor said: “Be assured on my behalf that justice will surely be done; don’t worry; a platoon of 100 Sikh soldiers will be sent for the safety of the Gurdwara”; and reaching Lahore he issued a statement about the Nanakana Sahib incident expressing great sympathy with the Sikhs.
Cremation of the Martyrs
On the 23rd of February 1921, preparations were made for the cremation of the martyrs. A doli (palanquin) was tentatively prepared with small planks. With great reverence Harbans Singh Attari and Jagat Singh Pardesi Updeshak picked the half burnt parts legs, arms, hands, heads etc. of the martyrs from the place where the cruel mahant had burnt them by pouring oil, and placed them in the doli; several Sikhs lifted that ‘doli’ and collected them
at the fire place; simultaneously, the police collected kakaars (articles of faith) of the martyred Sikhs. In the afternoon, at 4 O’clock Bhai Jodh Singh, standing around the fire place, offered ardas and set fire to the dead bodies; Bhai Hira Sigh Ragi performed keertan, and after the bhog, the Sikhs present there passed a gurmata that from that time onwards the names of these martyrs would also be included in the ardas (like those of Bhai Mani Singh and Bhai Taru Singh etc). On the night of the 24th of February 1921 the sangat washed the blood that spread inside and outside the Gurdwara and regular keertan of Aasa Di Vaar was started from the following morning.
Residents of Nanakana Sahib fled the town
The massacre of the Sikhs had created a terror and awe and the residents of the city had fled the village; in their absence, many heads of cattle had died of hunger and thirst; the Sikhs took the carcasses of the animals to the pool and also made arrangements for the safety of the houses of the people who had runaway; the Sikhs also arranged public announcements all around to inform the residents to return.
The role of the Hindu leaders and Hindu Press
After the Nanakana Sahib massacre, the Muslim leaders expressed their full sympathy with the Sikhs and tried to help them in every possible manner. Some Hindu leaders also expressed their concerns; but several Hindu leaders and the Hindu newspapers, especially ‘Pratap’ and ‘Kesri’, made false propaganda about the killings; they even wrote that Nanakana Sahib was a Hindu temple and there was an idol of shivling (mythical Shiv’s penis) inside the Gurdwara; hence its management should be handed over to Hindus; Lala Lajpat also wrote against Sikhs in his newspaper ‘Bande Matram’ (Lala Lajpat is said to have received 3000 rupees from the Mahant Narain Das to write against the Sikhs). On the 23rd of March, 1921, the Sanatan Dharam Pratinidhi Sabha Lahore, wrote the same thing about the presence of mythical Hindus idols in Nanakana Sabha in their letter to the Nanakana Sahib Gurdwara Committee (see photo of this letter on next page).
Apart from that, some other Hindu sections too acted in a manner which proved that many Hindus were covertly anti-Sikh and had sympathies with the corrupt and criminal mahants; e.g. in the 16th of November 1921 issue of his paper ‘Bande Matram’, Lala Lajpat Rai wrote: “Jis shakhas ne apne pita ke sarmaya ko sadhuon ko khila diya ab uske naam ke mandir (Lala doesn’t call it Gurdwara) mein jaidad amadanion ke akhtiar ka jhagrha ho raha hai.”160 (Meaning: Disputes are now going on for the title of income and property in the temple built in the name of one who fed his father’s money to sadhus). Even Gandhi, in his early statement, showed his intention that he did not believe that the mahant had perpetrated the massacre of the unarmed innocent Sikhs; according to Gandhi, ‘Sikhs could not have been killed without a fight’.161
Gandhi created mistrust between the English and the Sikhs
On Nanakana issue too Gandhi exploited and misguided the Sikhs leaders and instigated them to boycott the government; so much so that he laid down the condition that the Sikhs should declare non-co-operation with the Government only then he will join hands with the Sikhs; therefore, on the 6th of March, 1921, the Akalis passed resolution for non-co-operation with the Government regarding the case of the killings at Nanakana Sahib (see the photo of Gandhi’s letter on the previous pages). Kartar Singh Jhabbar, Harbans Singh Attari and Prof. Jodh Singh opposed the move of non-co-operation162 but mob mentality of naive Sikhs did not bother and they became a tool in the hands of Gandhi.
In fact Gandhi was behaving like a cunning person – which he was basically- he wanted to create differences between the Sikhs and the Government; and by doing this he
wanted to keep the Sikhs away from legal proceedings against the mahant; and, further, he knew that the Sikhs’ action would annoy the English and, in future, the English will stop patronising the Sikhs.
By that time, the Government had made no interference in the Sikhs’ acts of taking possession on the Gurdwaras, right from the takeover of Akal Takht (on the 12th of October 1920) to that of Nanakana Sahib on the 20th of February 1921). The Sikhs’ constantly increasing co-ordination with the English seemed to get further strengthened; the rising political enthusiasm in the country also raised the hopes of a deeper understanding. But, due to the following reasons mutual mistrust started growing:163
The Sikhs too had made mistakes that irritated the Government; e.g. when the Governor of the Punjab visited Nanakana Sahib someone openly blamed Curry (D.C.) and King (Commissioner) for the killings of the Sikhs at Nanakana Sahib; and when Lala Lajpat, Gandhi and Shaukat Ali visited Nanakana Sahib they made fiery speeches against the government; and, finally, the resolution for non-co-operation created final breach between the Sikhs and the English.
In fact, the Governor had sympathies for the Sikhs; and he had exhibited this during his visit to Nanakana Sahib on the 22nd of February 1921; and after reaching Lahore, he actually began to proceed further on this issue; he invited 6 Sikhs: 2 from the Sikh League, 2 from the Gurdwara managing committee and 2 from the Akali Dal, to Lahore for a conference regarding Nanakana Sahib; the invitation reached on 6th of March 1921; the meeting was held at Lahore in the Governor’s office on the 8th of March 1921, Teja Singh Bhuchchar and Kartar Singh Jhabbar participated as representatives of the Akali Dal; a mutual agreement was written down; the Sikhs demanded a copy which was promised to be handed over the following day.
The Government turns against the Akalis
Per chance, on the same day, at 3 O’clock, the Nanakana Sahib Managing Committee, on the provocation of Gandhi, had passed a resolution of non-cooperation in the massacre trial; the passing of this resolution was not yet known to the Governor; but, when the Governor came to know about this resolution, he asked the Akali leaders to withdraw it but when they did not bother the Government issued an order that in future no jatha will be allowed to occupy any Gurdwara; and, also a ban was imposed on carrying of kirpans and other weapons above the size of 8 inches; this was the beginning of Government’s actions against the Akalis. All this was result of Gandhi’s mischief of compelling the Sikhs to pass
the resolution non-co-operation which turned the Government against the Sikhs.
When the news of passing of the resolution for non-co-operation reached the Viceroy’s office at Delhi, he too decided to take strict action against the Sikhs; he despatched Sir William Wilson from Delhi, who reached Lahore on the 9th of March and on the 10th of March he held a meeting with the Deputy Commissioners in which it was decided that the Akali movement should be suppressed within hours.
On the 11th of March 1921, at 4 p.m. Mr. Dunnet, the Deputy Commissioner, and Mr. Langley, the Commissioner, along with a force of 900 soldiers reached Nanakana Sahib by a special train; when the army was moving towards Gurdwara Janam Asthan, it saw Bhai Uttam Singh walking on the road and arrested him immediately; at about 6 p.m. Kartar Singh Jhabbar was arrested at Janam Asthan; when the police failed to trace Bhai Lakkha Singh (a deputy of Jhabbar), Harbans Singh Attari himself produced him (Lakkha Singh) before the Deputy Commissioner and said: “How many more Sikhs do you need? We shall produce as many as you like”; 164 besides these three the following Sikhs too were arrested: Rala Singh Jandali, Hira Singh Jhararh, Nirmal Singh Rupalon, Ram Singh Suchchal, Nidhan Singh Thikriwala, Narain Singh, Kehar Singh, Kahan Singh Thikriwala, Santokh Singh Lashkari, Chanchal Singh Udoke, Lal Singh Ghukkewali, Mota Singh Pandori, Puran Singh Pandori, Kishan Singh Jagdeo, Achhara Singh Buttar, Waryam Singh Makowal, Kartar Singh Maan, Udham Singh Matte Nangal, Surain Singh Premgarh.165 The following day the Commissioner took Kartar Singh Jhabbar, Uttam Singh and others to Lahore in a special train where they were sent to the Borstal Jail. At that time Teja Singh Bhuchchar was at Gurdwara Bhai Joga Singh at Peshawar; he was arrested there and taken to Lahore; several Sikhs were arrested in the cases of possession of other Gurdwaras too; the total number of arrests was above 100.
The Sikhs began wearing Black Turbans
After the Nanakana Sahib massacre (since February end), the Sikhs had started wearing black turbans and dupattas (female head-scarf) as a mark of protest. All around Nanakana Sahib, there were big vats of black dye, and all the Sikhs coming there got their turbans dyed.
The evil Mahants had committed heinous crimes at Nanakana Sahib; the martyrs washed the Gurdwara with their blood; with their sacrifices, they had saved the lives of dozens of Sikh leaders; if this Jatha had not sacrificed their lives on the morning of the 20th of February, and the Akali leaders would had reached there on the 4th of March, the mahant would surely have carried out his plans then and all the Sikh leaders would have been killed; had it happened, what shape the Akali Movement would have taken cannot be predicted.
Who had been hired by the mahant for killings the Sikhs?
Party No 1: Arjan Das (the Mahants nephew) and Khushal Das (the husband of the Mahant’s niece) had brought the following goondas from Thammanwala: 1. Wasakha Singh 2. Bhag Singh 3 to 7 Khushali Chuharha and his four companions from Sahari 8. Chhina 9. Sundar Singh 10. Makhan Singh Bhakhan from Badarpur 11. Nawab Ranghar of Kotli 12. Gauri Bawa of Thamman 13. Kandi Mochi Matewala 14. Riana Main 15. Charagh Bhoond 16. Suraina Khatri of Rosian etc. In all there were 60 dacoits.
Party No. 2: It was the party of Jagannath Bagianwala, it comprised of: 1.Uttam Singh of Dhariwal of Amritsar district. 2. Nantu of Kirtowal 3.Kishan Das Matkalian 4.Radhu Sahariwala; total strength of this party was 20; besides Lal Das Kot Sadhu Ram had 16 men, Bharga Nand had 15 men and Dudh Das had 15 men with them; hence a total of 80.
Mahant Narain Das’s own party of 24 rogues including Pala Ram and Gopal Das of Bhai Pheru was as under: 1. Ladhu Chela Punjab Das 2.Baghi 3. Kirpa 4. Bharga Nand 5. Sudh Das 6. Lalu Das Daluanwala 7. Deva Das 8. The Masihs of Tarsika 14. Sher Singh Saini 15. Ranjah 16. Shamu Machhi both from Pairewali 17. Smail (Ismail) Bhatti of Pakka
Khuh and another person having dyed beard, of some unknown village 18. A Mussalman 19. Inder Das (mahant’s nephew from Kot Tahar) 20. Arjan Das (mahant’s other nephew) 21. Balak Das 22. Jiun Das 23. Lal Das Chubariwala 24 A saadhu with pricked ears 25. Sixteen persons from Mujare Kot Sadhu Ram 26. sixteen men from Beant Singh Narang Kot Darbar 27 and 28 Two Pathans 29. Buta Joiya (a chela of Ganda Mahant from Sidhu). 30. Patwari Labh Singh (a real nephew of Balak Ram Nirban). The total strength of this party was about 200.
The killings were carried by: Ranjha, Riana, Wasakha Singh, Bhag Singh, Piara Singh, Khushali Chuhra, Bhoond of Rosian, Mehnga, Chhina, Makhan Singh, Jaggu Sadhaki, Buta Joia of Sidhupura, Nawab Ranghar of Kotli, Suraina Khatri of Rosay, Riana Main, Daru Teli, Gauri Bawa, Jagan Nath Baggi, Uttam Singh Dhariwala, Nandu and Radhu Vaairagi saadhs of Kirtowal, Radhu of Sahari Nandi Mochi of Matta, Kaka and a saadh having pricked ear, one from Jarhanwala, Sawan Das, Jiun Das a companion of Nanku (mahant’s brother), Gainda (the mahant’s Chela), Sudh Das’s brother in law (Sadhu) Gami, the real nephew of Nirban, Jiun Das and Lal Das both brothers, Ladhu Khoda, Bharga Nand, Deva Das’s 2 nephews (Saggi and Kirpa), Patwari Sher Singh Saini. Daleep Singh was killed by Ladhu Ram. Waryam Singh was killed by Bagi and the Mahant’s nephew Arjan Das.
The verdict in the case against mahant and other killers
The court case against mahant Narain Das started on the 5th of April 1921; during this period mahant’s men won over some witnesses; they were paid between 300 and 500 rupees.166The case was decided on the 12th of October 1921; mahant and his seven companions were awarded death sentence. Later on, on the 3rd of March, 1922, the High Court changed death sentence of the mahant into life imprisonment; among others only three were given death sentence and two were given life imprisonment; all others were acquitted.167 The ‘justice-loving’ Judge of the High Court wrote that “The mahant had the right to take steps for his self defence. He had been overwhelmed by frustration and a deep sense of hurt; and it is not surprising that he lost his mental balance and carried out this act”. The mahant spent his term in Delhi jail where he was adjusted in those quarters which were reserved for ‘white’ prisoners only; it proves that the English regime had been collaborating with him and facilitating him even in the jail.
The mahant was released in 1930 and he spent his last days in a village in Jalandhar district; he swaggeringly moved about in the homeland of the Sikhs; but, none was fired with zeal like Bhagat Singh and Udham Singh to punish him for his multiple sins.
How Many Sikhs were killed at Nanakana Sahib?
As per evidence collected by the investigating agencies, at least 168 Sikhs were killed at Nanakana Sahib on the 20th of February 1921. The Government told great lies about the massacre: at first they reported the killing of just 20 Sikhs,168 then they increased the number to 67, and finally admitted the murder of 130 Sikhs; the police inspector Charan Singh had issued a report of the murder of 156 Sikhs; according to another report 168 Sikhs lost their lives. Not all the names could be traced; however, the S.G.P.C. tried to collect as many names as possible; only 86 names could be traced (and the lives of these martyrs were published in the book Shaheedi Jeewan written by Shamsher Singh Jhabalia).
District Sheikhupura:
Dharowali: Lachhman Singh, Ishar Singh I, Mangal Singh Kirpan Bahadur, Atma Singh, Sundar Singh, Ishar Singh II.
Nazampura Deva Singh: Tehal Singh, Surain Singh, Bagga Singh, Harnam Singh, Dal Singh, Kesar Singh, Bhagwan Singh, Jawala Singh, Khushal Singh, Jawand Singh, Punjab Singh, Narain Singh, Ram Singh, Sundar Singh, Tara Singh.
Nazampura Mula Singh: Sewa Singh, Bur Singh, Surain Singh.
Nazampura Chelewale: Gujjar Singh, Chanda Singh, Ganga Singh, Waryam Singh.
Bahorhu Chakk No 18: Ishar Singh, Gupal Singh, Mota Singh.
Thothian Chakk No 10: Nand Singh, Hari Singh, Arur Singh, Teja Singh.
Dalla Nangal Chakk No. 10: Lachhman Singh.
Shahkot: Santa Singh, Harnam Singh, Gurbakhsh Singh, Inder Singh, Gulab Singh.
Dalla Chand Singh Chakk No. 85: Bachint Singh
Waanwattianwali Chakk No. 3: Kesar Singh, Sohan Singh, Waryam Singh, Harra Singh.
District Lyallpur:
Burj Chakk No. 55: Narayan Singh, Dyal Singh, Kishan Singh.
Bundala Chakk No. 64: Hazara Singh, Waryam Singh, Chet Singh, Ujagar Singh.
Bundala Chakk No. 17: Samma Singh, Bara Singh, Ishar Singh, Dharam Singh.
Lahuke Chakk No. 75: Narayan Singh, Karam Singh, Mehnga Singh.
Dhannuaana Chakk No. 91: Sundar Singh, Sohan Singh, Hukam Singh, Waryam Singh, Diwan Singh, Inder Singh, Dasaundha Singh, Hari Singh, Dhera Singh.
Farala Chakk No. 258: Bachint Singh, Kanhaiya Singh.
Sahowal Chakk No. 1: Daleep Singh
Lyallpur city: Jeewan Singh Parupkari.
Other districts:
Kotla Sant Singh: Charan Singh.
Jarag Patiala state: Darbara Singh (a 12 years old boy).
Bhasin Lahore: Ganda Singh.
Valla Amritsar: Mula Singh.
Fatehgarh Sukkarchakkian Amritsar: Santa Singh.
Shabazpur Amritsar: Jagat Singh.
Dinga Gujrat: Charan Singh.
Kartarpur Jalandhar: Bela Singh.
Manak Ghumman Jalandhar: Thakar Singh.
Siharh Hoshiarpur: Banta Singh.
Kartarpur Sialkot: Budh Singh.
Tibbi Jai Singh Montgomery: Waryam Singh.
‘Hukamnama’ for usage of Khaddar and Shakkar
Gandhi not only instigated the Sikhs to spoil their relations with the English regime but also used them for other silly activities; he asked them to boycott all modern thing including sugar and cloth; the Akali leaders were so naive that, at the advice of Gandhi, they passed a resolution in the meeting of the 10th of May 1921, that from the 9th of June 1921, only shakkar (raw sugar) will be used for preparation of karhah prasad, and, use only khaddar (indigenous) rumalas will be used to cover Guru Granth Sahib;169 and the Akalis even got issued a strange (so-called) hukamnama in the name of Akal Takht (see the photo of that hukamnama on the following page).
Gurdwara Bhai Joga Singh Peshawar
In Peshawar there is a big Gurdwara built in the memory of Bhai Joga Singh; in 1920 Rai Bahadur Karma Chand was the Treasurer of this Gurdwara; in December 1920 he tried to exclude the Sikhs from the Gurdwara; he even went to the extent of declaring that Bhai Joga Singh was a Hindu and not a Sikh; and the Gurdwara was a common place for holding functions of the Hindus and the Sikhs and was not a religious place. As Karam Chand was a tout of the English, he had much say with the Deputy Commissioner (D.C.).
On the 20th of December, a meeting was held to make an attempt for a compromise between the Sikhs and the Hindus; but the Hindus took a tough stand and declared that they won’t allow the Sikhs in the Gurdwara; this meant possibility of a major conflict between both the communities. In the meanwhile, the D. C. invited the leaders of both the communities and mediated a compromise but in spite of this the Hindus continued making mischiefs. In the beginning of February Lala Lajpat and Giani Sher Singh too tried to mediate but, at that time, there was a ban on the entry of both of them into the city of Peshawar; hence the issue remained unsolved. During this time, some Sikhs had begun living in the premises of Gurdwara Bhai Joga Singh for performing services there. By this time the passing of a Gurdwara Act was being discussed by the English regime hence the local regime too made an attempt mediate a compromise between both the communities; and, on the 17th of March, it was agreed that Gurdwara Bhai Joga Singh will be under the management of the Sikhs and Gurdwara Mai Rajji and Kakran will be under the management of the Hindus; after this all the Sikhs staying in the Gurdwara left for their homes and only five of them remained there to perform religious duties. When Hindus came to know that there were only five Sikhs in the Gurdwara, on the very next day (23rd of March) a crowd of the Hindus marched towards Gurdwara Bhai Joga Singh and tried to occupy it; they were raising slogans like ‘Mahant Narain Das170 Zindabad’ and ‘Bedi Kartar Singh171 Zindabad’; the Hindus declared that they would celebrate the Hindu festival of Holi in the Gurdwara. The Sikhs told them that Holi was not a Sikh festival hence it could not be celebrated in the complex of the Gurdwara; at this the Hindus went away and after about 15 minutes they came again in still bigger number; they were carrying big sticks, swords and knifes; some of them made a sudden attack on the Sikh guard standing at the gate of the Gurdwara; when he shouted for help, three Sikhs rushed to the gate; seeing them the Hindus ran away; and now the whole crowd of the Hindus began throwing bricks and stones on the Sikhs; the Sikhs had no choice but to use their sticks and clubs to save themselves; in this incident three Sikhs and fifteen Hindus were wounded. After some time the D.C. too reached there; he ordered arrest of forty Sikhs and did not take any action against even a single Hindu; he even banned the entry of the Sikhs into the Gurdwara and also banned wearing of kirpan. On the 24th of March 1921, the Sikhs held a big congregation; Giani Sher Singh too addressed it; on the 26th of March he met the D.C. and the Gurdwara was restored to the Sikhs and the ban on kirpan was withdrawn.
After some days the D.C. requested the Sikhs to allow mahant Kirpa Singh to perform services in the Gurdwara; the Sikhs agreed; the mahant visited the Gurdwara on the night of the 16th of April 1921, but then he refused to leave; finally the Sikhs filed a case in the court of law and submitted proof of ill character of the mahant and submitted that he was not fit to be a priest; the court accepted the Sikhs’ plea and allowed the Sikhs to have a new priest and also fixed 75 rupees monthly as grant for the mahant.
After this, the Sikhs took control of the Gurdwaras at Teje (Wazirabad), Othian (Gurdaspur), Sultanpur (Gurdwara Babe-di-Ber), and Satlani (Amritsar); the Sikhs had to launch an agitation for taking control of Gurdwara Kamalia; in this case too, the Hindus sided with mahant Ram Kishan Singh.
The First Gurdwara Bill
After the occupation of the Darbar Sahib, Akal Takht, Punja Sahib and Tarn Taran, the English regime realised that they won’t be able to stop the Sikhs from taking control of their historical shrines; hence, on the 16th of February 1921, it (regime) made an announcement that the government was thinking of forming a Committee for the management of the Gurdwaras; it was also announced that a meeting will be held in March where the formation of such a Committee will be deliberated upon. This meeting was to be attended by the representatives of the Akalis, Kartar Singh Bedi (for mahants) and Sheikh Asgar Ali (Secretary Punjab Government); but due to massacre of Nanakana Sahib it had to be postponed. Again, on the 14th of March 1921, Fazali Hussain, the education minister Punjab, submitted a resolution in the Punjab Council for issuance of an ordinance to form a Gurdwara Commission for the management of the Gurdwaras; according to this proposal this Commission was to comprise of four members: two Government nominees (one Sikh and one non Sikh), and two representatives of the Sikhs to be selected from among a panel of eight names submitted by the Sikhs); moreover, this ‘Ordinance’ did not define ‘who is a Sikh’; further, according to this proposal though the Gurdwaras were to be handed over to the Sikhs but the mahants and the priest, who would be removed from services/managements, were to get some monthly amount as a sort of pension.
The constitution of this Commission was not in favour of the Sikhs at all but it is strange that the Hindu members of the Punjab Council openly opposed it and supported the mahants; they said that there were several ‘sects’ among the Sikhs and there should be one representative each of all these sects. Ganpat Rai who was an advisor of mahant Narain Das (the killer of Nanakana Sahib) and Narinder Nath Councillors demanded that even the Hindus and the Muslims should be given representation in the proposed Gurdwara Commission; they proposed that this Commission should be headed by some Englishman and not a Sikh.
The Sikhs rejected the Hindu stand and declared that there was no so-called ‘sect’ among the Sikhs and there is no question of representation of Hindus or Muslims in the management of the Gurdwaras; further the Sikhs rejected the notion that the Gurdwara is a ‘charitable trust’, on the other hand a Gurdwara is spiritual centre. Sundar Singh Majitha, who was a Councillor as well as member of Executive Council of the Viceroy (as the only Sikh nominee) took a firm stand on this issue; he asserted that in the Gurdwaras only Sikh code of conduct can be practiced and the Hindus gods and goddesses cannot be worshipped; even if others have made donations to Gurdwaras, the Gurdwaras had accepted them as per Sikh code. He further said that the Gurdwaras are not the property of the mahants and mahants’s designation is not hereditary; even Guru Nanak Sahib had chosen Guru Angad Sahib as his successor rejecting his own sons. He warned that usage of force against occupation of Gurdwaras by the Sikhs is not a right step. He also declared that there was no sect among the Sikhs.”172As the Sikhs had rejected the terms of the Ordinance, the idea of issuing it was given up and instead the regime decided to bring a Gurdwara Bill in the Council.
The S.G.P.C. too discussed this Ordinance; it called a gathering of its members for the 20th of March 1921; the Sikh members of the Council and the media too had been invited to observe the proceedings. In this meeting, many speakers opposed negotiations with the government as just nine days ago, on the 11th of March, Kartar Singh Jhabbar, Teja Singh Bhuchchar and about 100 Sikhs had been arrested for occupying the Gurdwaras, and, they favoured a resolution for non co-operation with the Government but S.B. Mehtab Singh, Bhai Jodh Singh and Harbans Singh Attari suggested that as the Government has shown a gesture to bring a Gurdwara Bill, we should give them a chance; hence the meeting passed the following resolutions:
Gurdwaras should be released.
Besides passing resolution, the gathering also formed a 12 member Committee to have a dialogue with the Government and the members of the Council about the proposed Gurdwara Act.
But, instead of considering the demands of the Sikhs, the Government rather provoked the Sikhs by arresting Amar Singh Jhabal in the case of kirpan (he was given six months’ sentence); several other Sikhs were also arrested for possession of kirpans and small axes.
On the 8th of April 1921, the proposed Gurdwara Bill too became public; according to this Bill a Gurdwara Board was to be appointed comprising 4 members (3 Sikhs and one non-Sikh) which were to be nominated by the Government and a non-Sikh was to be its President; further only those Gurdwaras were to come under its management to which the Government would consider a Gurdwara and the Gurdwaras under ‘dispute’ will not be under its domain; besides all the expenses of this Board were to be paid out of Gurdwara funds. When this Bill was presented by Fazali Hussain and E. Joseph (Secretary Government) in the Punjab Council, the Sikh members opposed it tooth and nail; Dasaundha Singh, Kartar Singh, Harnam Singh Maan and S.B. Mehtab Singh got their opposition recorded in the proceedings; hence the debate on the Bill was postponed to the 16th of April.
On the other hand, the Hindus too began propagating against this Bill; they demanded Hindu representation in the management of the Gurdwaras; the Hindu Maha Sabha said that there should be no change in the management of the Gurdwaras (i.e. these should remain under the management of the mahants) and if the Government is bent upon formation of a Gurdwara Commission in that case the Hindus too should be given representation in that Commission.
On the 11th of April, a meeting of the S.G.P.C. was held at Akal Takht; it deliberated the proposed Gurdwara Bill as well as Government’s refusal to release the Sikhs. The meeting passed a resolution: “The Sikhs reject the proposed Bill because the Government has refused to make amendments as suggested by the Sikhs; the Government has not accepted that the Gurdwaras belong to the Sikhs and the mahants were just caretakers, and, it concedes the mahants the right to Gurdwara properties; besides, the Government has also refused to release the Sikhs arrested in the cases of the possession of the Gurdwaras.” This meeting formed a 7-member Committee for further action; it comprised of: Kharak Singh, Harbans Singh Attari, Jodh Singh, Bawa Harkishan Singh, Master Tara Singh, Batan Singh Canadian and Teja Singh Samundari. The meeting issued an appeal to all the Sikhs to form Akali jathas everywhere and be prepared for sacrifices; it also decided to observe the 14th of April as ‘Prayer Day’.
The announcements of the S.G.P.C. were received by the Sikhs with sincere regards; so much so that several Government employees approached the Sikh leaders and offered to resign their jobs to serve the Panth; the leaders appreciated their sentiments and told them not
to resign as time had not come for such a role.
On the other hand, in spite of the opposition of the Sikhs, the Government presented the Gurdwara Bill in the Punjab Council on the 16th of April 1921 but, instead of passing it immediately, postponed it to 9th May. In between the Government called a meeting on the 23rd of April; it was attended by the Sikh leaders, representatives of the mahants, members of Punjab Council and some other persons of repute; in this meeting it was suggested that (1) only a man of good character should be a priest (2) all the Gurdwaras belong to the Panth and they should remain under a Panthic Committee (3) full and proper account of the income and expenses of Gurdwara should be maintained and presented before the sangat. The meeting of the 23rd of April remained inconclusive and it was held again on the 26th; on this day the mahants asserted that the practices started by them in the Gurdwaras should be maintained; and, the president of the Gurdwara Board should be an Englishman; but the Sikh stand was that the non-Sikh practices will not be allowed in the Gurdwaras and 2/3 members of the Board should be elected by the Sikhs and the president should also be from amongst the Sikh members; as both the sides remained adamant the meeting ended without any agreement; at this, the Government decided to postpone the Bill.173
The executive of the S.G.P.C. met on the first of May 1921 and discussed the situation; it resolved that the Gurdwara Reform Movement should be continued by peaceful means. On the 10th and 11th of May, general house of the S.G.P.C. met at Akal Takht and discussed the situation; as there were major differences no final decision could be reached on the first day but on the second day the resolution was put to voting; a big majority passed the resolution: “Because the Government has not adopted friendly attitude and have showed stubbornness on meaningless points, there is left no alternative but to continue struggle to take over the control of the Gurdwaras through peaceful means till all the Gurdwaras come under the control of the Panth.” This resolution was opposed by Jodh Singh and Harbans Singh Attari; and when this resolution was passed they resigned from the membership of the S.G.P.C.
After the passing of this resolution, the Government gave up the idea of passing the Gurdwara Bill; now it was certain that there will be a war between the Sikhs and the Government on the issue of taking control of the Gurdwaras: the first reaction of the Government was to enrol more policemen to tackle the Akali agitation; it asked the Punjab Council to pass a budget of rupees 115217 rupees for this purpose; S.B. Mehtab Singh strongly opposed this and said that it will be foolishness on the part of the Government if it uses force against the Sikhs; but all the Hindu members sided with the Government and the budget was passed for approval for enrolment of new policemen.
On the 27th of August 1921, a meeting of the General House of the S.G.P.C. was held; it was attended by 86 members; this meeting endorsed the S.G.P.C. resolution of the 11th of May 1921 (to continue taking control of the Gurdwaras by peaceful means); 62 out of the 86 present members voted in favour of the resolution and 26 remained neutral, not a single member cast his vote against the resolution; so much so that even the moderates and pro-Government members did not oppose the resolution. This meeting made an appeal to the Sikh Councillors to resign the membership of the Punjab Council; S.B. Mehtab Singh, who was also the Deputy President of the Council, was the first to resign.174
New executive of the S.G.P.C.
On the 28th of August 1921 new executive of the S.G.P.C. was elected: Kharak Singh was elected President; S.B. Mehtab Singh became the Secretary and Sundar Singh Ramgarhia was elected Vice President; the following were elected members of the Executive: Teja Singh Samundari, Buta Singh Sheikhupura, Amar Singh Wasu, Captain Ram Singh, Giani Sher Singh, Master Tara Singh, Dan SinghVachhoa, Teja Singh Chuharkana, Bhag Singh Vakil, Bhagat Jaswant Singh, Bawa Harkrishan Singh, Harjas Singh Dhuri, Gurcharan Singh Vakil,
Sucha Singh Kharaa Sauda, Sundar Singh Lyallpuri, Amar Singh Jhabal, Sarmukh Singh Jhabal, Gurbakhsh Singh Delhi, Natha Singh Hoshiarpur, Piara Singh Hoshiarpur, Balwant Singh Firozpur, Bal Singh Jalandhar, Dharam Singh Ludhiana, Teja Singh Alawalpur, Harbans Singh Nabha, Hari Singh Jalandhari, Mehtab Singh Jehlum, Prem Singh Sodhi, Giani Inder Singh Jandesarai Jalandhar, Arjan Singh Dhirke.175
Although the Government had got the approval of the Council to enrol a large police force yet it was not sure that it will be able to suppress the Sikhs; on the other hand, with the efforts of Sir Jogindera Singh and others, the Government released Kartar Singh Jhabbar, Teja Singh Bhuchchar and their companions on the 11th of September. On the 13th of September Mr Dunnet, the D.C. of Amritsar, held a meeting with some Sikh leaders and the issue of the management of the Gurdwaras was discussed; the Government was interested in formation of a Gurdwara Committee but it was not willing to recognize the S.G.P.C.; the Sikh leaders told the D.C. that no organisation or section of the Sikhs would be interested in substitute of the S.G.P.C. Dunnet also suggested that the S.G.P.C. should co-opt, in its executive, two or three members of the Chief Khalsa Diwan but when this suggestion reached the Chief Khalsa Diwan circles they declared that they had already been given that offer by the S.G.P.C. but none of them was interested in becoming executive member of the S.G.P.C. Though nothing concrete came out of such meetings but it was in the air that a peaceful solution was in the offing; in this situation even the S.G.P.C. postponed passing of resolution of the boycott of the visit of the Prince of Wales.
Agitation for the Keys of the Toshakhana of Darbar Sahib
This cordial atmosphere, however, could not continue for long; on the 19th of October 1921, the executive of the S.G.P.C. passed a resolution that the keys of the Toshakhana (store room with precious articles) should be in the custody of the President; hence Sundar Singh Ramgarhia was asked to hand them over to Kharak Singh; at this Sundar Singh informed the D.C. about this decision; the D.C. contacted the Governor who over-reacted to it and decided to take control of Darbar Sahib from the Akalis. On the 7th of November 1921, Amar Nath E.A.C., along with a big contingent of the police, went to the residence of Sundar Singh and took the keys of the Toshakhana in his possession. The next day the Government issued a statement; declaring that the S.G.P.C. was not a representative house of the Sikhs as the Governer had already appointed a 36 member Committee for the management of the Gurdwaras; it also said that the Akalis were going to use the wealth of the Toshakhana for political activities.
The Government’s action of taking the keys in possession was condemned by all sections of the Sikh world; on the 11th of November 1921, a meeting of the S.G.P.C., held at Akal Takht, passed four resolutions: 1. Complete non co-operation with the Government 2. No dialogue with the Government regarding the keys 3. The Prince of Wales should be boycotted everywhere and his prasad should not be accepted in Darbar Sahib 4. If the Government tries to take control of Darbar Sahib or any other Gurdwara an agitation should be launched.176
In the meanwhile the Government appointed Captain Bahadur Singh, a yes-man of the regime, as sarbrah for the Darbar Sahib and sent him there to take charge. The S.G.P.C. held a meeting on the 12th of November and resolved that Bahadur Singh should not be allowed to interfere in any way; hence, on the 15th of November, on Guru Nanak Birthday, when Bahadur Singh reached Darbar Sahib at 8 a.m., along with his companions Dharam Singh, Basant Singh and Atma Singh, he was not allowed to interfere in any activity; so much so that he was not allowed even to display the articles of Toshakhana (which is displayed by the side of Guru Granth Sahib inside the Darbar Sahib). Bahadur Singh felt ashamed and, carrying the keys of the Toshakhana in his hands, he quietly returned to his home; soon after he became mentally sick and as confined to his bed177 (later he begged pardon from the Sikh
Panth). After he was gone from Darbar Sahib, a gathering was held in front of Darbar Sahib where a resolution for boycott of the Prince of Wales was unanimously passed.178 The Government, still, did not learn a lesson; it, now, appointed an army officer as the new sarbrah; but before he could visit Darbar Sahib, he fell down from the roof of his house and died. After this no Sikh consented to become the sarbrah of Darbar Sahib; now the D.C. again began approaching the Sikh leaders for a compromise; but, as the S.G.P.C. had already passed a resolution not to discuss the issue of keys with the Government, no one cooperated the D.C.
When the Government realised that no Sikhs was willing to collaborate with the regime, it decided to launch propaganda against them; and for this purpose, the D.C. of Amritsar announced holding of a congregation at Ajnala. When the S.G.P.C. came to know about this move they too declared holding of a congregation at Ajnala and announced that Kharak Singh, Amar Singh Jhabal, Pandit Dina Nath and Dr Sat Pal would address it; but on the 25th of November the Government banned holding of gatherings at Ajnala and Amritsar under Seditious Meetings Act.
On one hand the D.C. banned holding of congregations, but on the other hand he himself announced holding a gathering at Ajnala on the 24th of November; some Sikh leaders too reached there; and when people gathered there Dan Singh Vachhoa and Jaswant Singh Jhabal stood up and demanded that they too should be allowed to address and present their point of view but the D.C. refused to allow them; at this the Sikhs went away and decided to hold a congregation; when the people who had gone to listen to the D.C. came to know that the Sikh leaders would be speaking to the people all of them too rushed to listen to the them; and within minutes there was none to listen to the D.C.; but before the Sikh leaders could begin their speeches, the D.C. ordered arrest of Dan Singh Vachhoa, Teja Singh Samundari, Jaswant Singh Jhabal, Pandit Dina Nath; at that time Harnam Singh Zaildar too was there; the D.C. ordered his arrest for the ‘crime’ of wearing khaddar (indigenous coarse cloth). All the five were sentenced to five months imprisonment and a fine of one thousand rupees each.179
When the news of these arrests reached Amritsar, the Executive of the S.G.P.C. was having a meeting at Akal Takht; they immediately stopped the meeting and left for Ajnala. They reached Ajnala at 4.30 p.m. and began addressing; when 19 Sikh leaders had addressed the Superintendent Police (S.P.) ordered their arrests; among the arrested included Kharak Singh, S.B. Mehtab Singh, Master Sundar Singh Lyallpuri, Bhag Singh Vakil, Gurcharan Singh Vakil, Hari Singh Jalandhari etc. After their arrests the Superintendent Police read out a Government notification declaring that congregation banned under Seditious Meetings Act; at that time Master Tara Singh and Professor Jodh Singh were present there; they told the S.P. that that was a religious gathering hence it could not be banned and it would continue; thus it continued for another two hours. As most of the senior office-bearers had been arrested, the remaining Executive members of the S.G.P.C. held a meeting and elected Amar Singh Jhabal as interim President of the S.G.P.C., Captain Ram Singh was elected Vice President and Master Tara Singh became the Secretary.
The next meeting of the S.G.P.C. was held at Akal Takht on the 28th of November; it discussed that letter of the Government which said even the religious gatherings come under the Seditious Meetings Act.; all the members were angry at the Government order banning even religious gathering and it was resolved that religious gatherings will definitely be held at Amritsar, Lahore, Sheikhupura and Delhi where the people should be apprised of the truth about the keys of the toshakhana of Darbar Sahib; later, it decided to hold congregation everywhere on the 4th of December 1921.
In spite of this, the Government did not learn a lesson; now the S.G.P.C. announced that it will hold complete strike on the eve of the Prince of Wales; and it appealed to all the Sikhs not to attend any function held in honour of the Prince. This strategy worked and
Government decided to surrender; the D.C. sent a message to the Sikh leaders that it wanted to return the keys; at this a meeting of the S.G.P.C. was held at Akal Takht on the 6th of December 1921 in which it was decided that no Sikh will accept keys unless and until all the Sikhs arrested in the concern of keys are released.
Now, the S.G.P.C. began holding gathering, in the morning as well as evening, in front of Akal Takht where the visitors were informed about the truth of the keys; those who addressed these gatherings were arrested also; Amar Singh Jhabal, Master Tara Singh, Sarmukh Singh Jhabal, Dr Gurbakhsh Singh, Buta Singh Vakil Sheikhupura, Kartar Singh poet and several others were arrested; and after summary trials they were given four to six months’ sentences.180 After the arrest of these leaders, Harchand Singh Lyallpuri was elected as ad hoc President of the S.G.P.C.181
As mentioned earlier, the arrest of the Sikh leaders in November had angered the Sikhs; there was widespread resentment against the high-handedness of the Government; the ex-servicemen too had protested against this attitude of the regime; on the 1st of December, Captain Ram Singh Sargodha and Risaldar Subedar Singh wrote letters to the D.C. Amritsar openly announcing that they would address Sikhs at Darbar Sahib and speak on the issue of keys, the police should arrest them too; this letter meant that other ex-servicemen too would follow them. Now the Government was in a fix; it did not want to recognise the S.G.P.C. but there was none to replace the S.G.P.C. because it had the representation of all the sections of the Sikhs; and even the representatives of the Sikh States had nominated their representatives (and they had been attending the meetings of the S.G.P.C.); in the meanwhile, several Sikh religious and political organisations issued statements supporting the stand of the S.G.P.C. A meeting of the teachers and the students of the Khalsa College Amritsar too held a meeting and passed a resolution asking the Government to return the keys to the S.G.P.C.
Maharaja Patiala Offers Mediation
In the last days of December 1921, Maharaja Bhupindera Singh of Patiala wrote a letter to the Governor of the Punjab offering his services for mediation between the Government and the S.G.P.C.; the letter was directed to the Viceroy for approval, who wrote to the Maharaja that he was allowed to proceed on this issue but he won’t interfere on the issue of the keys and secondly he shall have to follow the Government line; the Governor, adding his own comments, recorded that Bhupindera Singh won’t be capable for achieving this but even if he fails, all those who accept his lead would be bound to follow the Government strategy.’ 182
Bedis, Bhallas and Sodhis Support the S.G.P.C.
Now the Government tried to use Bedis, Bhallas and the Sodhis (the descendant of the Gurus). At the instant of the regime, Bawa Parduman Singh of Multan, who was a yes-man of the regime, called a conference of the Bedis, Bhallas and the Sodhis; it was held on the 1st of January 1922, under the banner of ‘Guru Bans Conference’; but, instead of falling in the line of the regime, this Conference passed a resolution in favour of the S.G.P.C.; it said: “The S.G.P.C. is the representative body of the Sikhs and we have complete faith in it; the Government should not interfere in the religious affairs of the Sikhs and should return the keys to the S.G.P.C.” Now the Government had no other card to use; hence it decided to surrender unconditionally.183 On the 3rd of January 1922, the D.C. sent a message to the Akalis that he wants to return the keys because the Sikhs were going to celebrate the birthday of Guru Gobind Singh on the 5th of January and he knew that the Sikhs will deliver speeches in the congregations to be held on that day; but, the Akalis told him that unless all the Sikh leaders arrested in connection with the Keys’ Agitation were released, the keys won’t be accepted; hence, on the 11th of January 1922, Sir John Maynard announced in the Punjab Council that all the Akali leaders will be released. On the 17th of January 150 Akalis were
released but Pandit Dina Nath was not among them (the S.G.P.C. had to launch another agitation for his release); after their release all the leaders reached Darbar Sahib where they were honoured at Akal Takht. On the 19th of January 1922, at 6 p.m., a representative of the District Magistrate reached Akal Takht and presented keys to Kharak Singh; the latter accepted it after approval of the congregation. When the news of the victory of the Sikhs reached the Hindu leader M. K. Gandhi, he sent a telegram which said: First battle of India’s independence won; congratulations.
Release of Pandit Dina Nath: When the Government did not release Pandit Dina Nath, the Akali leaders approached the D.C. and asked him to release Dina Nath because it was part of deal that all the prisoners will be released and Pandit Dina Nath was arrested in connections with the Keys’ Agitation; at this the D.C. said Dina Nath should apply for release and the government will consider his application; at this, the S.G.P.C. decided to launch an agitation; on the 8th of February 1922, the first gathering was held in this connection in which all the members of the Executive of the S.G.P.C. made speeches; at this the government released Dina Nath too; on his release he was presented siropao at Akal Takht.
Another Phase of Persecution of the Sikhs
Although the Government had lost the battle in the “Keys’ Agitation”; it still continued its anti-Sikh stance; now the first assault was on those who used to carry big kirpans; several Sikhs were arrested; it was followed by setting up of police posts in villages known for their sympathy with the Akali Movement; and these villages were told to pay the expenses of such police posts; those who opposed it were arrested; the first arrests were made in the villages of Sabhraon, Urara, Bhuchoke; after this several arrests were made from Amritsar, Sialkot, Lyallpur, Bugheana, Samundari, Sarhali, Sukarchakk, Verka, Fatehgarh, Marhana, Chabba, Ghawind, Hudiara, Narowal and some other villages; from Sialkot alone 253 Sikhs were arrested. But, in spite of this the Sikhs continued supporting the Gurdwara Reform Movement.
Gurdwara at Nonar Village
The next agitation was for the Gurdwara at Nonar village (district Sialkot); this Gurdwara had 750 bighas of land which had been donated by a Sikh named Hakam Singh; in 1922 it had an annual income of three thousand rupees. Harcharan Das was the mahant of this Gurdwara; he was an immoral and corrupt person and he lived the life of a debauched youth; so much so that in a court case a magistrate of Sialkot had passed strictures against him saying: “he is an immoral person who has illicit relations with Maya Devi, a widow; and he always keeps goondas in his company and creates terror in the Gurdwara.” The Sikhs were fed up with his behaviour; but due to efforts of various persons, he entered an agreement with the S.G.P.C., in the presence of sub judge Jhanda Singh, Tehsildar and thanedar (S.H.O.), on the 19th February 1922, but at the time of signing the agreement he disappeared; at this the local Sikhs formed a 17 member Committee and took over the charge of the Gurdwara. For one month this Committee managed the Gurdwara in a very fine manner but when the Government began persecuting the Sikhs in March 1922 (after its defeat in Keys’ Agitation), it (Government) approached this mahant too and made him file a complaint against the Akalis. On the 24th of March, the police arrested 40 Sikhs; again on the 27th of March some more Sikhs were arrested. Now, the mahant himself formed a Committee (just for an eye-wash) comprising of 7 members out of which 4 were Hindus, 2 were Muslims and only 1 was Sikh. On the 23rd of April the Government released all the Sikhs and also formed a 6-member Committee but four out of these six refused to become members of this Committee. On the 3rd of May, the Sikhs re-occupied the Gurdwara and the old 17 member Committee took the charge. After this Mr Talbot (D.C. Sialkot) and Mr Tollington (Commissioner Lahore) approached the Akalis and tried bring a compromise; the S.G.P.C. had agreed to pay him 550 rupees per year but now he demanded 800 rupees; finally an amount of 650 rupees was agree upon; again he backed out and demanded one third of income from land and offerings; the S.G.P.C. gave consent to this also but he again backed out; as all this had been agreed upon in the presence of the D.C.; now even the D.C. stopped helping him and the Gurdwara remained in the control of the Akalis.
Gurdwara Heran (Ludhiana)
This village has a Gurdwara built in the memory of the visit of Guru Gobind Singh. In 1922 Har Parsad was the mahant of this Gurdwara; he was an immoral and debauched person; the local people were fed up with his sinful life; on the 16th of February 1922, prominent persons of the area held a meeting and removed him from service; he approached Mr Hilton (D.C. Ludhiana) who took a big contingent of English and Gorkha soldiers and reached the village; he tried to help Har Parsad in getting the possession but people resisted it; later Hari Kishan Kaul, Assistant Commissioner of Jalandhar, mediated and formed a 5-member Committee but on one night in the month of March, the police helped the mahant to
occupy the Gurdwara and arrested several Sikhs.
Arrests for joining Amrit (initiation) ceremony
During the same period, the Government made another attack on the Sikh religion; earlier the Sikhs having big kirpans were arrested; now the police began arresting even those who were getting Khanday-di-Pahul (initiation).
In the month of March 1922, a congregation was held in Waryam Nangal (near Kathu Nangal, then district of Amritsar) village where some Sikhs were going to get initiation; when the ceremony was going to start the police reached and threatened that whosoever would get initiation will be arrested; in spite of the threat 17 persons got initiation and after the ceremony was over they were arrested and taken to police station where the S.H.O. offered to release those who would take off black turban and submit an apology; only one of these 17 accepted this offer and the rest 16 were sent to jails. Again, in the same month 70 persons were arrested in Dosanjh village (tehsil Phillaur, district Jalandhar) for their ‘crime’ of attending performance of keertan by an Akali.
So much so that in Lyallpur a Hindu magistrate Rajinder Pal had issued an order that those Akalis who attend even religious congregations held in Gurdwaras will also be arrested (i.e. he banned the entry of the Akalis in Gurdwaras); and several Akalis were arrested too.
Besides, several arrests were made for having kirpans; E.S. Jenkins,184 the Assistant Commissioner of Amritsar sentenced several Sikhs for wearing kirpan.
Arrests of the Sikh soldiers
It was height of high-handedness that several Sikh soldiers, who were wearing kirpans, or had worn black turban, too were arrested; in Regiment No 45 a Sikh was given 8 years jail term for wearing turban of black colour and another was given 8 years jail term for wearing kirpan; in Regiment no 57 Rifles, fifteen Sikh soldiers were given jail terms from 4 to 10 years for wearing kirpans; in Mesopotamia too, a Sikh soldier of 4th Cavalry was sent to jail; total number of Sikh soldiers and Akalis arrested for wearing kirpans or black turbans was more than 2000.
At that time negotiations were being held between the Government officials and the Akalis, but when the news of these arrests and harassment reached the S.G.P.C. it called a meeting of the General House of the S.G.P.C. on the 30th of March 1922; this gathering passed a resolution to stop having any meeting with the regime.
Although the S.G.P.C. had announced a total stop to dialogue with the Government, but the latter did not stop the persecution of the Sikhs; rather some Sikhs were arrested even for being the members of the S.G.P.C. On the other hand, in spite of the Sikhs’ declaration of non co-operation, the Government continued sending letters to the S.G.P.C. asking it to attend meetings and to join dialogue on the proposed Gurdwara Bill; but, no Sikh leader agreed to have even informal dialogue with the regime.
On the first of May 1922, some Sikh leaders informally met Tollington (Commissioner Lahore) and Wilson Johnston (Home Secretary) and asked them to stop persecution of the Sikhs and demanded enquiry into cases of persecution by a joint enquiry committee (comprising of government representatives and Sikh members) but the Home Secretary offered enquiry by a Judge of High Court; the Sikhs opined that Judges being English were supposed to side with the regime; when the Home Secretary did not agree to a joint enquiry committee; the Sikhs refused to discuss about the proposed Gurdwara Act or any other issue; at this Wilson Johnston threatened that the Government will pass the Gurdwara Bill even without the help of the Sikhs; he was warned that the fate of this Bill too will be the same that was of the Rowlett Act.
Even after this the regime continued process to pass the Bill and issued several statements about it but not a single Sikh became ready to cooperate with the Government; all
the Sikh groups rejected it; so much so that in July 1922, the Sikh members of Punjab Council declared that there was no question of accepting Gurdwara Bill unless and until Sikh prisoners are released and amendments to the Bill are made as per suggested by the Sikhs. Now, the Government began approaching the Nirmalas and the Udasis and made them issue statements which said that the support of the Akalis among the Sikhs is just a minor proportion; at this the Akalis challenged the Government to hold a referendum or general elections.
On the 16th of July 1922, general session of the S.G.P.C. was held at Akal Takht; it passed a resolution to continue taking possession of the Gurdwaras from the mahants; it said: “For the past one year, the Government has been using all means to suppress the Gurdwara Reform Movement; and due to this, now, there is no possibility of an official solution; in this situation there is left only one way out that the Sikhs themselves should take control and management of the Gurdwaras in their hands. After deep deliberations, it realises that it (S.G.P.C. general house) has been compelled to authorise the Executive (of the S.G.P.C.) the right to take necessary steps to bring the Gurdwaras into Panthic control.” When the S.G.P.C. passed this resolution, the Government realised that the Sikhs won’t surrender; hence, on the 31st of July 1922, John Menard announced in the Council that the Government has given up the idea of passing Gurdwara Bill.
The Government uses Kookas to Create Disturbances
During this period, the Government tried to use even Kookas (Namdharis) to create disturbance in the Darbar Sahib; they had complete support of the mahants and the Government. On the 28th of May 1922, on the eve of martyrdom day of Guru Arjan Sahib, a group of 60 to 70 the Kookas, headed by Nidhan Singh, entered Darbar Sahib, some of them were even bare-headed, their hair hanging backwards like women; they announced that they would make prayer inside the Darbar Sahib with mention of their (so-called) 11th and 12th Kooka gurus (the Kookas used filthy language for Guru Granth Sahib too.);185 but the sewadars (attendants) did not allow them; the Kookas blocked the gate of Darshani Deodi and continued asserting for more than one hour but right at that time Teja Singh Bhuchchar reached the scene and told them to ‘leave Darbar Sahib within five minutes or be prepared for dire consequences’, and the Kookas began fleeing immediately.186
Kookas drink their urine and call it amrit
When the Sikhs did not allow the Kookas to do mischief at Darbar Sahib, they stooped to mean acts; in June 1922, in a small gathering at Rawalpindi, a group of Kookas openly used filthy language for the martyrs of Nanakana Sahib (see photo of the original news on page 242) and called the S.G.P.C. ‘an organisation of dacoits’; further, they urinated in their shoes, drank it and announced that ‘this is amrit and we are drinking it.’187[see photo of the original news on page 244].
Foundation of Durgiana Mandir at Amritsar
When the Gurdwara Reform Movement was at its climax, the Hindus announced building a temple (of the style and design of Darbar Sahib) at Amritsar; foundation of this temple, named Durgiana Mandir, was laid by Pandit Madan Mohan Malvia, on the 8th of March 1922, outside the walled city of Amritsar;188commenting upon this, the intelligence department sent a report to the Secretary of State for India, in London; it said that it was a great step towards creating a split between the Sikhs and the Hindus; it further said that a Hindu act of building a temple at Amritsar, in imitation of Darbar Sahib, will increase their hatred for the Sikhs and will also become foundation of riots in future.189
Pandit Madan Mohan Malvia is quoted by some over- enthusiastic writers for his statement that every Hindu family should initiate at least one child as Sikh; but this was his clever sweet statement intended at establishing himself as a ‘friend of the Sikhs’ but, in his heart of hearts he was just a fanatic and fundamentalist Hindu; all his statements were his cunning approach to woo and/or fool the Sikhs. His communal outlook was exposed when he addressed the session of the Sikh League on the 27th of December 1919; and, now by laying the foundation stone of a temple at Amritsar, as a rival to Darbar Sahib he fully exposed his fanatic mentality.
Guru-Da-Bagh Agitation
About 20 kilometres from Amritsar, the village of Ghukkewali is known for Gurdwara Guru-da-Bagh, built in the memory of the visit of Guru Arjan Sahib and Guru Tegh Bahadur Sahib. Some affluent Sikhs had donated a lot of land to this Gurdwara from which it received a lot of income which was more than enough to run the expenses of the Gurdwara and its langar (sacred community kitchen); later the English regime forcibly acquired a major part of this land.
In 1922, Sundar Das was the mahant (caretaker) of this Gurdwara; like many other mahants he too was not a man of good character and people wanted to remove him. On the 31st of January 1921, Kartar Singh Jhabbar, Dan Singh Vachhoa and Amar Singh Jhabal along with some others, went to village Ghukkewali; at this the mahant too called in his supporters and even hired goondas; having seen such activity, several Sikhs of the area had already gathered there. The Sikh leaders and the mahant began discussion about reform; when the mahant realised that the Sikhs don’t want to expel him, he agreed to reform him and signed a written agreement; hence a 5-member local Committee of the prominent Sikhs of the area was formed to look after the Gurdwara; Dan Singh of Vachhoa was selected its President. In April 1921, the mahant backed out and refused to accept the Sikh Committee; the Sikhs tried to persuade him to co-operate with the Sikh Committee but he had instigation of the regime hence he refused to bother for the Sikhs; finally the Sikh Committee took control of the Gurdwara on the 23rd of August 1921. The mahant approached Mr Macpherson, the Superintendent of Police; and when the latter inspected the Gurdwara he confirmed that the Gurdwara was in the possession of the Sikhs; at this he posted some policemen to check possibility of mischief by the mahant; after some days the police left the place as per the request of the Akalis. Now, the mahant approached Teja Singh Samundari, Gurcharan Singh vakil and Bal Singh Canadian; they mediated and payment of an amount of 120 rupees per month was fixed to be paid to him; besides; he was also given a house in Amritsar for his residence.
In April 1922, the mahant again approached the Government and tried to occupy the Gurdwara but he could not do so. But when on the 16th of July the S.G.P.C. passed a resolution of non co-operation with the Government on Gurdwara Bill and resolved to take over other Gurdwaras too, the Government, once again, planned to terrorise the Akalis; and, as a follow up, it (regime) decided to persecute the Sikh management of this Gurdwara too. On the 8th of August 1922, five Akali workers cut a dry tree from the land of the Gurdwara for fuel for cooking langar in the Gurdwara; the next day, under orders from Mr Dunnet (D.C. Amritsar), the police went there and arrested them. By that time the mahant had not made any complaint against the Akalis to the police; on the 10th of August, Mr S.G.M. Beaty,190 Assistant Superintendent Police, reached Gurdwara Guru-da-Bagh and asked the mahant to make a written complaint against the Akalis, which he did (the arrests were made one day before the complaint); the same day, after a summary trial, the five Sikhs arrested on
the 8th of August were given jail term of six months along with a fine of fifty rupees each.
Merciless Beating of the Sikhs at Guru-da-Bagh
Though the police had arrested five Sikh on the 8th of August, still the Sikhs continued cutting of dry wood for langar but no arrest was made; but, on the 22nd of August 1922, the police again arrested some Sikhs in the name of this ‘offence’; when the S.G.P.C. came to know about this, it began sending Sikh jathas for symbolic act of cutting wood and the police began arresting them; within two days 180 Sikhs had been arrested; on the 25th of August when a jatha of 136 Sikhs went to Guru-da-Bagh, the police began beating them with sticks and clubs; about 100 of them were seriously wounded. The next day, on the 26th of August, 40 Sikhs went to the Guru-da-Bagh, Guru Granth Sahib amidst them; they too were dragged and mercilessly beaten; the same day the police arrested S.B. Mehtab Singh, Jaswant Singh B.A., Narain Singh Barrister, Prof Sahib Singh, Master Tara Singh, Sarmukh Singh Jhabal, Teja Singh Chuharkana, Rawail Singh etc.
On the 26th of August Nihang Kehar Singh Patti met the mahant and made him agree for a compromise with the S.G.P.C.; Kehar Singh took the mahant to Beaty and the Tehsildar, and, before them the mahant confirmed that he had made an agreement with the Sikhs; after this the Tehsildar asked Kehar Singh to accompany him to see the D.C. but before the latter could leave Guru-da-Bagh he made a symbolic action of cutting wood and then accompanied the Tehsildar; they met the D.C. and the latter appreciated Kehar Singh’s efforts; but the D.C. had something else in his mind; he ordered the arrest of even Kehar Singh for cutting wood.
On the 27th of August, on one hand the jatha was mercilessly beaten and on the other hand, those who had gone there to serve langar to the jatha too were beaten and the langar too was confiscated. The same day a teacher of Khalsa College who was on his way to pay obeisance at the Gurdwara and was accompanied by his family, too was mercilessly beaten before the eyes of his family. On this day, all the Sikh who were travelling in the buses on that route too were beaten; and, now, the police cordoned the whole area around Guru-da-Bagh and set up police posts at all the roads, bridges and ferries so that the Sikhs may not be able to go to Guru-da-Bagh.
But all this could not stop the Sikhs from going to Guru-da-Bagh; everyday a jatha would leave Akal Takht (and a smaller jatha would go to perform symbolic action to cut wood for langar); from the 31st of August 1922, every day a jatha of 100 Sikhs began leaving Akal Takht; usually this jatha was stopped at Rajasansi, Chhina or Gumtala bridge and the police would give merciless beating to both the jathas; and when all the members of jatha would become faint, the police would hold them from their hair and drag them to ponds of mud and other ditches; after this medical team would arrive, give them first aid and a lorry would carry them to S.G.P.C. run three hospitals at Amritsar. The S.G.P.C. had to spend a lot of money for bandages, medicines and operations of the wounded Sikh which amounted to two thousand rupees per day. In the beginning even the first aid personnel were not allowed there even though they were having a letter from the D.C. but later the Government allowed the medico staff to do its work; hence an ambulance used to follow the jathas.
Several people used to visit the site to watch the beating of the Sikhs; once an American party made a video film of this savage and grotesque activity; Captain A .L. Varghese who was in charge of this film project named this film Exclusive Picture of India’s Martyrdom; later the British Government tried to stop him from releasing this film but he did not agree.191
The news of merciless beating of the Sikhs reached abroad too and it was condemned by everyone in every nook and corner of the world. On the 3rd of September 1922, Madan Mohan Malvia, Sir Jogindera Singh and 20 other prominent persons, some members of the Punjab Council, leaders of the Chief Khalsa Diwan and some others too reached the site
where the jathas were beaten; they remained there up to 8.30 p.m. and so long they remained there the police did not attack the jatha; but, as soon as the leaders left the scene the police began beating them; later all of them were dragged and pushed into a muddy ditch. On the 2nd of September, the police had brought two empty drums too and the Sikhs were hit with these drums which resulted into serious injuries on forehead, head and other parts of body. Not only the police but the regime had hired some Muslim and other professional criminals too for beating the Sikhs. The reports of day-to-day cruelty were being published by several newspapers; hence to stop the media from getting information, from the 4th of July the police began beating even those who would be present there to observe it. The police had adopted terrorist tactics to this extent that one day it mercilessly beat and killed two Sikhs (Bhagat Singh and his son Tara Singh) who were working in their fields in a nearby village named Tera.
From the 9th of September the police stopped beating the jathas before they reached Guru-da-Bagh so that only those who lived near the site would be able to know it. On the 10th of September a large gathering was held at Jallianwala Bagh Amritsar; it was addressed by leaders of various organisations who strongly condemned the inhuman beating of the Sikhs.
On the 12th of September 1922, C.F. Andrews, a priest of Anglican Church (who had been living at Calcutta since 1904) visited Amritsar; when he came to know about the beating of the Sikhs he visited the hospitals; in the evening he visited Guru-da-Bagh too and saw merciless inhuman beating of the Sikhs with his own eyes; he called this act of the police as inhuman, savage, grotesque, cowardly, not becoming of an Englishman and spiritual defeat of England.192 He even said ‘it seems to me as if thousands of Christs are being crucified at Guru-da-Bagh’;193per chance the Governor of the Punjab was on a visit to Amritsar; C.F. Andrews met him and asked him to stop this inhuman act; that day the Governor too visited Guru-da-Bagh; he was accompanied by some members of the Council; there he ordered that beating of the Sikhs should be stopped and instead they (jathas) should be arrested instead.
The beating of the Sikhs stopped from the 13th of September but, in spite of this, the police continued its terror tactics; harassing the Sikhs and snatching their belongings was not uncommon. Now, the police used to arrest the jatha; in the beginning a jatha of 20 Sikhs used to court arrest; later this number went up to 30, 40, 60 and then 100; by the 25th of October 1922, 2500 Sikhs had courted arrests; and there was great enthusiasm among the Sikhs to join the jathas. In order to frighten the Sikhs, the Government announced that it was making arrangements for keeping ten thousand Sikh in prisons; but it boomeranged and the number of the volunteers willing to court arrests began rather swelling; even ex-servicemen began courting arrests; on the 25th of October, Retired Major Amar Singh (who had served the Army for 23 years) led a jatha of 100 Sikhs (he was given two years jail term by Aslam Khan Magistrate); another jatha of ex-servicemen, under the command of Risaldar Ranjodh Singh, also courted arrest on the 12th of November.
The Government Surrenders Once More
By the 17th of November 1922, 5605 Sikhs had courted arrests; and there was no end to volunteers. 35 members of the S.G.P.C. had also been arrested.194 Now, the Government began looking for some way out to get rid of the Sikhs’ agitation;195 finally it used Rai Bahadur Sir Ganga Ram, with whom the mahant signed a contract of lease of the land; and after this Ganga Ram ‘wrote’ to the Government that he did not need the help of the police and the police left Guru-da-Bagh and arrests of the Sikhs were stopped.
An Enquiry Committee set up to investigate police atrocities during this agitation reported that 1656 Sikhs had suffered injuries during the beating by the police; some wounds had been inflicted with sharp weapons; most of the injuries were on the upper part of body (369 injuries), chest (300) followed by head and brain (75), buttocks (60), private parts (19) etc; among these many had bones broken and some of them suffered urine problems
too.196Sikhs from various parts of the Punjab participated in this agitation; in September, the S.G.P.C. had released a list of the wounded Sikhs which included 135 from Lahore, 109 from Gurdaspur, 102 from Jalandhar, 93 from Hoshiarpur and many from other districts.197Several Sikhs including Jathedar Prithipal Singh,198 Bhai Mewa Singh, Bhai Saudagar Singh, Bhai Tara Singh, Bhagat Singh etc. (the last two were killed while working in their fields in village Tera).
Incident at Punjab Sahib (Hasan Abadal Railway Station)
During the Guru-da-Bagh Agitation, one day a jatha of ex-servicemen, led by Subedar Amar Singh Dhaliwal (from Kapurthala state), courted arrest; as there was no space in the jails in the Punjab, they were transferred to Attock Jail; they were boarded on a train from Amritsar to Attock on the night of the 29th of October 1922. The Sikhs of Rawalpindi and Hassan Abdal (Punja Sahib) on that route wished to serve the jatha with food and drink; and they took all that to the Hassan Abdal railway station on the 30th of October at about 10 a.m. and began waiting for the train to arrive; the station master told them that the train shall not stop there; and they had made those arrangements for nothing. At ten o’clock, seeing the train approaching, Bhai Karam Singh lay on the railway line; next to him lay Bhai Partap Singh, Ganga Singh, Charan Singh, Nihal Singh, Tara Singh, Fakir Singh, Kalyan Singh and many other men and women; seeing the people lying on the track, the driver of the train blew whistle several times but the nobody got up from the track; and the train crushed the bones of Bhai Karam Singh (thirty year old son of Bhai Bhagwan Das, the mahant of Kesgarh Sahib) and Bhai Partap Singh (son of Bhai Sarup Singh, a goldsmith of Akalgarh, Gujranwala; then manager of Gurdwara Punjab Sahib) to pulp and the others suffered grievous injuries; and the train stopped. Bhai Partap Singh, whose body was almost crushed, said to sangat: ‘Serve the hungry Sikhs in the train first and take care of us afterwards.’ The train halted for one and a half hours; the Sikhs served the Sikhs in the train but they ate the food with tears in their eyes. Among the injured, Bhai Karam Singh died after a few hours; Bhai Partap Singh died the nefollowingxt day.
Later, when the authorities asked the driver the reason for stopping the train, he replied: “When the train hit the Sikhs lying on the track, vacuum lever dropped out of my hand and the train stopped. I did not apply the brakes.”
Gurdwaras at Muktsar
In February 1923, the Sikhs took control of historical Gurdwaras at Muktsar too. On the 17th of February 1923, about 100 Sikhs, led by Teja Singh Samundari and Captain Ram Singh, reached Muktsar and took over services in the Gurdwara; here, the mahants did not resist the Sikhs; on the 19th of February the jatha took control of the langar and the bungas (residential buildings) also. After this, Sarmukh Singh and Anokh Singh, the mahants of Gurdwara Tambu Sahib, of their own, handed over the control of Gurdwara to the S.G.P.C.; and the latter appointed Daljit Singh (alias Rai Singh, of Kamagatamaru ship fame) of Kauni village as manager of the Gurdwaras of Muktsar. Here too the police tried to incite the mahants to submit a complaint to the police but they did not agree as they had seen the fate of the mahants of those Gurdwaras who had collaborated with the regime against the Akalis.
Gurdwara at Anandpur
At that time the Gurdwaras at Anandpur Sahib and Keeratpur Sahib were under the control of the Sodhi family (descendants of Suraj Mall, son of Guru Hargobind Sahib); on the 15th of March 1923, when Jathedar Mula Singh led a jatha of the Sikhs to take control of the Gurdwaras of Anandpur, the Sodhi family itself handed over the charge to the jatha.
Release of the Akalis
In the second half of April 1923, the Hindus and the Muslims of Amritsar began cold
war against each other on trivial issues; it was feared that it may turn into riots; at this juncture the S.G.P.C. played crucial role and stopped the riots from becoming a prolonged battle; on the 22nd of April 1923, the Government issued a statement appreciating the contribution made by the Sikhs; and, on this plea it ordered release of the Akali prisoners; between the 29th of April and the 3rd of May 1400 Akali prisoners were released.
Hooliganism of the Akalis and Kaar Sewa of Amritsar
When the Government released the Akali prisoners, they began considering it as great victory and some of them began playing wanton acts too; they began behaving as hooligans and miscreants; they would travel in groups and won’t buy tickets and as they were in big groups the ticket-checker too would be helpless. All this was creating an ill image for the Akalis; the Akali leaders made appeals through media to stop this; and, to channelize their energy and attention to a positive action, it announced kaar sewa (voluntary service; literally: service with hands) of the cleaning of the silt of Amritsar199 sarovar (tank) of Darbar Sahib; the kaar sewa began on the 17th of June 1923; a very large number of Sikhs thronged to Darbar Sahib to participate in kaar sewa; as a result it was completed in just three weeks; on the 9th of July 1923.
Inauguration of kaar sewa with spades made of gold
When the kaar sewa of the Amritsar (tank) was announced; the Brahminic element among the Sikhs again played its role; it managed to convince S.G.P.C. announce that the kaar sewa would be inaugurated with the spades made of gold; this action might look gorgeous and dazzling but it was against the philosophy of Sikhism; the Gurus had rejected such hypocritical show of ritualism. At that time Sundar Singh Ramgarhia was the President200 of the S.G.P.C.; he was under the influence of the Brahmins, but, on the other hand, Balwant Singh Subedar, who was the President of Shiromani Akali Dal, opposed this move; Teja Singh Bhuchchar, the former caretaker of Akal Takht too joined him; later, Balwant Singh Subedar backed out but Teja Singh Bhuchchar continued opposing it; when the S.G.P.C. did not budge, the former decided to inaugurate kaar sewa two days in advance of the formal inauguration. On the 15th of June 1923, Teja Singh Bhuchchar and his companions reached Darbar Sahib and performed the formality of kaar sewa; they continued doing it for about half an hour and then went away.
The role of the Gurdwara management, at that time, was deplorable; under its instructions, the persons serving water to the visitors stopped serving water (with a view not to serve water to Teja Singh Bhuchchar and his companions)201; as it was extremely hot, they had to quench their thirst with the water of the tank; still shocking was the commentary of a pro-S.G.P.C. (or anti Teja Singh Bhuchchar) newspaper Punjab Darpan which wrote: “Distressed by thirst, they (Teja Singh etc), drank water from Amritsar (sarovar), like animals…”202 This was shameful (and sacrilegious) on the part of this paper to compare drinking of water from Amritsar (sarovar) with an act of drinking of water by animals.
Some leaders of the S.G.P.C. condemned Teja Singh Bhuchchar (Jathedar), Saran Singh (General Secretary) and those members of Gargaj Akali Jatha, who had participated in kaar sewa of the 15th of June 1923; and in the General House of the S.G.P.C. declared them tankhahia (guilty of religious lapse); it was injustice because all the Gargaj Akali Jatha had done was a protest against an unSikh act.
Kharak Singh and other Sikhs not allowed turban in jail
In January 1923, Kharak Singh, the President of the S.G.P.C. was in Dear Ghazi Khan Jail; there was no restriction on turban for the Sikhs; on the 17th of January 1923, Col. Ward, the I.G. jails visited this jail; and when he saw the Sikhs wearing turbans he ordered the Superintendent of the jail to stop them from wearing turbans; after he was gone the jail
Superintendent ordered them to hand over their turbans; when the Sikhs refused to obey, the Jail Superintendent locked them in the barracks and asked the wardens and nambardars (jail officials) to forcibly remove the turbans of the Sikhs; when they touched the turban of Kharak Singh, he protested and took off all his clothes (except his kachhehra, the Sikhs shorts) and handed them over to the jail staff; his action was followed by 13 other prisoners i.e. Amar Singh Jhabal, Jaswant Singh Jhabal, Ganda Singh Canadian, Santokh Singh Vidyarthi, Udham Singh Hoshiarpuri, Sucha Singh Giani, Hardit Singh, Partap Singh, Kishan Singh Hakim, Daleep Singh, Sayyad Maulana Mohammed Ismail Ghaznavi, Polo Ram Anandpuri and Kashi Ram Hissar.203Kharak Singh spent the next three years without wearing any cloth and when he was released in 1926, he was wearing just his kachhehra.
Election to the General House of the S.G.P.C.
The first election to the S.G.P.C. was held on the 15th of November 1920 and it was again due in November 1922 but due to Guru-da-Bagh Agitation, new elections could not be held. After the completion of the kaar sewa of sarovar, the election process was initiated in July 1923; the following were elected members of the new General House of the S.G.P.C.:
Amritsar: Dan Singh Vachhoa, Amar Singh Jhabal, Surain Singh Subedar Chhiddan, Sohan Singh Josh Chetanpur, Gurdial Singh Rajasansi, Jaswant Singh Jhabal, Santa Singh Jathedar, Rawail Singh Amritsar (city), Sohan Singh Khadur Sahib, Sujan Singh Sarhali, Prof. Niranjan Singh Khalsa College, Mehtab Singh Tarn Taran, Darshan Singh Pheruman, Sundar Singh Kot Mohamed Khan, Jawahar Singh Burj, Sundar Singh Verka.
Jalandhar: Channan Singh Shanker, Bal Singh Bir Pind, Udham Singh Jandu Singha, Chanchal Singh Jandiala, Hari Singh Jalandhari (city), Bhag Singh Uppal Bhupa, Mansa Singh Kot Suraj Mall, Naginder Singh Kandola, Dr Nand Singh Nora, Phumman Singh Kaler.
Lyallpur: Hakam Singh Chakk 204, Tript Singh Jathedar, Teja Singh Samundari, Waryam Singh, Gopal Singh Qaumi, Buta Singh, Jeewan Singh Jarhanwala, master Sundar Singh, Sarmukh Singh Jhabal, Prithipal Singh Chakk 52 Mullanpur, Mangal Singh Gill editor Akali, Harchand Singh raees, Raja Singh Jarhanwala.
Lahore: Master Arur Singh, Arjan Singh Mari Kamboki, Teja Singh Ghawind, Wasava Singh Poonasinghwala, Nand Singh Sarhali (Kasur), Fauja Singh Bhue Aasal (tehsil Chuhanian), Inder Singh Barki, Jagat Singh Khara (tehsil Chuhanian), Waryam Singh Raikalan Luliani, Achhar Singh Ghanieke, Jawala Singh raees.
Ludhiana: Mohinder Singh Sidhwan Khurd, Bakhshish Singh raees Bhumaddi, Ranbir Singh Kaonke, Gurdit Singh Behlolpuri, Dharam Singh B.A. Phalwalia, Joginder Singh Vakil Raipuria, Sundar Singh Ghuman, Mangal Singh Gill editor Akali, Harnam Singh Sekha.
Firozpur: Rai Singh, Joginder Singh Vadda Ghall, Tara Singh Moga, Harnam Singh Kabarvachha, Inder Singh Bhaikawara, Darbar Singh Mallan, Parja Singh Mehraj, Kirpal Singh Rode, Gurdial Singh Bhinder Kalan, Dr Balwant Singh.
Hoshiarpur: Sodhi Pritam Singh, Piara Singh Langeri, Giani Ram Singh Manaian, Partap Singh Kot Fatuhi, Giani Batan Singh, Thakur Singh Bilaspur, Daleep Singh Pur Heeran, Hardit Singh Bajrur, Kishan Singh Mangewal.
Gurdaspur: Wasava Singh Kot Karam Chand, Bhag Singh Vakil, Ranjodh Singh Ranghar Nangal, Teja Singh Jathedar Shakkargarh, Gurbakhsh Singh Wasaukot, Teja Singh Alawalpur, Kishan Singh Nano Nangal.
Sargodha: Sadhu Singh Chakk 26, Jamandar Sahib Singh Chakk 127, Hawaldar Major Jai Singh Chakk 15, Man Singh Chakk 27, Awtar Singh Handali Kalan, Ch. Jaimal Singh.
Rawalpindi: Master Tara Singh, Professor Teja Singh, Gopal Singh Sagri, Bhagat Jaswant Singh, Balwant Singh Gujjarkhan, Jawand Singh Rawalpindi, Giani Sher Singh.
Gujranwala: Aasa Singh Dhandali, Amrik Singh Chunewala, Sant Singh Karial, Waryam Singh Garmula, Awtar Singh Barrister, Narinjan Singh Tansen Works, Principal Teja Singh.
Sheikhupra: Lakha Singh Kuralke, Sohan Singh (Secretary), Saudagar Singh Malowal, Dial Singh Nizampura, Inder Singh Murabba 42, But Singh Vakil, Sher Singh Kot Pindiwas.
Montgomery: Gian Singh Jathedar, Hukam Singh Vakil, Jaikishan Singh Kamalia, Mohar Singh, Jalwant Singh.
Gujrat: Pardhan Singh Thekedar, Narain Singh, Sohan Singh Chakk 26 (tehsil Phalia), Sundar Singh Jago Bhago (tehsil Kharian).
Sialkot: Kharak Singh, Bhagat Singh Pasrur, Gurcharan Singh Sialkot, Gian Singh, Nirmal Singh B.A., Khazan Singh Deputy.
Jehlum: Jai Singh Dhudial, Mehtab Singh Wahali, Mool Singh Domeli. Harbans Singh Sistani.
Jhang: Sukha Singh Shah Jeewana, Gulab Singh.
Multan: Ishar Singh Chakk 124-10 R, Daleep Singh Jawandwala.
Hazara: Bhagat Dunna Singh Abbotabad, Gian Singh Abbotabad, Diwan Singh Kot Najibulla.
Peshawar: Raja Singh Vakil, Jagat Singh Narang, Jai Singh Thekedar.
Kohat: Mehtab Singh Thekedar.
Caimbalpur: Hanwant Singh Chhachhi, Harnam Singh Punja Sahib, Amar Singh editor Lyall Gazzetee.
Bannu: Waryam Singh Municipal Commissioner, Prem Singh.
Dera Ismail Khan: Sohan Singh.
Mirpur: Sardar Singh. Mirpur Khas (Sind): Waryam Singh.
Sakhar (Sind): Aatma Singh. Muzzaffarabad: Narain Singh.
Muzzaffargarh: Gulab Singh.
Hissar: Chand Singh raees, Harnam Singh Hissar.
Rohtak: Sant Singh raees.
Ambala: Gurbakhsh Singh Vakil Ambala, Karora Singh Marauli, Hari Singh Chaknauli, Surta Singh Kishanpura Kurali, Kartar Singh Naharpur, Teja Singh Manauli.
Delhi: Nanak Singh, Gurbachan Singh, Agiya Singh Thekedar, Raghbir Singh Engineer, Gurbakhsh Singh.
Jammu: Tirath Singh Tehsildar.
Agra: Sundar Singh. Kanpur: Inder Singh
Sistan: Jagjit Singh Chakkwal.
Raipur (C.P., now Madhya Pradesh): Kishan Singh.
Bengal: Raghbir Singh, Harnam Singh. Duzbad: Amrik Singh
Simla: Khem Singh. Punchh: Giani Budh Singh
Bombay: Bakhshi Arjan Singh. Karachi: Sant Singh
Princely States: Patiala: Kartar Singh Diwana, Professor Harbans Singh Khalsa College, Jawala Singh village Lalarh, Sewa Singh Thikriwala, Mohinder Singh Hansali Sarhind, Ratan Singh Aazad editor Punjab Darpan, Balwant Singh Chanarthal, Sher Singh Thikriwala, Capt. Ram Singh Sunam.
Kapurthala: Amar Singh Dhaliwal Dhilwan, Thakar Singh Domeli, Partap Singh Phagwara, Mohinder Singh Dhilwan.
Nabha: Jeewan Singh Dhanaula, Uttam Singh Roopa, Sardara Singh Bholia, Kehar Singh Bahawal Majra.
Malerkotla: Balbir Singh Kodhrani, Amar Singh Dhanei.
Jind: Jaswant Singh. Faridkot: Kehar Singh
Nahan: Lehna Singh Paonta. Bahawalpur: Kirpal Singh
Akal Takht: Teja Singh. Darbar Sahib: Fateh Singh granthi
Nominated by Jathas (60):
Baba Gurdit Singh Kamagatamaru, Bawa Harkishan Singh Professor, Kishan Singh Jathedar Guru Ramdas Sewak Jatha Amritsar, Teja Singh Ramgarhia, Dr Bhagwan Singh Amritsar, Narain Singh barrister, Mohan Singh Vaid Tarn Taran, Waryam Singh Secretary Amritsar, Hira Singh Narli Lahore), Sundar Singh Ragi, Niranjan Singh Kandowali, Baba Kehar Singh Patti, Sundar Singh Risaldar, Raghbir Singh B.A., Teja Singh Chuharkana, Sucha Singh Khara Sauda, Uttam Singh Karkhanedar Nanakana Sahib, Jamadar Sadhu Singh Bahmaniwala, Hari Singh Lyallpur, Hira Singh Ragi Firuka, Chowdhry Ram Singh Sayyadpuri, Karam Singh Cheema, Bhag Singh Hoshiarpur, Iqbal Singh Headmaster Baba Bakala, Jhanda Singh Pattoke Firozpur, Gulab Singh Gholia Khurd, Sahib Singh Joint Secretary SGPC (later Prof Sahib Singh), Sundar Singh Headmaster Gujranwala, Amar Singh Wasu Gujrat, Kirpal Singh Chitagong Bengal, Partap Singh former editor Akali, Giani Hira Singh Dard, Prof Lal Singh Ludhiana, Bakhshish Singh Kesgarh, Ranjit Singh Tajvar, Giani Gurmukh Singh Musafir.
Sant Singh Parcharak, Mool Singh, Sampuran Singh, Harnam Singh, Jawahar Singh Mitha Tiwana, Jaswant Singh Bedi, Bawa Udham Singh, Bawa Manmohan Singh, Bawa Sarup Singh, Ram Singh, Sant Singh and Raghbir Singh (Nihangs), Hara Singh Nirankari, Genda Singh Ramdasia, Charan Singh Ramdasia, Atma Singh Ramdasia, Vir Singh Mazhabi, Khazan Singh Gurdaspur, Jaswant Singh Sehna Ludhiana, Dharam Singh, Mihan Singh Firozpur, Fateh Singh Muktsar, Jawahar Singh pujari Amritsar, Sundar Singh Batala.204
Jaito Morcha and Maharaja Nabha
When the kaar sewa of Amritsar (literally: tank of nectar) was going on the dispute between Maharaja Patiala and Maharaja Nabha too was being adjudged by the English regime; as Maharaja Bhupindera Singh, the ruler of Patiala, was more favourable to the English, the latter decided that Maharaja Ripudaman Singh (of Nabha), who was known for his sympathies for the Gurdwara Reform Movement,205 should be made to abdicate Maharaja-ship in favour of his minor son.
In this case of dispute between the Patiala and Nabha Maharajas, the English had appointed a judge of Allahabad High Court to hold an enquiry; who submitted his ‘report’ after four months (January to April 1923) of ‘investigation’ and submitted his report to the Governor General in the first week of June 1923. To discuss the ‘report’ Colonel Minchin (Political Agent of the Government) called Maharaja Nabha to Kasauli on the 5th of June 1923 and there he asked the latter to abdicate in favour of his minor son. After his return from Kasauli, Maharaja Nabha met Master Tara Singh and Teja Singh Samundari and told them everything; both the Sikh leaders asked him not to resign and assured full support from the S.G.P.C.206 But, Colonel Minchin was a shrewd person; he met the Maharaja again on the 7th of July and got his signatures on the letter of abdication; and the very next day Minchin reached Nabha, along with big English army and took over the control of the State; and Maharaja Nabha was sent (in fact exiled) to Dehradun; Partap Singh, the minor son of Maharaja Ripudaman Singh was crowned as new Maharaja and Winston Johnston was appointed as Administrator till the new Maharaja attains the age of majority.
After sending the Maharaja Nabha to Dehradun, the English regime announced that the Maharaja had abdicated out of his own will but as the Sikh leaders knew the truth, Master Tara Singh called it an act like the removal of Maharaja Daleep Singh; the S.G.P.C. issued a statement condemning removal of the Maharaja and announced that it would observe the 29th of July as ‘Prayer Day’ and the 9th of September as ‘Nabha Day’. In between, on the 20th of July, the English regime offered to show all the papers to the leaders of the S.G.P.C. and the latter agreed not to start agitation if the papers were in order;207 but when the regime did not
show any papers to the S.G.P.C., the latter observed the ‘Ardas Day’, held congregations at several places, condemned removal of the Maharaja and demanded his restoration to the throne.
On the 2nd of August 1923, the S.G.P.C. sent a telegram to the Governor General in this regard but the latter did not bother; at this, on the 4th of August, the S.G.P.C. held its general session which gave all rights to its Executive to take appropriate action for restoration of the Maharaja; fearing unrest the English regime of Nabha issued an ordinance prohibiting public discussion on removal of the Maharaja; but the Akalis decided to defy it.
On the 25th of August 1923, a congregation was held in at Jaito (in Nabha State) where the Sikh leaders condemned removal of the Maharaja of Nabha; on the 27th of August, another congregation was to be held at the same place, but before it could take place, the Nabha regime (which was run by Wilson Johnston) arrested all those who had organised the congregation. The S.G.P.C. condemned these arrests and also announced that they will ‘continue holding the congregation which was stopped on the 27th of August’. In this connection, a procession was taken out at Jaito on the 9th of September; 25 Sikh activists who arranged this procession were arrested. Again, on the 14th of September 1923, an akhand path (non-stop or unbroken reading) of Guru Granth Sahib was started at Gurdwara Gangsar Jaito; when it was still going on, the English police entered the Gurdwara and arrested Giani Inder Singh who was sitting in tabiya of (reciting path) Guru Granth Sahib and all others who were present in the Gurdwara; this act was sacrilege of Guru Granth Sahib hence it created great commotion among the Sikhs; it was widely condemned and every Sikh became angry and aggrieved. The S.G.P.C. declared it also an attack on free worship and right to religion and began sending jathas, comprising of 25 Sikhs each, to Jaito to perform akhand path of Guru Granth Sahib; the English regime would arrest them and after keeping important members in jails the rest would be taken to some far off places and left in deserts or forests without food or water.
Akalis sweep Council elections
In this scenario, the elections to the Punjab Council were held; all the Akali leaders were in jails but still they swept the elections; the results were a shock to the English regime as most of the pro-government candidates lost even their security deposits; the results were as follows: Amritsar seat = Dan Singh Akali 5525, pro-government candidate 1179; Jalandhar = Partap Singh Shankar 3010, pro-government candidate 1106; Lahore = Sangat Singh 1323, pro-government candidate just 37; Firozpur = Tara Singh Moga 5915, pro-government candidate just 272; Sheikhupura-Multan = Buta Singh Vakil 2836, pro-government candidate 672; Lahore-Rawalpindi-Multan : Gulab Singh 6496, pro-government candidate 694; Jalandhar-Ambala = Kartar Singh 1223, pro-government candidate 255; Rawalpindi-Gujranwala = Narain Singh Vakil 4596, pro-government candidate just 20; Lyallpur = Harchand Singh raees 5950, pro-government candidate 1264; Professor Jodh Singh Amritsar, Randhir Singh Gurdaspur and Bakhtawar Singh Hoshiarpur too won by big margins.208
The S.G.P.C. decides to send Shaheedi Jatha to Jaito
The Jaito agitation had begun in September 1923; when four months had passed and the Government did not budge, and in between this, two Executive Committees of the S.G.P.C. (comprising of more than 100 leaders) had been arrested; now the S.G.P.C. decided to intensify the agitation and it announced sending of a big Shaheedi Jatha comprising of 500 Sikhs; this jatha was to leave Akal Takht on the 9th of February 1924; on the day of its departure of the jatha more than 30000 Sikhs reached Darbar Sahib. The jatha, after passing through several villages and towns, was to reach Jaito on the 21st of February.
Firing at Shaheedi Jatha
Having travelled through various villages and towns between Amritsar and Jaito for eleven days, the jatha reached Bargari (the last village in the Punjab territory, about 10 km from Jaito) in the evening of the 20th of February 1924; the next day it re-started its march and entered the territory of Nabha State where the English army, without even giving any formal warning, opened fire at the jatha; the order to fire was given by Wilson Johnston himself. It was just like the firing by the British Army at Jallianwala Bagh Amritsar in 1919;209 at Jaito too, the army firing killed several Sikhs and wounded many more; the government figures of the dead were 19 and wounded 29 but the Akali spokesman claimed that more than 50 had been killed210 and the number of the wounded was about two hundred; Akalis further alleged that the regime had cremated several bodies; the dead included some on-lookers too, including women and children, as a very big crowd was also following the jatha and they were walking on its both sides of the jatha.211 The army fired thousands of bullets, and, had the machine gun not gone out of order, the firing would have probably killed all the Sikhs present there; further, after this the army mercilessly beat not only the surviving members of the jatha but also ordinary Sikhs who were just watching the event and seriously wounded almost every Sikh present there. It seemed that the British Army had run amuck; it was like repetition of the scene of the battle of Gujarat (21st of February 1849) when tens of English soldiers pounced upon wounded unarmed and even semi-consciously lying Sikh soldiers and butchered them to death, to avenge their anger of their defeat and the losses of battle of Chelianwala (on the 13th of January 1849).
The English regime tried to save its face by saying that the jatha was armed and it fired in self-defence but the independent observers, who were accompanying the jatha, refuted the official claim; these included Mr Zimmand, a correspondent of daily New York Times. There was strong condemnation of firing throughout the sub continent and the newspapers condemned it in very strong words calling Wilson Johnston as ‘another General Dyer’.
The killings of the Sikhs led to great resentment among the Sikhs; on the other hand the English regime thought that the killings would frighten the Sikhs and they will stop joining jathas; but the foolish officials forgot that the killings at Jallianwala Bagh (13.4.1919); and Nanakana Sahib (20.2.1921), and savage beating at Guru-da-Bagh (Aug-Sept 1922) had not frightened the Sikhs and how the killings at Jaito would turn the Sikhs into cowards! The terrorist mind of Wilson Johnston wanted to frighten the Sikhs but he did not know that the Sikhs had never let any challenge go unanswered; and the same happened even that time; the killings at Jaito added to their (Sikhs’) spirits and thousands of them offered to join the next jatha. The Hindu leaders like Lala Lajpat and Gandhi212 tried to stop the second jatha but the S.G.P.C. declared that the jatha won’t be stopped; it further declared that the Sikhs will definitely perform 101 akhand paths of Guru Granth Sahib.
There was great enthusiasm213 among the Sikhs to join the second Shaheedi Jatha; though it was to be 500 strong jatha but more than one thousand Sikhs volunteered themselves within just a few days; and having enrolled those first five hundred who had offered first the rest were asked to join the latter jathas; those who did not get place in the second jatha felt sad.
This time, the S.G.P.C. had appealed the public not to follow the jatha like the previous time; hence hundreds and thousands of the Sikhs welcomed the jatha and when it left Akal Takht for Jaito on the 14th of March 1924, no one was allowed to follow them. On the other hand, the Hindu leader Madan Mohan Malvia and several members of the Punjab Council too reached Jaito on the 14th of March and met Wilson Johnston, the Administrator and asked him to allow the Sikhs to perform 101 akhand paths; he agreed but put a condition that they should perform the akhand paths within a week, in two term; but the Sikhs refused to accept any restrictions or conditions.
The second jatha reached the Gurdwara Gangsar at about 3.30 p.m.; the army had already blocked the passage and hundreds of horse-riding soldiers surrounded the jatha; this time the army did not fire at the jatha and all the 500 Sikhs were arrested and taken to the Nabha Fort and later imprisoned in the Nabha Jail.
The Third jatha left Akal Takht on the 22nd of March 1924 and reached Jaito on the 7th of April. On this day Tara Singh Moga, Mian Fazal Haq, Kartar Singh M.L.Cs and several other persons too were present to observe the event; and in their presence, the jatha was divided into small groups; they were handcuffed and chained and finally taken to the Nabha Fort Jail.
After this several jathas went to Jaito; the 4th jatha left Anandpur Sahib on the 27th of March; first it went to Amritsar and then proceeded towards Jaito; the 5th jatha left Lyallpur on the 12th of April; the 6th jatha left Firozpur on the 8th of May; the 7th jatha, of the Sheikhupura Sikhs left Nanakana Sahib on the 22nd of May; the 8th jatha of the Doaba Sikhs left Anandpur Sahib on the 1st of June; the 9th jatha of the Amritsar Sikhs left on the 25th of June, the 10th jatha of the Majha (Lahore, Amritsar and Gurdaspur districts) Sikhs and 11th jatha of the Malwa (Ludhiana and Firozpur) Sikhs left together on the 13th of July 1924; the 12th jatha left on the 17th of August, the 13th jatha left on the 18th of September, the 14th jatha left on the 15th of December 1924; the 15th jatha left on the 1st of March 1925, the 16th jatha left on the 17th of March 1925.
Not only from the Punjab but also the Sikhs from other provinces and even abroad formed their own jathas to court arrest at Jaito; a jatha of the Sikhs of Bengal left Calcutta (now Kolkata), on the 29th of June 1924; a jatha left Canada by ship on the 17th of July 1924 and reached Calcutta on the 14th of September 1924, a jatha from Hong Kong reached Amritsar on the 24th of February 1925 and a jatha from Shingai (China) reached Amritsar on the 15th of July 1925.
The last jatha, later known as ‘Special Jatha’, left Akal Takht on the 27th of April 1925, and, by this time the Government had withdrawn ban on akhand path; hence this jatha performed the first akhand path at Jaito; in all 101 akhand path were performed.
During Jaito agitation, about ten thousand Sikhs were arrested and out of them about two hundred and fifty died; hundreds became physically and mentally handicapped; besides, many Sikhs were dismissed from jobs for their sympathy with the Akali Movement; a large number of them were exiled from the territory of Nabha State; properties of several Sikhs were confiscated; status, awards and honours of several Sikhs were withdrawn. The prisons of Nabha were almost like slaughter houses where they were tortured, flogged, beaten, kept hungry and given other kinds of punishments; and due to these sufferings several of them died, out of these some names214 were as follows:
First Shaheedi Jatha: Arur Singh Ambala, Sundar Singh Butala, Giani Mohinder Singh, Naunihal Singh.
Second Shaheedi Jatha: Arur Singh son of Waryam Singh (Secretary S.G.P.C.), Pala Singh Pakkhoke Gurdaspur, Sampuran Singh Chahal Lahore, Sajjan Singh Rajoke Lahore, Uttam Singh Kuhar Gurdaspur, Sarmukh Singh Rattoke Amritsar,
Third Shaheedi Jatha: Atma Singh Amargarh Faridkot, Lehna Singh Khat Ambala, Kishan Singh Bhussay Amritsar, Mula Singh Jattu Saiwal Patiala State, Nanak Singh Jattu Saiwal Patiala State, Phumman Singh Munak Patiala State, Charan Singh Bullowal Gurdaspur, Rur Singh Sabera Ambala, Sundar Singh Butala Amritsar, Naunihal Singh Chakk 19 Montgomery, Mohinder Singh Bajrur Hoshiarpur, Jagat Singh Jamsher Lahore, Wadhawa Singh Purowal Gurdaspur, Tara Singh Harike Pattan Lahore, Inder Singh Lidder Amritsar, Gulab Singh Maira Jehlum, Hari Singh Bilaspur Firozpur, Ram Singh Butala, Dalel Singh Mirnapur Hoshiarpur, Natha Singh Dhaliwal Kapurthala, Ram Singh Dhamian Hoshiarpur, Dharam Singh Barakot Jalandhar, Partap Singh Sheikhupura, Hakam Singh, Jaimal Singh, Fauja Singh, Hukam Singh Kapurthala, Vir Singh Khawali Jehlum, Daya
Singh Kanganiwal Jalandhar, Kartar Singh Sandhawali Gurdaspur, Jaswant Singh Jagatpura Amritsar, Kishan Singh Kaleki Firozpur.
Fourth Shaheedi Jatha: Niranjan Singh Shahbazpura Amritsar, Dharam Singh Chuhamall Gujrat, Gupal Singh Sibali Hoshiarpur, Bharamtod Singh Dhilwan Kapurthala, Sucha Singh Manavaak Hoshiarpur, Dharam Singh Babor Hoshiarpur, Uttam Singh Bela Hoshiarpur; Kapur Singh Badesra Hoshiarpur, Teja Singh Dakha Ludhiana, Lakha Singh Banga Jalandhar, Hukam Singh Mahwe Hoshiarpur, Dasaundha Singh Basial Hoshiarpur, Lachhman Singh Bela Kartar Singh Hoshiarpur, Udham Singh Bairal Hoshiarpur, Maluk Singh Kalewal Hoshiarpur, Arjan Singh Dhuleta Jalandhar, Satnam Singh Sharih Jalandhar, Jeewan Singh Dhilwan Kapurthala, Natha Singh Nangal Majha.
Fifth Shaheedi Jatha: Wadhawa Singh Chakk 268 Lyallpur, Inder Singh Lohka Amritsar, Bishan Singh Ghasitpur Lyallpur, Dhamman Singh Khajala Gurdaspur, Ram Singh Ratauli Amritsar, Dupal Singh Jadial Lyallpur, Arur Singh Vahila Lyallpur, Jaimal Singh Johal Lyallpur, Fauja Singh Gaggobuha Amritsar, Sarmukh Singh Bundal Lyallpur, Diwan Singh Bhathal Baike Amritsar, Arur Singh Khakh Amritsar, Kartar Singh Ghasitpur Lyallpur, Ram Singh Kahna Lahore, Sangat Singh Nihalewala Bundala Lyallpur, Wadhawa Singh Leel Lyallpur.
Sixth Shaheedi Jatha: Hari Singh Mehraj Firozpur, Nihal Singh Dummanheri Patiala State, Sobha Singh Ravia Firozpur, Arjan Singh Diharke Ludhiana, Ishar Singh Samalsar Firozpur, Saudagar Singh Gholia Firozpur.
Seventh Shaheedi Jatha: Inder Singh Nambardar Nurpur Jalandhar, Kharak Singh Gera Hoshiarpur, Gurmukh Singh Dholewal Hoshiarpur, Gopal Singh Khidpur Hoshiarpur, Mehman Singh Manja Munda Ambala, Harnam Singh Bagpur Hoshiarpur, Karam Singh Uchcha Pind, Jalandhar, Bhagt Singh Dhalota Jalandhar, Dalel Singh Mirzapur Hoshiarpur, Dharam Singh Kaulkalan Jalandhar, Naurata Singh Bibipur Ambala, Hukam Singh Domeli Kapurthala, Jhakhar Singh Hoshiarpur, Charan Singh Adamwal Hoshiarpur, Tehal Singh Hayatpur Hoshiarpur, Kharak Singh Geera Hoshiarpur, Jeewa Singh Panchhatt Kapurthala, Karam Singh Kot Fatuhi Hoshiarpur, Kartar Singh Kotla Jalandhar, Gurmukh Singh Dholowal Hoshiarpur, Bhagwan Singh Rupowal Hoshiarpur, Diwan Singh Nangal Majha Kapurthala, Banta Singh Kala Sangha Kapurthala, Kartar Singh Hoshiarpur, Harnam Singh Saifalabad Kapurthala, Khushal Singh Panchhatt Kapurthala, Dumman Singh Panchhatt Kapurthala.
Eighth Shaheedi Jatha: Partap Singh Isharke Sheikhupura, Piara Singh Nanakana Sahib Sheikhupura, Gupal Singh Hambo Sheikhupura, Harnam Singh Chakk 42 Sheikhupura, Tara Singh Malwa Sheikhupura, Aasa Singh Nathoke Sheikhupura, Milkha Singh Jahman Sheikhupura, Jawala Singh Lahore, Sangat Singh Nihalewala Lyallpur, Gajjan Singh Mararh Sheikhupura.
Ninth Shaheedi Jatha: Bawa Singh Tur Amritsar, Ram Singh Bundala Amritsar, Bhagat Singh Wadala Bhoga Amritsar, Mohan Singh Makhowal Amritsar, Sohan Singh Sehsara Amritsar, Bahadar Singh Bhala Pind Amritsar, Ram Singh Gandiwind Amritsar, Hazara Singh Dhoot Ludhiana, Wadhawa Singh Kang Amritsar, Karam Singh Bakala Amritsar, Gurdit Singh Boparai Amritsar, Kartar Singh Kotla Suraj Mall Jalandhar.
Tenth Shaheedi Jatha: Ujagar Singh Bhagowal Gurdaspur, Jeewan Singh Bahmniwala Amritsar, Daleep Singh Kotli Gurdaspur, Heera Singh Nurpur Jattan Kapurthala, Ganga Singh Talwandi Jhiranwali Sialkot.
Eleventh Shaheedi Jatha: Hari Singh Dhamot Patiala State, Channan Singh Sujapatti, Basant Singh Panjokhara Ambala, Sobha Singh Malla Ludhiana, Rattan Singh Majri Ambala, Tara Singh Santanwali Firozpur, Teja Singh Dakha Ludhiana, Harnam Singh Dhudike Firozpur.
Twelfth Shaheedi Jatha: Arur Singh Amritsar, Pala Singh Lakkhoke Gurdaspur, Sampuran Singh Lahore, Sajjan Singh Lahore, Dharam Singh Hudiara Lahore.
Thirteenth Shaheedi Jatha: Gurcharan Singh Boparai Ludhiana, Bela Singh Hathur, Hari Singh Chakk 359 Lyallpur, Rachhpal Singh Jalausman Amritsar, Saudagar Singh Wadhaee Cheema Sialkot.
Fourteenth Shaheedi Jatha: Sukha Singh Fatehpur, Jalandhar, Narain Singh Padda Kapurthala, Dhera Singh Fatehpur Jalandhar.
Some Sikhs were arrested for sending provisions to the Sikh prisoners who were kept hungry before they were sent to jails (when the Sikhs were taken into custody they were kept in some open space which was escorted by the army and they were not given anything to eat). Those Sikhs who provided food and other provisions to the jathas were charged with spying
and other serious charges and were given long sentences; these included Dulla Singh Rode, Sucha Singh Rode and Kishan Kaur etc were given seven years jail term each.
During this period Gurdwara Act was being drafted, which was finally passed on the 7th of July 1925; and in anticipation of this, the Government withdrew restrictions on akhand path on the 21st of July 1925;215 though the akhand path were allowed and most of the prisoners were released; (and with this the S.G.P.C. also gave up struggle for the restoration of Ripudaman Singh as the Maharaja Nabha).216
Bhai Pheru Morcha
During this period the Sikhs had to launch another agitation to take control of the Gurdwara Bhai Pheru at Amb Mari (district Lahore); though the mahant of this Gurdwara had made an agreement with the S,G.P.C. on the 21st of December 1922 and had handed over the charge and he was being given 400 rupees per month along with grocery; but, after one year, in December 1923, Pala Ram (brother of mahant Narain Das) instigated him to break the agreement; hence he filed a suit against the S.G.P.C.; the English regime was already waiting for such an opportunity, it immediately arrested Jagat Singh, the manager of the Gurdwara along with his ten companions. On the other hand, the court rejected the application of the mahant as the property of the Gurdwara had already been entered in the name of the S.G.P.C. even in the revenue records; but in spite of this the police refused to release the Akalis; at this the Akalis launched an agitation and began sending daily jathas comprising of 25 Sikhs. On the 20th of September 1925, a man was killed in the premises of the Gurdwara and the S.G.P.C. stopped this agitation (in fact by that time the Gurdwara Act too had been passed). Four thousand Sikhs courted arrests in this agitation.
The Government again uses Kookas to create Disturbances
Once again, the Government tried to use the Kookas to create problems for the S.G.P.C. in particular and the Sikhs in general; this time they announced that they will visit Anandpur Sahib during the celebrations of Hola Mahalla (in March 1925) and perform ardas for their (so-called) gurus; at this the Sikh leaders warned them of dire consequences and also warned the Government not to instigate this band as their action could lead to blood-shed of innocent persons; this compelled the Kookas to rescind their decision.217
Attempt to Occupy Gurdwara Nanakana Sahib
When the Government had arrested all the senior Akali leaders, it also tried to wrest the control of Gurdwara Nanakana Sahib from the S.G.P.C.; the Government made mahant Dharam Das to file a petition against the Akalis and after this, on the 23rd of August 1924, it appointed Chowdhry Ghulam Ali of Sheikhupura as the ‘Receiver’ of the property of Gurdwaras at Nanakana Sahib; E. Louise, the sub-judge also issued an order commanding the contractors, tenants, farm-workers etc not to pay any money to the Akalis and abide by the orders of the ‘Receiver.’ {See the notice on the following page}.
The S.G.P.C. and the Akali Dal declared unlawful
As the English regime had decided to take tough stand against the Akalis, on the 12th of October 1923, the Punjab Government issued orders (No 23772-73) declaring the S.G.P.C. and the Akali Dal as unlawful organisations; and immediately all the 59 members of the Executive Committee of the S.G.P.C. and the leaders of the Local Gurdwara Committees and many other senior Akali leaders were arrested; these included Teja Singh Samundari, Master Tara Singh, S.B. Mehtab Singh, Teja Singh Akarpuri, Bhagat Jaswant Singh, Bawa Harkishan Singh, Giani Sher Singh, Hari Singh Jalandhari, Prof Teja Singh, Prof Niranjan Singh, Sarmukh Singh Jhabal, Gopal Singh Qaumi, Sohan Singh Josh Chetanpura, Teja Singh Chuharkana, Dan Singh Vachhoa, Headmaster Mehtab Singh, Piara Singh Langeri,
Sewa Singh Thikriwala, Narain Singh Barrister, Prof. Sahib Singh, Rai Singh Kauni, Gurdit Singh Behlolpuri etc.
On the 17th of October 1923, new Executive of the S.G.P.C. was selected; on the 7th of January 1924, 62 of them too were arrested while having a meeting at the Akal Takht; these included Sohan Singh Khadur Sahib, Master Sujan Singh Sarhali, Jawahar Singh Burj, Channan Singh Jalandhar, Sundar Singh Amritsar, Jai Singh Dhudial Jehlum, Aasa Singh Chandali Gujranwala, Amrik Singh Chunewala Gujranwala, Waryam Singh Garmula, Awtar Singh Barrister Gujranwala; Niranjan Singh Tansen Factory Gujranwala, Gian Singh Dipalpur, Hukam Singh Vakil Montgomery, Jaswant Singh jathedar Montgomery, Lakha Singh Kurlke Sheikhupura, Sohan Singh Sheikhupura, Saudagar Singh, Inder Singh Mararh, Sher Singh Kot Pindiwal Sheikhupura, Surat Singh Kishanpura, Ranbir Singh Kaonke, Joginder Singh Vakil Raipur, Kartar Singh Ludhiana, Sundar Singh Ghuman Firozpur, Harnam Singh Kabarvachha, Gurdial Singh Sialkot, Bhagat Singh Jathedar Pasrur, Gian Singh Sialkot, Nirmal Singh (nephew Kharak Singh), Partap Singh Kot Fatuhi Hoshiarpur, Giani Batan Singh Hoshiarpur, Gurbakhsh Singh Wasaukot Gurdaspur, Teja Singh Alawalpur Gurdaspur, Kishan Singh Nanu Nangal, Ratan Singh Azad, Mahant Lehna Singh Paonta Sahib, Sahib Singh Chakk 127 Sargodha, Maan Singh Chakk 127 Sargodha, Dunna Singh Abbotabad, Gian Singh Abbotabad, Diwan Singh Kot Najibulla, Fauja Singh Chuhanian, Inder Singh Barki Lahore, Jawala Singh Lahore, Balwant Singh Gujjarkhani, Jawand Singh Rawalpindi, Raja Singh Vakil Peshawar, Jagat Singh Peshawar, Jai Singh Mardan, Mehtab Singh Kohat, Harnam Singh Punja Sahib, Amar Singh editor Sher-i-Punjab, Mahant Mool Singh Nirmala, Bawa Sarup Singh Lahore, Sundar Singh Batala, Dr Bhagwan Singh Amritsar, Mohan Singh Vaid Tarn Taran, Hira Singh Narli Lahore, Sucha Singh Kharaa Sauda Sheikhupura, Jamadar Sadhu Singh Lyallpur, Karam Singh Cheema Jalandhar.218
In October 1924 some more Akali leaders were also arrested; the total number of the arrests was more than 150; later some of them were released; finally cases were filed against 58 senior Akalis; they were charged under sections 120 B, 121 A, 124 A, 17A and 17B; these included Teja Singh Samundari, Master Tara Singh, S.B. Mehtab Singh, Bhagat Jaswant Singh, Bawa Harkishan Singh, Giani Sher Singh, Hari Singh Jalandhari, Prof Teja Singh, Captain Ram Singh, Gopal Singh Sagri, Headmaster Mehtab Singh, Teja Singh Ghawind, Teja Singh Chuharkana, Dan Singh Vachhoa, Bakhshish Singh Bhumaddi, Sodhi Pritam Singh, Prof Niranjan Singh, Sewa Singh Thikriwala, Mit Singh Canadian, Risaldar Ranjodh Singh, Gurdit Singh Behlolpuri, Gopal Singh Qaumi, Narain Singh Barrister, Amar Singh, Harbans Singh Sistani, Bal Singh Canadian, Babu Tripat Singh, Sarmukh Singh Jhabal, Prof. Sahib Singh, Rai Singh Kauni, Sohan Singh Josh, Piara Singh Langeri, Teja Singh Akarpuri, Gurdit Singh editor Nation etc.
On the 15th of October 1923, V.W. Smith, S.P. (C.I.D.) filed charge-sheet against these Akalis; they were charged for the following offences:
In this case, the State was represented by public prosecutors Pittman and Rai Bahadur Jawala Parsad; and, the defence counsels were S.B. Atar Singh, Jeewan Singh, Raghbir Singh, Sher Charanjit Singh and Raghunarh Sahai; even S.B. Mehtab Singh used to participate in discussions. The Government brought 414 witnesses against the Akalis; from defence side 100 witnesses were presented and they included Harchand Singh Lyallpuri too (who had not been charged along with these Akalis); the case continued till March 1925. During this period the Gurdwara Act was passed and this case too became meaningless.
Attempts for a Compromise between the Govternment and the Akalis
When the Government had arrested all the senior Akali leaders, it had thought that it will bring an end to the Gurdwara Reform Movement but it was just its misconception; the next line of workers took over the command and the Movement continued as before. Though it had formally launched the trial of the Akalis, it realized that it had made a mistake hence it began thinking of coming out of it, and McLegan, the Governor of the Punjab, formed a Committee, under the command of General Birdwood to suggest proposal for solution to the issue of the Gurdwaras; in fact its hidden agenda was to have a deal with the Akalis. By March 1924 (within two months of the arrest of the second batch of the Executive of the S.G.P.C.), General Birdwood had begun a dialogue with the Sikh leaders in jail through Bhai Jodh Singh and Narain Singh Barrister. On the 17th of April 1924, a meeting was held between General Birdwood, Mr Craik (Chief Secretary Punjab Government), Bhai Jodh Singh and Narain Singh Barrister; in this meeting some issues were short-listed:
The Chief Secretary had put a condition to this deal that the agreement will be subject to approval of the Central Government; it, in fact, meant that the Government could make changes to it, and could even cancel it, at any time. The Punjab Government forwarded the draft to the Viceroy but the latter sent a different draft to the Secretary of State in London; this draft could not have been acceptable to the Akalis. However, Bhai Jodh Singh promised to talk to the Akali leaders; he went to Lahore fort (where the Akalis had been imprisoned) and held several meetings; he visited hem on the 17th, the 24th, the 28th and the 30th of April and the 1st of May 1924.
On the other hand, in the last days of April 1924, an official meeting of the senior Government officials was held; it was attended by Mudiman (Member Home Department), Thomson (Secretary), Currigar (Home Secretary), Craik (Chief Secretary Punjab), Ogalvi (Deputy Home Secretary) and Wilson Johnston (Administrator Nabha); in this meeting Mudiman refused to guarantee assurance on Nabha issue; of course he consented to the release of the prisoners.
On the 14th of May 1924, the Secretary of State wrote a letter to the Viceroy that no agreement should be reached with the Akalis which did not satisfy the Hindus and the Muslims; and on the 17th of May, the Viceroy added two more clauses to the agreed points: the cases of Nabha agitations won’t be withdrawn and the agitation for Nabha shall have to be withdrawn. When Bhai Jodh Singh was apprised of the outcome of this development he was surprised; in spite of this he met the Akalis on the 18th, 21st, 24th of My and the 2nd of June 1924 but the new conditions created a deadlock and the dialogue was stopped. In fact, the Government had a feeling that this agreement would be considered as the victory of the Akalis and the defeat of the Government.
As the Akalis were in jails and had no access to the media but the Government made propaganda against the Akalis and tried to hold them liable for the failure of negotiations.221
Releases of the Akali Leaders
Though the attempt at compromise failed but the Government decided to pass a Gurdwara Act (which was passed on the 9th of July 1925; see details in the following pages); and when the Akalis began co-operating for this Act, the Government began releasing them; the first to be released, on the 23rd of December 1924, was Prof. Teja Singh; on the 23rd of February 1925, Prof. Niranjan Singh, Narain Singh Barrister and six more Sikhs were released; four more members made an appeal for release and they too were let off; on the 31st of March 1925, five more were released; now only 39 Sikh leaders were in jail. On the 9th of July 1925 Mr Hailey, the Governor of the Punjab, while speaking on the Gurdwara Bill, said that those who accept this Bill and assure to act upon it will be released; most of the leaders in jail were against accepting conditional release but S.B. Mehtab Singh and his supporters were in favour of accepting the conditions of release. On the 14th of July 1925, Mr Langley, the Commissioner of Lahore met S.B. Mehtab Singh and told him that the Government wants to release those who won’t make propaganda against the Bill after their release; Mr Ogalvi (then Deputy Home Secretary) too said that those who want to oppose the Bill should remain in jail.222
It is widely believed that S.B. Mehtab Singh group was interested in seeking release in order to capture the S.G.P.C.; hence they decided to accept conditional release; the first to accept release were Risaldar Sundar Singh and Risaldar Ranjodh Singh and they were released on the 21st of January 1926; Bawa Harkrishan Singh too accepted conditional release and he was released on the 26th of January; after this 19 more leaders (all of S.B. Mehtab Singh group) accepted the conditions and got released; these were: S.B. Mehtab Singh, Giani Sher Singh, Headmaster Mehtab Singh, Gurdit Singh Behlolpuri, Gopal Singh Sagri, Dan Singh Vachhoa, Pritam Singh Anandpur, Captain Ram Singh, Bhagat Jaswant Singh, Gurdit Singh editor Nation, Piara Singh Canadian, Bal Singh Canadian, Mit Singh Canadian,
Gurbakhsh Singh Delhi, Kishan Singh Amritsar, Kirpal Singh Amritsar, Bakhshish Singh Bhumaddi, Daleep Singh and Prof. Sahib Singh. Later, on the 18th of February 1926 Teja Singh Chuharkana too accepted conditional release. Accepting conditional release was condemned by several Akalis, some with very harsh words.223On the other hand 15 Akali leaders refused to accept even a minor condition; these were: Teja Singh Samundari, master Tara Singh, Bhag Singh Vakil, Gopal Singh Qaumi, Sarmukh Singh Jhabal, Sohan Singh Josh, Teja Singh Akarpuri, Hari Singh Jalandhari, Gurcharan Singh Vakil, Babu Tripat Singh, Santa Singh Sultanwind, Teja Singh Ghawind, Hari Singh editor Akali, Rai Singh (alias Daljit Singh) Kauni and Sewa Singh Thikriwala. The Government continued proceedings of the Akali Conspiracy Case against them; but on the 13th of September 1926, the Government issued a notification (No. 4442-S) and withdrew the notification of banning the S.G.PC. and the Akali Dal; and with this the case against the Akalis too was withdrawn and they were unconditionally released on the 27th of September 1926; among these leaders Teja Singh Samundari had died in jail on the 17th of July 1926, and Sewa Singh Thikariwala, who was in Patiala jail, was released much later.
The Gurdwara Act
Though the negotiations between the Akalis and the S.G.P.C. had failed in June 1924, but the proceedings for passing a Gurdwara Bill continued; on the 25th of November 1924, the Punjab Government appointed a Committee comprising of Jodh Singh, Narain Singh Vakil, Tara Singh Moga, Mangal Singh and Gurbakhsh Singh Ambala (Sikh members of the Punjab Council) to draft a Gurdwara Bill; Mr. Puckel (D.C. Amritsar) and Mr. Emerson (D.C. Lahore) were to co-ordinate this Committee on behalf of the Government and Kanwar Daleep Singh barrister and Mr. Beasley, two senior legal experts were to monitor constitutional and legal aspects.
This Committee was to work on the issues: 1. Which are the Sikh Gurdwaras 2. Identify the property of these Gurdwaras 3. What, and how, to pay compensation to those (mahants and priests) who are affected by changes 4. Who will manage these Gurdwaras and what will be the system. This Committee held several meetings between the 29th of November and the 6th of December 1924; and a rough draft was prepared, again two meetings were held on the 12th and the 14th of December 1924 in which a formal shape was given to the proposed Bill; its final draft was published on the 21st of January 1925.
When this Bill was being drafted, the Akali leaders were also being consulted; all the drafts were provided to them in the Lahore Fort; they even made several suggestions. When the Bill was published on the 21st of January 1925, the S.G.P.C. called a meeting for the 1st of March 1925 to discuss it but as the Government withheld all the post, the meeting had to be postponed to the 27th of April 1925; on this day General House of the S.G.P.C. held a meeting at Akal Takht and passed the draft with three amendments: 1. Akal Takht and Kesgarh sahib too should be under the control of the S.G.P.C. 2. Women too should have right to vote 3. The income of the Gurdwaras shall be spent for religious, educational and charity purposes. The Government accepted these amendments; after this, this Bill was handed over to the Select Committee on the 7th of May 1925 and was presented by Tara Singh Moga in the session of the Punjab Council held on the 9th of July 1925 at Simla which passed it unanimously; the Governor gave his consent on the 28th of July 1925 and it became Act (Punjab Act III of 1925); and it came into force from the 1st of November 1925.
According to this Act, a Central Board (its name was changed to S.G.P.C. in its very first meeting and the Government accepted this name through a notification dated 17th of January 1927) was to be elected by adult Sikh voters (of 21 years or above and the women too had right to vote); and it was to manage 241 Gurdwaras (64 in the East Punjab and 177 in the West Punjab i.e. Pakistan) listed in the First Schedule of the Act; the Act had not accepted the listed 116 Akharhas and Deras as Gurdwaras; further, 50 adult Sikhs could pass a resolution asking the S.G.P.C. to take over that Gurdwara; later, after the merger of the Sikh States (Patiala, Nabha, Kapurthala, Jind, Faridkot etc) with the Punjab in 1956, 173 Gurdwaras of these States also came under the S.G.P.C. (vide amendment of 1959). Now, the S.G.P.C. consists of 170 members out if which 20 are elected from amongst the ‘Scheduled Caste’ Sikhs and 30 seats have been reserved for women (5 seats for Schedules Caste women);224 besides 15 members are co-opted by the House (10 of them must be from beyond the jurisdiction of the S.G.P.C.). As per the Act of 1925, the General elections to the S.G.P.C. were to be held after every three years; according to a 1944 amendment this term was increased from 3 to 5 years; however after 1965 there were no elections for 14 years (i.e. up to 1979); and even after that the elections were held in 1996 (i.e. after a gap of 17 years); again there was a gap of 8 years and elections were held in 2004; and, once more it could not be held for another 7 years (i.e. up to 2011).
The S.G.P.C. manages the historical Gurdwaras and supervises the working of Local Committees of other gurdwaras, which are partly nominated by the Committee and partly elected by the electors of the district in which that Gurdwara is situated; under an amendment made to the Act in 1987, all Gurdwaras with an annual income of over 25000 rupees are administered directly by the S.G.P.C.
The Gurdwaras in the provinces other than Punjab, Haryana, Himanchal and Union Territory of Chandigarh don’t come under the S.G.P.C.; hence the Sikhs have been demanding an All India Gurdwara Act; an Advisory Committee for this purpose was formed which prepared a draft, but it has, so far, not become an Act.
Note: See the text of Gurdwara Act in Appendix of this book
Babar Akali Movement
During the Gurdwara Reform Movement, the killings of the Sikhs at Nanakana Sahib and other excesses by the Government resulted into strong resentment among the Sikhs, and this gave birth to a militant movement which shook the Punjab from 1921 to 1924. After the Nanakana Sahib massacre it was common belief among the Sikhs that the mahant had carried massacre with the connivance or at least with the consent of the English officials like C.M. King (the Commissioner), Curry (D.C.) and J.W. Bowring (S.P. Intelligence); when Michaelgan (the Governor Punjab) visited Nanakana Sahib, two days after the massacre of Nanakana Sahib, in his presence someone in the crowd shouted that that was all the doing of C.M. King and Curry. Some hot-blooded Sikhs decided to avenge these killings. A few days later, from 19th to 21st of March 1921, the annual session of Sikh Educational Conference was held at Hoshiarpur; here some radical Sikhs held a secret meeting; it was attended by, among others, Master Mota Singh and Kishan Singh Gargajj225 (a retired havildar major of the army); this meeting decided to punish the persons responsible for the killings of Nanakana Sahib and the names of J.W. Bowring, C.M. King, Kartar Singh Bedi, Gajjan Singh Ludhiana, Basant Das Manak, Bela Singh Jian were on their hit list. Soon they were able to contact and have support of Daleep Singh Sadhra, Tara Singh Thethar, Bela Singh Gholia, Tota Singh Peshawar, Narain Singh Chatiwind, Batan Singh Canadian and others.
This group first planned to attack the J. W. Bowring but due to the information given to the police by Sadhu Singh of Lahore, Bela Singh Gholia and Ganda Singh, who were to carry the operations fell into police net on the 23rd of May 1921; later, Ganda Singh turned approver and revealed all the planning; as a result Chainchal Singh Canadian Jandiala, Thakar Singh Bhojowal, Chatar Singh Jethuwal, Prem Singh granthi Chumala Sahib Lahore, Bishan Singh Sherpur (Patiala State), Tota Singh Peshawar, Narain Singh Chatiwind, Amar Singh Kot Barekhan, Sadhu Singh Suhian were arrested.226When this news reached Master Mota Singh, Kishan Singh Gargajj, Bijla Singh Gharuan, Gurbachan Singh Kishanpura, Amar Singh Dehalni they went underground and the police issued warrants for the arrest
After this Kishan Singh Gargajj contacted some more Sikhs and formed a Chakarvarti Jatha and started arousing ex soldiers and peasants against the foreign rule. Their main areas of activity were the districts of Jalandhar and Hoshiarpur though they had been moving in some villages of Kapurthala and Rupar (Ropar) also. Right at the same time Karam Singh of Daulatpur227 too was active in the districts of Hoshiarpur and present Nawanshahr; but these groups had no contact with each other. Both these groups had been holding almost daily meetings and gatherings in the villages in which they would openly preach rebellion against the English rule; soon Karam Singh Daulatpur managed a cyclostyle machine and began publishing a news-sheet (like a poster) in the name of Babar Akali Doaba and copies of this news-sheet were pasted on the walls of Gurdwaras or other conspicuous palaces in the villages. Soon, the police informers reported their activities to the State intelligence and the police registered cases and issued warrants for their arrest on charges of sedition; when this group came to know about the role of the police informers, they decided to wipe them out and they announced their goal of sudhaee (literally: reform) i.e. liquidation of the police touts and the stooges and lackeys of the English regime.
In the month of August in 1922, both these radical groups joined hands and formed a joint organisation in the name of Babar Akali Jatha (a name chosen after the cyclostyled wall paper published by Karam Singh Daulatpur); it formed a committee to make arrangements for weapons, with Kishan Singh Gargajj as Jathedar (chief) with Karam Singh Daulatpur, Udey Singh Ramgarh Jhuggian and Karam Singh Jhingan as members; it was also decided that only those persons will be enrolled in the organisation who don’t have family responsibilities, especially ex-servicemen and students and other youth; the group resolved
that no member shall indulge in personal vendetta, none would try to molest any woman or loot money for himself.
Within a few months about two hundred Sikhs became members or sympathisers of this jatha; the members were divided into three main sections: the hard core section would launch militant actions, second line would arrange weapons or carry messages and the third line would arrange congregations and distribute literature; and the sympathizers were to arrange for shelter and food; they had evolved their secret code. Between the middle of 1922 and the end of 1923, this jatha killed many police informers and government officials; and during some actions they exhibited daring feats and self sacrifice. Some of the militant actions done by the Babar Akalis include:
On 10.2.1922 Zaildar Kishan Singh Ranibua was killed by Santa Singh Babar.
On 20.5.1922 Harnam Singh Mehdipur, a police informer, was attacked by Amar Singh I, Amar Singh II, Hazara Singh and Chhajja Singh; they attacked him with sticks and kirpan and broke his legs; they did not have any pistol or gun otherwise he would have killed Harnam Singh.
On 14.2.1923 Shardha Ram Samundara, a police informer, was killed by Udey Singh Ramgarh Jhggian and Aasa Singh.
On 11.3.1923 Buta Singh Nambardar of Nangal Shama was killed by Piara Singh Dhamian, Buta Singh and Dhanna Singh Behbalpur.
On 19.3.1923 Mistry Labh Singh of Dansiwal, a C.I.D. constable, was killed by Dhanna Singh Behbalpur.
On 26.3.1923 Hazara Singh Behbalpur informer was killed by Dhanna Singh Behbalpur, Udey Singh Ramgarh Jhuggian and Karam Singh Daulapur.
On 17.4.1923 Subedar Gainda Singh Ghurial, a police informer, was killed by Nand Singh Ghurial, Babu Santa Singh, Anup Singh and Batan Singh Canadian.
On 20.5.1923 Ralla Singh Nambardar and his brother Dittu Singh, both the police touts, residents of Kaulgarh, were killed by Karam Singh Daulatpur and his companions.
On 5.6.1923 Ata Mohammed Patwari of Nanda Chaur, a police informer, was killed with kirpan by Banta Singh Dhamian, Daleep Singh Dhamian and Dhanna Singh Kotli.
On 13.11.1923 Jawala Singh of Kotli Badwas and his brother Narain Singh were attacked by Waryam Singh Dhugga, Dhanna Singh Kotli. They burnt to ashes the papers of loans given to poor people by Narain Singh; hence a lesser punishment, but Jawala Singh was considered as bigger enemy of the people and he was killed; his body was cut into pieces with kirpans.228
The Babar Akalis continued their activities with great success but on the other hand, the police too took strict measures; in April 1923, it declared the Babar Jatha as an ‘unlawful organisation’; but when the police could not arrest any one of them, a special police unit was created and a network was spread in the zone of their operations; it also involved even the army to help in its operations; police posts were set up in sensitive areas and at strategic points and punitive ‘police-post tax’ was levied on the villages where such posts were set up; the police even used to drop leaflets from aeroplanes in the affected zone to strengthen, encourage and assure complete help to the touts and informers. Besides, the police was capable of spreading its net around the relatives and friends of some of the members of this jatha; and through this tactic it became successful in getting information about the movements of this jatha. The police was able to arrest several leaders and activists of this jatha with the help of its informers and touts; the arrested included Kishan Singh Gargajj, Babu Santa Singh, Daleep Singh Dhamian, Karam Singh Manko, Nand Singh Ghurial and Dharam Singh Hayatpur too. The Babars too, like the Ghadr activists, made major blunders of not testing the credentials of those who pretended themselves as their sympathisers e.g. Daleep Singh Dhamian (the youngest member of the jatha) was got arrested by Jawala Singh
of village Jian (brother of Bela Singh Jian who had got killed two Sikhs in Canada in 1914, and had also got arrested several Ghadr leaders); and Dhanna Singh Behbalpur too was very thick with him (Jawala Singh).
Major Losses of the Babars
This jatha suffered its major loss when, on the 1st of September 1923, four of its senior-most leaders (Karam Singh Daulatpur, Bishan Singh Mangat, Udey Singh Ramgarh Jhungian and Mohinder Singh Pandori Ganga Singh) were killed in police encounter at village Babeli (district Kapurthala);229 and on the 25th of October 1923, Dhanna Singh Behbalpur, when he found himself surrounded by police, detonated a bomb killing himself and two while police officials and some others; it was followed by killing of Banta Singh Dhamian and Jawala Singh at Mander, on the 12th of December 1923; and, finally, with the killing of Waryam Singh Dhugga on the 8th of June 1924, this Movement came almost to an end, though Babar Ratan Singh Rakaran Bet was killed on the 15th of July 1932 and Babar Giani Harbans Singh Sarhala Kalan was hanged on the 3rd of April 1944.
Trial of the Babar Akalis
The trial of the arrested Babar Akalis began inside Lahore Central Jail on the 15th of August 1923; sixty-two Babars were challenged originally and 36 more were added in January 1924; of them Sunder Singh Hayatpur died during trial on the 13th of December 1924 and Sadha Singh (of Pandori Nijjaran) died in jail on the 19th of Decmber 1924; five were acquitted by the investigating magistrates; the remaining 91 were committed to the sessions in April 1924; the proceedings began on the 2nd of June 1924; Diwan Bahadur Pindi Das was special public prosecutor for the State. The prosecution produced 447 witnesses and presented 734 documents and 228 other exhibits to prove its case.
The Babars refused to defend themselves rather Kishan Singh Gargajj, in his open statement in the court, said: “We do not recognize the English courts, we have carried out operations and we are ever-ready to make sacrifices for the cause of our faith”.
The judgement was delivered on the 28th of February 1925; of the 96 accused, cases against five had been dropped in the beginning, two had died in jail during trial and 34 were acquitted, of the rest five were awarded death penalty and the remaining 49 were sentenced to varying terms of imprisonment; the government filed a revision petition in the High Court which let the five death sentences remain unaltered but turned the life imprisonment of Dharam Singh Hayatpur into death sentence;
Death sentence: Kishan Singh Gargajj, Babu Santa Singh, Daleep Singh Dhamian, Karam Singh Manko, Nand Singh Ghurial, Dharam Singh Hayatpur.
Life imprisonment (14 years each): Labh Singh Jassowal, Kartar Singh Pandori Nijjaran, Maan Singh Gobindpur, Partap Singh Chhabilpur, Thakar Singh Bharta, Gurbachan Singh Sadhra, Hari Singh, Waryam Singh, Banta Singh, Thakar Singh (all 4 from Daulatpur), Hardit Singh, Hari Singh (both from Jassowal), Waryam Singh, Ram Singh, Kartar Singh (all 3 from Majara Kavan), Banta Singh Paragpur, Kartar Singh, Kartar Singh II (both from Domeli).
7 years jail term: Ujagar Singh Bisrampur, Daleep Singh Manko, Moola Singh Palahi, Mehnga Singh Pandori, Sant Singh Haripur, Arjan Singh Soond, Amar Singh Rajowal, Chhajja Singh Masanian, Banta Singh Behbalpur, and Dumman Singh Pandori Atma (he died in jail).230
On the 28th of February 1925, when the Judge gave verdict in the Babar Conspiracy Case, he also told them that they had a right to make an appeal to the High Court; at this Kishan Singh Gargajj said:
“We don’t want to make any appeal. Whatever we did was not for saving our lives. We have reformed (killed) the enemies, the murderers and the opponents of the Panth; our brothers (the S.G.P.C. and Shiromani Akali Dal) are fighting a peaceful battle like Guru Arjan Sahib ji and Guru Tegh Bahadur Sahib Ji and we have
fought a battle like that of Guru Hargobind Sahib Ji and Guru Gobind Singh Sahib Ji. We have done nothing against Sikh religion. Our Gurus did not bother about death, they were true lords and masters of both the worlds; how can we be afraid of death.”
“We are Sikhs of our Gurus; as Guru Tegh Bahadur Sahib had sacrificed his life to bring an end to the terror leashed by Aurangzeb, we sacrifice our lives to end the terror of Lord Reading and Malcolm Hailey; we are committed to complete non co-operation (with the regime) hence we are not going to make any appeal.”
“You should not waste time in the name of so-called appeal, and hang us immediately. We shall be thankful to you if you could do this good job earliest possible because we want to reach the land of our beloved (we want to meet our beloved God); and leaving this mortal world sooner is better for us.”
“We should make an appeal only if we had committed any sin. We have done the same that Guru Hargobind Sahib and Guru Gobind Singh Sahib had done. They did not struggle to acquire empire and our ambition was also the same. So we have followed the foot-steps of our Gurus and have not committed any sin; hence we shall not make any appeal.”
Hanging of the Babar Akalis
On the 26th of February 1926, a doctor examined the six Babars who were to be hanged the following day; according to this doctor, all of them had been reciting hymns all the time; and were congratulating each other; and the happiest among them was Nand Singh Ghurial, who was the youngest of the six; he seemed to as happy as a bride-groom is on the eve of his marriage.
On the 27th of February Bhai Prem Singh Granthi (Chumala Sahib Lahore) was brought to the jail to perform religious rituals for them; at 8.03 a.m. loud sound of hymns began rising high in the jail compound; after this Kishan Singh Gargajj, Babu Santa Singh and Daleep Singh Dhamian were taken to gallows and within an hour the act of hanging had been finished; at 9.07 a.m. loud slogans of victory were heard again, and this time Karam Singh Manko, Nand Singh Ghurial, Dharam Singh Hayatpur were taken to gallows, and within twenty minutes they too had left this mortal world.
Cremation: At about 9.30 a.m. a policeman came out of the main gate of the jail and announced that the six Babars had been hanged and if any of their relatives was present there he may take the bodies for cremation. There were a large number of Sikhs present at the gate of the jail; one of them went to make arrangements for a motor car but when he could not manage three bullock-carts (gaddas) were brought; blankets were spread on these carts and the dead bodies of the Babars were places on these carts two bodies on each cart; after this the bodies were taken in procession towards the Radhakund Crematorium, past Gol Bagh Lahore, where all the bodies were cremated in one single pyre; all the time the sangat continued reciting hymns from Guru Granth Sahib.231
The Babars sacrificed their lives for the Sikh cause; their actions were a reaction to the atrocities committed by the mahants and the regime, and most of the Babars were in fact Akalis; and Akali Te Pardesi, which was in fact the official organ of the Akalis, fully supported the Babars and expressed its sympathies for them but the leadership of the S.G.P.C. and the Shiromani Akali Dal said that “although the reason of their actions was atrocities committed on the peaceful Sikhs at Guru-da-Bagh, but the Babar Akalis had committed big mistake by resorting to arms.” On the other hand, Sardool Singh Kaveeshar (known as a pro-Gandhi activist), in the March 1926 issue of his journal Sangat, paid rich tribute to the Babar Akalis and alleged that the Akalis had done wrong to them (Babars), he said: “Due to the show of indifference of the Khalsa Ji towards the Babars, the Government declared the Shiromani Akali Dal as an unlawful organization. The Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee (S.G.P.C.) did not help innocent Babar Akalis; as a result it (S.G.P.C.) too had to suffer under the same charges that had been levelled against the Babars. Had the S.G.P.C. showed courage in case of the Babars and launched agitation for the release of innocent brethren from Doaba, as it launched for the release of its own leaders, the Panth would not have suffered so much.”232 The Babar Akalis served their life sentences in full and were
released in 1938; Akali Dal, in its annual session, held on the 31st of May 1938, expressed happiness over the release of the Babars.233
Though, with the executions and imprisonments of the Babar activists, this Movement came to an end,234 but it had left a permanent mark on the history of the Sikhs and on the freedom movement. All the post-1925 militant movements owe their militant policy and tactics to the Babar Akalis and Ghadr Movements. Even after 1978, when Jathedar Talwinder Singh Parmar from Canada founded Babar Khalsa, it adopted the same tactics and strategy, and that is why it adopted the same name. [Jathedar Talwinder Singh belonged to Panchhat village (district Kapurthala) of the Doaba zone to which the Babar Akalis belonged. He was killed by the Punjab police in a fake encounter in October 1992.]
{All the above material is copyright of Dr Harjinder Singh Dilgeer)
Appendix
The Gurdwara Act 1925 (amended up to 1967)
[Note: This version is 1967 version, and, it includes amendments up to 1967]
THE SIKH GURDWARAS ACT, 1925.
(Punjab Act VIII of 1925)
C O N T E N T S
PART I
CHAPTER I
PRELIMINARY
SECTIONS
CHAPTER II
PETITIONS TO PROVINCIAL GOVERNMENT
RELATING TO GURDWARAS
Declaration of scheduled Gurdwara and publication of list forwarded under sub-section (1) in a consolidated list.
Notices of claims to property entered in the consolidated list to be sent to persons shown as in possession.
Effect of publication of declaration and consolidated list under sub-section (2).
Signing and verification of petitions under sub-section (1).
Notification of property not claimed under sub-section (1) and effect of such notification.
Signing and verification of petitions under sub-section (1).
List of property claimed for the gurdwara and of persons in possession thereof to accompany a petition under sub-section (1).
Publication of petition and list received under sub-sections (1) and (2).
Notice of claims to property to be sent to persons shown in the list as in possession.
Effect of publication of petition and list under sub-section (3).
Effect of publication of a notification under sub-section (1).
Signing and verification of petitions under sub-section (1).
Notification of property not claimed under sub-section (1), and effect of such notification.
Signing and verification of petitions under sub-section (1).
CHAPTER III
APPOINTMENT OF AND PROCEEDINGSBEFORE, A TRIBUNAL
25-A. Power of tribunal to pass decrees for possession in favour of the committee of gurdwaras.
PART II
CHAPTER IV
APPLICATION OF PROVISIONS OF PART III TO GURDWARAS FOUND TO BE SIKH GURDWARAS BY COURTS OTHER THAN A TRIBUNAL UNDER THE PROVISIONS OF THE ACT
PART III
CHAPTER V
CONTROL OF SIKH GURDWARAS
CHAPTER VI
THE BOARD
CHAPTER VII
THE JUDICIAL COMMISSION
CHAPTER VIII
COMMITTEES OF GURDWARAS
86.A. Member of committee not to be member of the executive committee of the Board.
94.A. Incorporation of committees.
CHAPTER IX
FINANCES
CHAPTER X
POWERS AND DUTIES OF THE BOARD
CHAPTER XI
POWERS AND DUTIES OF COMMITTEES
CHAPTER XII
MISCELLANEOUS
SCHEDULES
III. Scale of Court-fees. (Omitted as unnecessary)
[1]THE SIKH GURDWARAS ACT, 1925.
[2](Punjab Act VIII of 1925)
[7 August 1925]
An Act to provide for the better administration of certain Sikh Gurdwaras and for inquiries into matters connected therewith.
Preamble.— WHEREAS it is expedient to provide for the better administration of certain Sikh Gurdwaras and for inquiries into matters and settlement of disputes connected therewith, and whereas the previous sanction of the Governor-General has been obtained to the passing of this Act;
It is hereby enacted as follows:-
PART I
CHAPTER I
PRELIMINARY
(2) It extends to the Punjab.
(3) It shall come into force on such date[3] as the [4][Provincial Government] may by notification appoint in this behalf.
(4) The Sikh Gurdwaras and Shrines Act, 1922[5], is hereby repealed.
(1) Board “Board” means the Board Constituted under the provisions of Part III.
(2) Commission “Commission” means the Judicial Commission constituted under the provisions of Part III.
(3) Committee [6][(i)] “Committee” means a committee of management constituted under the provisions of Part III.
[7][(ii) “Local Committee” means a committee constituted under the provisions of section 85.]
(4) Office (i) “Office” means any office by virtue of which the holder thereof participates in the management or performance of public worship in a Gurdwara or in the management or performance of any rituals or ceremonies observed therein and “office-holder” means any person who holds an office.
(ii) Present Office-holder “Present Office-holder” means a person who, on the commencement of this Act, holds an office.
(iii) Past Office-holder “Past Office-holder” means a person who has been an office-holder but ceased to be an office-holder before the commencement of this Act.
(iv) Hereditary office “Hereditary Office” means an office the succession to which before the first day of January, 1920, devolved, according to hereditary right or by nomination by the office-holder for the time being, and “hereditary office-holder” means the holder of a hereditary office.
(v) Present hereditary office-holder “Present hereditary office-holder” means a person who on the commencement of this Act is a hereditary office-holder.
(vi) Past hereditary office-holder “ Past hereditary office-holder” means a person who has been a hereditary office-holder but ceased to be such office-holder before the commencement of this Act.
(vii) Minister “Minister” means an office-holder to whom either solely or along with others the control of the management or performance of public worship in a gurdwara and of the rituals and ceremonies, observed therein is entrusted.
(5) Police Station area “Police Station area” means a local area specified by the [8][Provincial Government] under the provisions of clause(s) of sub-section (1) of section 4 of the Code of Criminal Procedure, 1898[9].
(6) Prescribed “Prescribed” means prescribed by the [10][Provincial Government] by rules made under this Act.
(7) Presumptive successor “Presumptive successor” where the succession to the office devolves according to hereditary right, means the person next in succession to a hereditary office-holder, or, where the succession to the office devolves by nomination made by the hereditary office-holder for the time being, means any chela so nominated before the first day of December, 1924.
(8) Resident “Resident” in any place means any person having a fixed place of abode or owning immovable property or cultivating land or practising a profession, or carrying on business, or personally working for gain, in that place.
[11][(9) Sikh “Sikh” means a person who professes the Sikh religion or, in the case of a deceased person, who professed the Sikh religion or was known to be a Sikh during his life time. If any question arises as to whether any living person is or is not a Sikh, he shall be deemed respectively to be or not to be a Sikh according as he makes or refuses to make in such manner as the [12][Provincial Government], may prescribe the following declaration:-
I solemnly affirm that I am a Sikh, that I believe in the Guru Granth Sahib, that I believe in the Ten Gurus and that I have no other religion.]
[13][(10) “Amritdhari Sikh” means and includes every person who has taken khande-ka-amrit or khanda pahul prepared and administered according to the tenets of Sikh religion and rites, at the hands of five pyaras or `beloved ones’.
(11) “Patit” means a person who being a keshadhari Sikh trims or shaves his beard or keshas or who after taking amrit commits any one or more of the kurahits].
[14][(12)] Notified Sikh Gurdwara.— “Notified Sikh Gurdwara” means any gurdwara declared by notification by the [15][Provincial Government] under the provisions of this Act to be a Sikh Gurdwara.
[16][(13)] Treasury.— “Treasury” means a Government treasury or subtreasury and includes any bank to which the Government treasury business has been made over.
[17][(14)] Tribunal.— “Tribunal” means a tribunal constituted under the provisions of section 12.
CHAPTER II
PETITIONS TO [18][PROVINCIAL GOVERNMENT]
RELATING TO GURDWARAS
(2) Declaration of schedule Gurdwara and publication of list forwarded under sub-section (1) in a consolidated list.— On receiving a list duly forwarded under the provisions of sub-section (1) the[21][Provincial Government] shall, as soon as may be, publish a notification declaring that the gurdwara to which it relates is a Sikh Gurdwara and after the expiry of the period provided in sub-section (1) for forwarding lists shall, as soon as may be, publish by notification a consolidated list in which all rights, titles and interests in any such properties as are described in sub-section (1) which have been included in any list duly forwarded, shall be included, and shall also cause the consolidated list to be published, in such manner as may be prescribed, at the headquarters of the district and of the tehsil and in the revenue estate where the gurdwara is situated, and at the headquarters of every district and of every tehsil and in every revenue estate in which any of the immovable properties mentioned in the consolidated list is situated and shall also give such other notice thereof as may be prescribed.
(3) Notices of claims to property entered in the consolidated list to be sent to persons shown as in possession.— The [22][Provincial Government] shall also, as soon as may be, send by registered post a notice of the claim to any right, title or interest included in the consolidated list to each of the persons named therein as being in possession of such right, title or interest either on his own behalf or on behalf of an insane person or minor or on behalf of the gurdwara, provided that no such notice need be sent if the person named as being in possession is the person who forwarded the list in which the right, title or interest was claimed.
(4) Effect of publication of declaration and consolidated list under sub-section (2).— The publication of a declaration and of a consolidated list under the provisions of sub-section (2) shall be conclusive proof that the provisions of sub-sections (1), (2) and (3) with respect to such publication have been duly complied with and that the gurdwara is a Sikh Gurdwara, and the provisions of Part III shall apply to such gurdwara with effect from the date of the publication of the notification declaring it to be a Sikh Gurdwara.
(2) Signing and verification of petitions under sub-section (1).— A petition forwarded under the provisions of sub-section (1) shall be signed and verified by the person forwarding it in the manner provided in the Code of Civil Procedure, 1908[26], for the signing and verification of plaints, and shall specify the nature of the right, title or interest claimed and the grounds of the claim.
(3) Notification of property not claimed under sub-section (1) and effect of such notification.— The [27][Provincial Government] shall, as soon as may be, after the expiry of the period for making a claim under the provisions of sub-section (1) publish a notification specifying the rights, title or interest in any properties in respect of which no such claim has been made; and the publication of the notification shall be conclusive proof of the fact that no such claim was made in respect of any right, title or interest specified in the notification.
(2) Signing and verification of petitions under sub-section (1).— A petition forwarded under the provisions of sub-section (1) shall be signed and verified by the person forwarding it in the manner provided in the Code of Civil Procedure, 1908[30], for the signing and verification of plaints.
Provided that the [34][Provincial Government], may in respect of any such gurdwara declare by notification that a petition shall be deemed to be duly forwarded whether the petitioners were or were not on the commencement of this Act residents in the police-station area in which such gurdwara is situated, and shall thereafter deal with any petition that may be otherwise duly forwarded in respect of any such gurdwara as if the petition had been duly forwarded by petitioners who were such residents:
Provided further that no such petition shall be entertained in respect of any institution specified in Schedule I or Schedule II unless the institution is deemed to be excluded from specification in Schedule I under the provisions of section 4.
(2) List of property claimed for the gurdwara and of persons in possession thereof to accompany a petition under sub-section (1).— A petition forwarded under the provisions of sub-section (1) shall state name of the gurdwara to which it relates and of the district, tehsil and revenue estate in which it is situated, and shall be accompanied by a list, verified and signed by the petitioners, of all rights, titles or interests in immovable properties situated in the Punjab inclusive of the gurdwara and in all monetary endowments yielding recurring income or profit received in the Punjab, which the petitioners claim to belong within their knowledge to the gurdwara: the name of the person in possession of any such right, title or interest, and if any such person is insane or a minor the name of his legal or natural guardian, or if there is no such guardian, the name of the person with whom the insane person or minor resides or is residing, or if there is no such person, the name of the person actually or constructively in possession of such right, title or interest on behalf of the insane person or minor, and if any such right, title or interest is alleged to be in possession of the gurdwara through any person, the name of such person shall be stated in the list; and the petition and the list shall be in such form and shall contain such further particulars as may be prescribed.
(3) Publication of petition and list received under sub-sections (1) and (2).— On receiving a petition duly signed and forwarded under the provisions of sub-section (1) the [35][Provincial Government] shall, as soon as may be, publish it alongwith the accompanying list, by notification, and shall cause it and the list to be published, in such manner as may be prescribed, at the headquarters of the district and of the tehsil and in the revenue estate in which the gurdwara is situated and at the headquarters of every district and every tehsil and in every revenue estate in which any of the immovable properties mentioned in the list is situated and shall also give such other notice thereof as may be prescribed:
[36][Provided that such petition may be withdrawn by notice to be forwarded by the Board so as to reach the [37][appropriate Secretary to Government], at any time before publication, and on such withdrawal it shall be deemed as if no petition had been forwarded under the provisions of sub-section (1)].
(4) Notice of claims to property to be sent to persons shown in the list as in possession.— The [38][Provincial Government] shall also, as soon as may be, send by registered post a notice of the claim to any right, title or interest included in the list to each of the persons named therein as being in possession of such right, title or interest either on his own behalf or on behalf of an insane person or minor or on behalf of the gurdwara:
Provided that no such notice need be sent if the person named as being in possession is a person who joined in forwarding the list.
(5) Effect of publication of petition and list under sub-section (3).— The publication of a notification under the provisions of sub-section (3) shall be conclusive proof that the provisions of sub-sections (1), (2), (3) and (4) have been duly complied with.
Provided that the [41][Provincial Government] may in respect of any such gurdwara declare by notification that a petition of twenty or more worshippers of such gurdwara shall be deemed to be duly forwarded whether the petitioners were or were not on the commencement of this Act residents in the police-station area in which such gurdwara is situated, and shall thereafter deal with any petition that may be otherwise duly forwarded in respect of any such gurdwara as if the petition had been duly forwarded by petitioners who were such residents.
(2) Effect of publication of a notification under sub-section (1).— The publication of a notification under the provisions of sub-section (1) shall be conclusive proof that the gurdwara is a Sikh Gurdwara, and the provisions of Part III shall apply to the gurdwara with effect from the date of the publication of the notification.
(2) Signing and verification of petitions under sub-section (1).— A petition forwarded under the provisions of sub-section (1) shall be signed and verified by the person forwarding it in manner provided by the Code of Civil Procedure, 1908[45], for the signing and verification of plaints, and shall specify the nature of the right, title or interest claimed and the grounds of the claim.
(3) Notification of property not claimed under sub-section (1), and effect of such notification.— The [46][Provincial Government] shall, as soon as may be, after the expiry of the period for making a claim under the provisions of sub-section (1) publish a notification, specifying the rights, titles or interests in any properties in respect of which no such claim has been made, and the notification shall be conclusive proof of the fact that no such claim was made in respect of any right, title or interest specified in the notification.
(2) Signing and verification of petitions under sub-section (1).— A petition forwarded under the provisions of sub-section (1) shall be signed and verified by the person forwarding it in the manner provided in the Code of Civil Procedure 1908[49], for the signing and verification of plaints.
CHAPTER III
APPOINTMENT OF AND PROCEEDINGS BEFORE, A TRIBUNAL
(2) A tribunal shall consist of a president [51][* * *] and two other members appointed by notification by the [52][Provincial Government].
(3) The president of a tribunal shall be a Judge of the High Court and each other member shall be—
(i) a District Judge or a Subordinate Judge of the first class, or
(ii) a barrister of not less than ten years’ standing, or
(iii) a person who has been a pleader of any High Court [53][or any Court which is a High Court within the meaning of clause (24) of section 3 of the General Clauses Act, 1897[54]] for an aggregate period of not less than ten years.
(4) The members of a tribunal while they continue as such, shall be paid by the [55][Provincial Government] such remuneration as may from time to time be fixed by the [56][Provincial Government] [57][* * *] and shall be deemed to be public servants within the meaning of section 21 of the [58]Indian Penal Code.
[59][(5) * * * * * * * * * * * *]
(6) Whenever a vacancy occurs in a tribunal by reason of the removal, resignation or death of a member, [60][* * *] the [61][Provincial Government] shall by notification appoint a person qualified within the meaning of sub-section (3) to fill the vacancy.
(7) A change in the membership of a tribunal under the provisions of sub-section (5) or sub-section (6) shall not invalidate any previous or subsequent proceedings in any matter pending before it, nor shall it be necessary for a tribunal on account of such change to recommence any enquiry into any matter pending before it for disposal.
(8) The [62][Provincial Government] may from time to time appoint such officers and servants as it may deem to be necessary for the due performance of its duties by a tribunal; and the officers and servants so appointed shall, while they continue as such, be deemed to be public servants within the meaning of section 21 of the [63]Indian Penal Code[64].
(9) A tribunal, for the purpose of deciding any matter that it is empowered to decide under the provisions of this Act, shall have the same powers as are vested in a court by the Code of Civil Procedure, 1908[65], and shall have jurisdiction, unlimited as regards value, throughout the Punjab, and shall have no jurisdiction over any proceedings other than is expressly vested in it by this Act.
(10) Save as otherwise provided in this Act a decree or order of a tribunal shall be executed or otherwise given effect to by the district court of the district in which the gurdwara in connection with which the decree or order was passed is situated, or by the district court to which the tribunal directs that any decree or order shall be sent for this purpose, as if the decree or order had been a decree or order passed by such court.
(11) The proceedings of a tribunal shall so far as may be, and subject to the provisions of this Act, be conducted in accordance with the provisions of the Code of Civil Procedure, 1908[66].
(12) If more tribunals than one are constituted, the [67][Provincial Government] may by notification direct which tribunal may entertain petitions relating to a particular gurdwara or gurdwaras situated in any specified area, and may at any time transfer any proceedings from one tribunal to another as it may deem proper.
(2) In case of a difference of opinion between the members of a tribunal, the opinion of the majority shall prevail; provided that if only two members are present of whom one is the president, and if they are not in agreement, the opinion of the president shall prevail, and if the president be not present, and the two remaining members are not agreed, the question in dispute shall be kept pending until the next meeting of the tribunal at which the president is present: the opinion of the majority, or of the president when only two members are present, shall be deemed to be the opinion of the tribunal.
(2) The forwarding of the petitions shall be conclusive proof that the petitions were received by the [69][Provincial Government] within the time prescribed in sections 5, 6, 8, 10 or 11 as the case may be, and in the case of a petition forwarded by worshippers of a gurdwara under the provisions of section 8, shall be conclusive proof that the provisions of section 8 with respect to such worshippers were duly complied with.
(2) The tribunal may order any person to submit within a fixed time a statement in writing setting forth the nature of his claim or objection and the grounds thereof.
(3) If any person fails to comply with an order passed under the provisions of sub-section (2) and duly notified to him, the tribunal may decide the matter in dispute against him provided that the tribunal may at any time extend the time fixed by its order for the submission of the statement if the person satisfies it that he had sufficient cause for not submitting the statement within the time fixed.
(4) A tribunal may pass any such order as to costs of a proceeding as a court might pass under the provisions of the Code of Civil Procedure, 1908[70].
(2) If the tribunal finds that the gurdwara—
(i) was established by, or in memory of any of the Ten Sikh Gurus, or in commemoration of any incident in the life of any of the Ten Sikh Gurus and [71][was] used for public worship by Sikhs, [72][before and at the time of the presentation of petition under sub-section (1) of section 7], or
(ii) owing to some tradition connected with one of the Ten Sikh Gurus, [73][was] used for public worship predominantly by Sikhs, [74][before and at the time of the presentation of the petition under sub-section (1) of section 7], or
(iii) was established for use by Sikhs for the purpose of public worship and [75][was] used for such worship by Sikhs, [76][before and at the time of the presentation of the petition under sub-section (1) of section 7], or
(iv) was established in memory of a Sikh martyr, saint or historical person and [77][was] used for public worship by Sikhs, [78][before and at the time of the presentation of the petition under sub-section (1) of section 7], or
(v) owing to come incident connected with the Sikh religion [79][was] used for public worship predominantly by Sikhs, [80][before and at the time of the presentation of the petition under sub-section (1) of section 7], or
the tribunal shall decide that it should be declared to be a Sikh Gurdwara, and record an order accordingly.
(3) Where the tribunal finds that a gurdwara should not be declared to be a Sikh Gurdwara, it shall record its finding in an order, and, subject to the finding of the High Court on appeal, it shall cease to have jurisdiction in all matters concerning such gurdwara, provided that, if a claim has been made in accordance with the provisions of section 8 praying for the restoration to office of a hereditary office-holder or person who would have succeeded such office-holder under the system of management prevailing before the first day of January, 1920, the tribunal shall, notwithstanding such finding, continue to have jurisdiction in all matters relating to such claim; and , if the tribunal finds it proved that such office-holder ceased to be an office-holder on or after the first day of January, 1920, it may by order direct that such office-holder or person who would have so succeeded be restored to office.
belong to a Notified Sikh Gurdwara, does so belong, and claims such right, title or interest to belong to himself, there shall, notwithstanding anything contained in section 44 of the said Act, be a presumption that such right, title or interest belongs to the gurdwara upon proof of any of the following facts, namely—
(a) an entry of the right, title or interest made before the first day of January, 1920, in a record-of-rights, prepared at the time of a general assessment of the land revenue, in the name of the gurdwara or in the name of the holder of an office pertaining to the gurdwara as such, and not by name;
(b) an assignment of the land revenue of, or of the proprietary right in, land at any time for the service or maintenance of the gurdwara, notwithstanding that the assignment may be or may have been in the name of an office-holder, where the right claimed is an assignment to the land revenue of, or of the proprietary right in, the land, as the case may be;
(c) the dismissal or removal of an office-holder before the first day of January, 1920, and the consequent transfer of the right, title or interest in question to his successor in office;
(d) the expenditure of the whole or part of the income derived from the right, title or interest in question ordinarily on the service or maintenance of the gurdwara;
(e) the acquisition of the right, title or interest in question from funds proved to have belonged to the gurdwara;
(f) the submission by the office-holder or any of his predecessors in office of accounts relating to the income from the right, title or interest in question to the worshippers or to a managing body;
(g) the devolution of the succession to the right, title or interest in question from an office-holder to the successor in office as such on two or more consecutive occasions;
(h) any other fact which shows that the right, title or interest in question was at any time of the nature of a trust pertaining to the gurdwara or was purchased from funds of the nature of trust funds pertaining to the gurdwara.
(2) The provisions of sub-section (1) shall also apply to a claim to a right, title or interest made by any person deriving title subsequent to the first day of January, 1920, from a past or present office-holder.
(1) may, among other matters, take into consideration—
(i) the past conduct of the claimant;
(ii) the improvements to the property of the gurdwara effected by the claimant;
(iii) the portion of the trust income which, by long practice and the express or implied consent of the worshippers, the holders of the office and his predecessors have been allowed to appropriate to their private use, provided that this matter, if taken into consideration, shall only be so taken in determining the compensation due to an office-holder for his lifetime and shall not give to a presumptive successor of such office-holder any right to increase compensation, and provided also that the tribunal shall not be bound to fix the compensation on the basis of such income, but may, at its discretion, regard such income as a ground for awarding compensation on a higher scale than it would otherwise have awarded;
(2) shall take into consideration—
(i) the past conduct of the claimant where such conduct has been or is in issue in a suit or other proceeding in a civil or revenue court instituted before the 1st December, 1924;
(ii) the conviction of the claimant by a criminal court for an offence which, in the opinion of the tribunal, involves moral turpitude or an order passed against him under the provisions of sections 110 and 118 of the Code of Criminal Procedure, 1898[87];
(iii) the loss of income, not being of the nature of trust income incurred by reason of an office-holder ceasing to hold office;
(iv) all rights or privileges relating to residence, subsistence, service and other recognised allowances in cash or kind formerly enjoyed by the claimant.
[89][25-A. Power of tribunal to pass decrees for possession in favour of the committee of gurdwaras.— (1) When it has been decided under the provisions of this Act that right, title or interest in immovable property belongs to a Notified Sikh Gurdwara, or any person, the committee of the Gurdwara concerned or the person in whose favour a declaration has been made may, within a period of one year from the date of the decision or the date of the constitution of the committee, whichever is later, institute a suit before a tribunal claiming to be awarded, possession of the right, title or interest in the immovable property in question as against the parties to the previous petition, and the tribunal shall if satisfied that the claim relates to the right, title or interest in the immovable property which has been held to belong to the gurdwara, or to the person in whose favour the declaration has been made, pass a decree for possession accordingly.
(2) Notwithstanding anything contained in any Act to the contrary, the court-fee payable on the plaint in such suit shall be five rupees].
(2) If the tribunal finds that the major portion of the income accruing from the property has not been allocated under the terms of the trust to such gurdwara then, notwithstanding anything contained in this Act, the tribunal shall order that such trustees shall continue to manage the property and distribute the income accruing therefrom according to the terms of the trust, and if the tribunal finds, that the major portion of the income has been allocated under the terms of the trust to the gurdwara, the tribunal shall order that the committee of such gurdwara shall manage the property and distribute the income accruing therefrom according to the terms of the trust.
(3) If it is not clear from the terms of the trust what portion of the income has been allocated to any beneficiary, the tribunal may on the application of any party determine what portion of the income shall be allocated to any beneficiary.
(4) If no such petition is presented within the time prescribed in sub-section (1) the committee of such gurdwara shall manage such property and distribute the income accruing therefrom according to the terms of the trust.
(2) The suit shall be instituted in the principal court of original jurisdiction in which the property in question is situated within a period of ninety days from the date of the publication of such notification, or from the date of the constitution of the committee, whichever is later, and if a suit is not instituted within that period no subsequent suit on behalf of the gurdwara for the possession of the property shall be instituted in any court except on the ground of the dispossession of the gurdwara after the date of the publication of such notification.
(3) Notwithstanding anything contained in any Act to the contrary, the court-fee payable on the plaint in such suit shall be five rupees.
(1) any claim to, or prayer for the restoration of any person to an office in a Notified Sikh Gurdwara or any prayer for the restoration or establishment of any system of management of a Notified Sikh Gurdwara other than a system of management established under the provisions of Part III;
(2) any claim to, or prayer for the restoration of any person to an office in or any prayer for the restoration or establishment of any system of management of, any gurdwara in respect of which a notification has been published in accordance with the provisions of sub-section (3) of section 7 unless and until it has been decided under the provisions of section 16 that such gurdwara should not be declared to be a Sikh Gurdwara.
(i) if any claim is made that any right, title or interest in any property belong to a Notified Sikh Gurdwara and the court finds that such claim might have been made in a list forwarded to the [92][Provincial Government] under the provisions of sub-section (1) of section 3 or of sub-section (2) of section 7 and that no such claim was duly made within time, the court shall decide such claim against the gurdwara on behalf of which the claim is made:
Provided that the court need not so decide, if it is satisfied that the failure to make the claim was owing to the fact that no person who forwarded or joined in forwarding a list had knowledge of the existence of the right, title or interest that might have been so claimed and that no such person could, by the exercise of reasonable diligence, have come to know of the existence of such right, title or interest;
(ii) if any right is claimed for any person in connection with a Notified Sikh Gurdwara and the court finds that the right might have been made the subject of a claim in a petition forwarded to the [93][Provincial Government] under the provisions of sections 5, 6, 10, or 11 or presented to a tribunal under the provisions of sections 19, 20, 21, or 27 and that no such claim was duly made within time, the court shall decide the claim against the person claiming the right;
Provided that in the case of a claim that might have been made under the provisions of section 5 or section 10, the court need not so decide, if it is satisfied that the failure to make the claim was owing to the fact that the person who might have made the claim either had no knowledge of the existence of the right, title or interest that he might have so claimed or had no knowledge of the fact that the right, title or interest had been included in a list published under the provisions of sub-section (2) of section 3 or of sub-section (3) of Section 7 and could not, by the exercise of reasonable diligence, have come to know of the existence of such right, title or interest, or of the fact that such right, title or interest, was so included:
Provided further that in the case of a claim by a past or present office-holder or any person deriving titles subsequent to the first day of January, 1920, from such office-holder, minority or insanity shall not, by itself, be deemed a valid reason for not having such knowledge.
(2) No court shall continue any proceedings in far as such proceedings involve any claim relating to a gurdwara in regard to which a notification has been published under the provisions of sub-section (3) of section 7, which could have been made in a petition forwarded to the [95][Provincial Government] under the provisions of section 10 or 11 presented to a tribunal under the provisions of sections 19, 20, 21 or 27, and was not so made, unless and until it has been decided under the provisions of section 16 that such gurdwara should not be declared to be a Sikh Gurdwara.
(2) On receiving a record forwarded to it under the provisions of sub-section (1) the tribunal shall proceed to hear and determine the issue and record its decision in the form of an order and shall return the record with a copy of its decision to the court and the court shall proceed to determine the suit or proceeding in accordance with such decision subject to the provisions of section 34.
(2) No appeal or application for revision shall lie against an order of tribunal except as provided for in sub-section (1).
(3) An appeal preferred under the provisions of this section shall be heard by a Division Court of the High Court.
PART II
CHAPTER IV
APPLICATION OF PROVISIONS OF PART III TO GURDWARAS FOUND TO BE SIKH GURDWARAS BY COURTS OTHER THAN A TRIBUNAL UNDER THE PROVISIONS OF THE ACT
(2) The court in which a suit is instituted under the provisions of sub-section (1) shall decide whether the gurdwara is or is not a gurdwara as described in sub-section (2) of section 16, and if the court decides that it is such a gurdwara and is also of opinion that, having regard to all the circumstances, the gurdwara is one to the management of which the provisions of Part III should be applied, the court shall by public advertisement and in such other manner as it may in each case direct, call upon any person having interest in the gurdwara to appear and show cause why the provisions of Part III should not be so applied, and shall in its order fix a date not less than one month from the date of the order on which any person appearing shall be heard.
(3) Upon the date fixed under the provisions of sub-section (2) or on any subsequent date to which the hearing may be adjourned, the court shall proceed to hear the person, or persons, if any, appearing, and if the court is satisfied that the provisions of Part III can be applied to the management of the gurdwara without prejudice to any existing order or decree relating to the gurdwara and conferring on any person or declaring any person to be entitled to any right, in respect of the administration or management thereof, the court shall pass a decree that the said provisions shall apply to the management of the gurdwara.
(4) Upon such decree being passed and subject to any order that may be passed on appeal against or in revision of the decree the provisions of Part III shall apply to such gurdwara as if it had been declared by notification under the provisions of this Act to be a Sikh Gurdwara.
(5) When under the provisions of sub-section (3) the provisions of Part III have by decree been applied to the management of a gurdwara any hereditary office-holder of such gurdwara who within twelve months after the date of the decree has resigned office or been removed from office otherwise than in accordance with the provisions of section 134 or under the provisions of section 142 or a presumptive successor of such office-holder, may within ninety days from the date of the resignation or removal, as the case may be, of such office-holder, present a petition to the Court which passed the decree claiming to be awarded compensation on the ground that he has suffered or will suffer pecuniary loss owing to a change in the management of such gurdwara, and the court may, notwithstanding the fact that such office-holder has voluntarily resigned, pass a decree awarding him compensation as if such office-holder had been unlawfully removed from his office.
(6) The provisions of sections 22, 23, 24 and 25 shall, so far as may be, apply to proceedings under the provisions of sub-section (5) and to proceedings arising therefrom, as if the court was a tribunal.
PART III
CHAPTER V
CONTROL OF SIKH GURDWARAS
CHAPTER VI
THE BOARD
(2) If the Board fails to select a name in accordance with the provisions of sub-section (1) or the name selected is not approved by the [104][Provincial Government], the Board shall be designated the Central Board.
(3) The Board shall by such a name be a body corporate and shall have a perpetual succession and a common seal and shall by such name sue and be sued.
(i) one hundred and [105][thirty two] elected members;
(ii) the head ministers of the Darbar Sahib, Amritsar, and the following four Sikh Takhts, namely—
The Sri Akal Takht Sahib, Amritsar, the Sri Takht Kesgarh Sahib, Anandpur, the Sri Takht Patna Sahib, Patna, and the Sri Takht Hazur Sahib, Hyderabad Dekkan.
(iii) twelve members nominated by the Darbars of the Indian States Specified in sub-section (2);
(iv) [106][seventeen] members resident in India, of whom not more than [107][Four] shall be residents in the Punjab, co-opted by the members of the Board as described in clauses (i), (ii) and (iii).
(2) The [108][Provincial Government] shall invite the Darbars of the Indian States specified in the list following to nominate the number of members stated therein against their respective names:-
Patiala .. .. .. 4
Nabha .. .. .. 2
Faridkot .. .. .. 2
Kapurthala .. .. .. 2
Jind .. .. .. 1
Kalsia .. .. 1
(3) If the Darbar of any Indian State fails to nominate a member in response to an invitation by the [109][Provincial Government], the Board shall be deemed to be duly constituted notwithstanding such failure.
(4) The [110][Provincial Government] shall, as soon as may be, call a meeting of the members of the Board described in clauses (i), (ii) and (iii) of sub-section (1) for the purpose of co-opting the members described in clause (iv) of that sub-section, and after the members have been co-opted the [111][Provincial Government] shall notify the fact of the Board having been duly constituted; and the date of the publication of the notification shall be deemed to be the date of the constitution of the Board.
[112][44. Constituencies for election of members of Board.— (1) The constituencies by which the elected members of the Board shall be returned shall be as specified in Schedule IV, and except as hereinafter provided, each constituency shall return a single member:
Provided that Provincial Government may from time to time, and after such consultation with the Board as it considers proper, by notification alter the local limits of any constituency.
(2) The Provincial Government shall, from time to time and after such consultation with the Board as it considers proper, select twelve constituencies from among the constituencies specified in Schedule IV, and the constituencies so selected shall be plural constituencies each returning two members, of whom one shall be a Mazhabi Sikh, a Ramdasia Sikh or a Kabirpanthia Sikh and the other shall be a Sikh who is neither a MazhabiSikh, a Ramdasia Sikh nor a Kabirpanthia Sikh.]
(i) is of unsound mind;
(ii) is an undischarged insolvent,
(iii) is a patit;
(iv) is a minister of a Notified Sikh Gurdwara, other than the head minister of the Darbar Sahib, Amritsar, or of one of the four Sikh Takhts specified in clause (ii) of sub-section (1) of section 43.
(v) is a paid servant of any Notified Sikh Gurdwara, or of the Board other than a member of the executive committee of the Board.
[113][(vi) being a keshadhari Sikh is not a amritdhari;
(vii) takes alcoholic drinks;
(viii) cannot read and write Gurmukhi.]
(2) No person shall be eligible for election as a member of the Board if he is not registered on the electoral roll of any constituency specified in Schedule IV.
(3) Notwithstanding anything contained in sub-section (1) no person shall be prevented from standing as a candidate for election as a member of the Board on the ground that he is a patit, but if a person elected is thereafter found under the provisions of section 84 to be a patit his election shall be void.
(i) is less than twenty-one years old;
(ii) is not a Sikh;
(iii) is of unsound mind;
(iv) is an undischarged insolvent;
(v) is a patit;
(vi) is minister of a Notified Sikh Gurdwara other than the head minister of the Darbar Sahib, Amritsar, or of any of the four Sikh Takhts specified in clause (ii) of sub-section (1) of section 43;
(vii) is a paid servant of any Notified Sikh Gurdwara or of the Board, other than a member of the executive committee of the Board.
[114][(viii) being a keshadhari Sikh is not amritdhari;
(ix) takes alcoholic drinks;
(x) cannot read and write Gurmukhi].
[116][49. Qualifications of electors.— Every person shall be entitled to have his name registered on the electoral roll of a constituency constituted for the election of a member or members of the Board who is a resident in that constituency and either—
(i) is on the electoral roll for the time being in force of persons entitled to vote for the election of a member to represent a Sikh urban or rural constituency of the [117][Provincial Assembly], or
(ii) is a Sikh more than twenty-one years of age, who has had his name registered as a voter in such manner as may be prescribed:
Provided that no person shall be registered as an elector who—
(a) trims or shaves his beard or keshas except in case of sehjdhari;
(b) smokes;
(c) takes alcoholic drinks.]
[119][(2) In any plural constituency as provided by section 44, the right of voting shall be exercisable in the following manner that is to say, a vote may be cast for each of the two candidates of whom one shall be aMazhabi Sikh, a Ramdasia Sikh or a Kabirpanthia Sikh and the other shall be a sikh who is not either a Mazhabi Sikh or a Ramdasia Sikh or a Kabirpanthia Sikh.]
[121][52. Effect of subsequent disability to serve as member of Board.— (1) If any person having been elected or nominated [122][or co-opted] a member of the Board subsequently becomes subject to any of the disabilities stated in section 45 or section 46, as the case may be, he shall cease to be a member thereof.
(2) If any person having been elected or nominated [123][or co-opted] a member of the Board absents himself from three consecutive general meetings of the Board, his name may be removed from membership by the Board, provided that, if he applies to the Board within one month of the removal of his name to be restored to membership the Board may, at the meeting next following the date of the receipt of such application, restore him to office, provided further that no member shall be restored more than three times.]
[126][Provided that the Provincial Government may, in special circumstances, direct such meeting to be held at a later date.]
elected at the first annual general meeting of the Board, and the members elected at an annual general meeting shall hold office until a new executive committee has been duly elected at the next following annual general meeting.
(2) Nothing contained in sub-section (1) shall prevent the re-election of any outgoing members of an executive committee.
CHAPTER VII
THE JUDICIAL COMMISSION
(2) No person shall be appointed to be a member of the Commission unless he—
(i) is, or at the time of his retirement or resignation from [132][the Service of State], was a District Judge or a Subordinate Judge of the first class or of not less than ten years’ standing, or [133][a Munsif of the 1st class or of not less than ten years’s standing, or]
(ii) is a Barrister of not less than ten years’ standing,
(iii) is a person who has been a pleader of any High Court [134][or any Court which is a High Court within the meaning of clause (24) of section 3 of the General Clauses Act, 1897[135]] for an aggregate period of not less than ten years.
(3) Two of the members of the Commission shall be selected by the [136][Provincial Government] out of a list of qualified persons prepared and maintained as described in section 71.
(2) A person whose name is on the list described in sub-section (1) shall be entitled to have his name retained thereon for two years after his nomination has been recorded, provided that the [139][Provincial Government] may at any time remove his name, if it is satisfied upon a report made by the Board and any enquiries it may see fit to make, that he is incapable of acting as a member of the commission.
(3) If any person whose name is on the list dies, or applies to the Board to have his name removed therefrom the Board shall inform the [140][Provincial Government] and his name shall be removed from the list.
(4) The [141][Provincial Government] shall on request being made to it for this purpose by the Board remove from the list the name of any person whose name has been on the list for more than three years, provided that the name of any person shall not be so removed while such person is a member of the commission.
(5) When a name has been removed from the list the Board shall nominate a qualified person for the purpose of filling the vacancy, and the [142][Provincial Government] shall after being satisfied that such person is qualified, place his name upon the list.
(6) If the Board fails to nominate a person to fill a vacancy as required by sub-section (5) the [143][Provincial Government] may after giving one month’s notice of its intention to the Board place the name of any qualified person on the list to fill the vacancy.
(2) Any sum due to the [155][Provincial Government] under the provisions of sub-section (1), shall, if not recovered within three months after a demand has been made, be recoverable as if it were an arrear of land revenue.
(2) A decree or order of the Commission shall be executed or otherwise given effect to by the District Court of the district in which the gurdwara in connection with which the decree or order was passed is situated, or by the District Court to which the commission directs that any decree or order shall be sent for this purpose, as if the decree or order had been a decree or order passed by such court.
(3) The proceedings of the Commission shall, so far as may be and subject to the provisions of this Act, be conducted in accordance with the provisions of the Code of Civil Procedure, 1908 (V of 1908), and, save as otherwise provided by this Act, all orders of the Commission shall be final.
(i) if he refuses to act or becomes in the opinion of the [160][Provincial Government] incapable of acting or unfit to act as a member, or
(ii) if he has absented himself from more than three consecutive meetings of the commission, or
(iii) if it is satisfied after such enquiry as it may deem necessary that he has flagrantly abused his position as a member, [161][* * *]
(iv) [162][* * * * * * * * * * * *]
(2) If the members of the Commission are unable within ten days of the constitution of the Commission to elect a President by a majority of votes, a president may be appointed by the [163][Provincial Government].
(3) No proceedings shall be taken by the Commission unless at least two members are present and sitting together: provided that notices and summonses may be issued by the president or a member nominated by the president for this purpose, sitting alone.
(4) If the president is not present and two members present shall decide which of them shall preside, and the member decided upon shall perform the duties of president.
CHAPTER VIII
COMMITTEES OF GURDWARAS
[165][85. Constitution of committees of management of certain gurdwaras.— (1) The Board shall be the Committee of Management for the Gurdwaras known as—
(i) The Sri Akal Takhat Sahib at Amritsar and Sri Takhat Keshgarh Sahib, Anandpur;
(ii) The Darbar Sahib Baba Attal Sahib and all other Notified Sikh Gurdwaras other than Sri Akal Takhat Sahib Situated within the Municipal boundaries of Amritsar;
(iii) Sri Darbar Sahib and all other Notified Sikh Gurdwaras within the limits of Municipal area of Tarn Taran;
(iv) Notified Sikh Gurdwaras at Nankana Sahib;
(v) All the Notified Sikh Gurdwaras at Anandpur and the Gurdwaras connected therewith other than the Sri Takhat Keshgarh Sahib;
(vi) The Notified Sikh Gurdwaras at Mukatsar;
(vii) The Notified Sikh Gurdwaras within the limits of Hassan Abdal Small Town in Attock District; and
(viii) The Notified Sikh Gurdwaras within the limits of Lahore Corporation.
The Board shall in consultation with local committees prepare a scheme for a administration and management of the Gurdwaras described in sub-section (1), their property, endowments, funds and income. Thereafter, this scheme may be modified or amended from time to time by a resolution of Board passed by a majority of two-thirds of the members present in the meeting, after consulting the local committee for the gurdwara or gurdwaras concerned, constituted under sub-section (3):
Provided that any scheme so prepared shall provide that 10 per cent of the gross income be earmarked by the committee of management for the promotion and uplift of industry by which the Sikh Community shall benefit.
(3) (a) The local committee for the Gurdwaras Akal Takhat and Keshgarh mentioned in sub-section (1) (i) shall be the Board.
(b) The local committee for the gurdwaras mentioned in sub-section (1) (ii) shall consist of—
(i) three members elected by the electors of the municipal area of Amritsar registered under the provisions of section 92;
(ii) four members elected by electors of the Amritsar District registered under the provisions of section 92 other than the electors so registered of the municipal area of Amritsar;
(iii) five members elected by the Board, in general meeting one of whom shall be one of the persons nominated to be member of the Board under the provisions of sub-section (2) of section 43;
(c) The local committee for the gurdwaras mentioned in sub-section (1) (iii) shall consist of—
(i) one member elected by the electors of municipal area of Tarn Taran, registered under the provisions of section 92;
(ii) three members elected by the electors of the Amritsar District registered under the provisions of section 92, other than the electors so registered of municipal area of Tarn Taran;
(iii) three members elected by the Board in general meetings;
(d) The local committee for the gurdwaras mentioned in sub-section (1) (iv) shall consist of—
(i) one member elected by the electors of the municipal area of Nankana Sahib registered under the provisions of section 92;
(ii) two members elected by the electors of the Sheikhupura District registered under the provisions of section 92 other than the electors so registered of municipal area of Nankana Sahib;
(iii) two members elected by the electors of the Gujranwala District registered under the provisions of section 92;
(iv) one member elected by the electors of the Lahore district registered under the provisions of section 92;
(v) two members elected by the electors of the [166]Lyallpur District registered under the provisions of section 92;
(vi) five members elected by the Board in general meeting.
(e) The local committee for the gurdwaras mentioned in sub-section (1) (v) shall consist of—
(i) two members elected by the electors of the revenue estates of Anandpur, Tarapur, Lodipur, Basali and Chak registered under the Provisions ofsection 92;
(ii) two members elected by the electors of the Hoshiarpur District registered under the Provisions of section 92, other than the electors specified in clause (i);
(iii) one member elected by the electors of the Ambala District registered under the provisions of section 92;
(iv) one member elected by the electors of the Jullundur District registered under the provisions of section 92;
(v) five members elected by the Board in general meeting two of whom shall be residents of Kapurthala State.
(f) The local committee for the gurdwaras mentioned in sub-section (1) (vi) shall consist of—
(i) one member elected by the electors of the municipal area of Mukatsar registered under the provisions of section 92;
(ii) two members elected by the electors of the Forozepore District registered under the provisions of section 92, other than the electors so registered of the municipal area of Makatsar;
(iii) one member elected by the electors of the Ludhiana District registered under the provisions of section 92;
(iv) five members elected by the Board in general meeting, one of these being resident of Nabha State and one of Faridkot State.
(g) The local committee for the gurdwaras mentioned in sub-section (1) (vii) shall consist of—
(i) two members elected by the electors of the Rawalpindi District registered under the provisions of section 92;
(ii) one member elected by the electors of the Attock District registered under the provisions of section 92;
(iii) one member elected by the electors of the Jhelum District registered under the provisions of section 92;
(iv) five members elected by the Board in general meeting two of whom shall be residents of North-West Frontier Province and one a Sehjdhari Sikh resident of North-West Frontier Province or Rawalpindi Division.
(h) The local committee for the gurdwaras mentioned in sub-section (1) (viii) shall consist of—
(i) three members elected by the electors of Lahore Corporation registered under the provisions of section 92;
(ii) three members elected by the electors of the Lahore District registered under the provisions of section 92 other than electors so registered of the Lahore Corporation;
(iii) two members elected by the Board in general meeting.
[167][(4) Notwithstanding anything contained in sub-section (3), the members of the local committee mentioned in sub-clauses (i) and (ii) of clause (b), sub-clause (ii) of clause (c), sub-clauses (ii), (iii) and (v) of clause (d), sub-clauses (i) and (ii) of clause (e),
sub-clause (ii) of clause (f), sub-clause (i) of clause (g) and sub-clauses (i) and (ii) of clause (h) thereof shall be elected from single member constituencies as prescribed.]
(5) The various local committees, constituted under sub-section (3), shall carry on the day to day business of the respective gurdwaras within the sanctioned budget under the supervision, directions and control of the Board and subject to the provisions of the Act and the scheme of administration referred to in sub-section (2):
Provided that none of the members elected by the Board in general meeting to the local committees constituted under sub-section (3) shall belong to the districts which have the right to elect members to the said local committees:
Provided further that the existing committees of management of the gurdwaras under this section shall hereafter act as local committees of the respective gurdwaras till the [168][local committees are constituted].
[171][86.A. Member of committee not to be member of the executive committee of the Board.— A member of committee of management constituted under section 86 and a member of local committee constituted under section 85 shall not be eligible for election as a member of the executive committee of the Board and if any member of the executive committee at any time becomes a member of such committee of management or local committee, he shall forthwith cease to be a member of the executive committee.]
(2) When all the members of any [175][local] committee described in section 85 have been elected [176][* * *] according to the provisions of that section, the [177][Provincial Government] shall notify the fact that the[178][local] committee has been duly constituted, and the date of the publication of the notification shall be deemed to be the date of the constitution of the [179][local] committee.
(3) When all the members of any committee described in section 87 have been elected or nominated, as the case may be, according to the provisions of that section, the Commissioner of the Division in which the gurdwara or gurdwaras is or are situated shall notify the fact that the committee has been duly constituted, and the date of the publication of the notification shall be deemed to be the date of the constitution of the committee.
Provided that the [181][Provincial Government] may, from time to time, and after such consultation with the Board as it considers proper, by notification alter the local limits of any constituency.
(2) The elected members of a committee constituted for a gurdwara other than a gurdwara specified in Schedule I or in section 85 shall be elected by a constituency formed subject to the approval of the[182][Provincial Government] by the Board in general meeting, provided that for the election of such a committee before the constitution the first Board under the provisions of this Act the [183][Provincial Government] shall, if necessary, form the constituency.
(3) The Board may in general meeting, and subject to the approval of the [184][Provincial Government], from time to time vary any constituency formed under the provisions of, sub-section (2).
(i) is not registered on the roll of any constituency formed for the purposes of this Act, or
(ii) is of unsound mind, or
(iii) is an undischarged insolvent, or
(iv) is a minster of a Notified Sikh Gurdwara other than the head minister of the Darbar Sahib, Amritsar, or any of the four Sikh Takhts specified in clause (ii) of sub-section (1) of section 43, or
(v) is a paid servant of any Notified Sikh Gurdwara or of the Board, or
(vi) is a patit, [186][or
(vii) is not a Sikh, or
(viii) being a keshadhari Sikh is not a amritdhari, or
(ix) takes alcoholic drinks, or
(x) cannot read and write Gurmukhi.]
(2) Notwithstanding anything contained in sub-section (1), no person shall be prevented from standing as a candidate at any election on the ground that he is a patit, but if he is elected and thereafter found, under the provisions of section 84, to be a patit, his election shall be void.
(i) is less than twenty-one years of age, or
(ii) is of unsound mind, or
(iii) is an undischarged insolvent, or
(iv) is a patit, [188][or not a Sikh], or
(v) is a minister of a notified Sikh Gurdwara other than the head minister of the Darbar Sahib, Amritsar, or any of the four Sikh Takhts specified in clause (ii) of sub-section (1) of section 43, or
(vi) is a paid servant of a Notified Sikh Gurdwara,
[189][(vii) being a keshadhari Sikh is not a amritdhari, or
(viii) takes alcoholic drinks, or
(ix) cannot read and write Gurmukhi.]
[190][92. Qualification of electors.— Every person shall be entitled to have his name registered on the electoral roll of a constituency for the election of a member or members of a committee or of a local committee who is a resident in that constituency, and either—
(i) is on the electoral roll for the time being in force of persons entitled to vote for the election of a member to represent a Sikh urban or rural constituency of the [191][Provincial Assembly], or
(ii) is a Sikh more than twenty-one years of age and has had his name registered as a voter in such manner as may be prescribed;
Provided that no person shall be registered as an elector who—
(a) trims or shaves his beard or keshas except in case of Sehjdhari Sikhs;
(b) smokes; and
(c) takes alcoholic drinks.]
[194][94.A. Incorporation of committees.— Every Committee shall be a body corporate by the name of the Committee of Management of the Gurdwara or Gurdwaras under its management and shall have perpetual succession and a common seal and shall sue and be sued in its corporate name.]
[195][95. Effect of subsequent disability to serve as a member of a committee.— (1) If any person having been elected or nominated a member of a committee becomes subject to any of the disabilities stated in section 90 or 91, as the case may be, he shall cease to be a member thereof.
(2) If any person having been elected or nominated a member of the Committee absents himself from three consecutive meetings of the Committee, his name may be removed from membership by the Committee, provided that, if he applies to the Committee within one month of the removal of his name to be restored to membership, the Committee may, at the meeting next following the date of the receipt of such application, restore him to office, provided further that no member shall be so restored more than three times to the same Committee.]
[198][(2) If in three consecutive elections no member is elected for the committee of management of a Notified Sikh Gurdwara the Board may constitute the Committee for such a gurdwara; provided the persons appointed upon such a committee shall be the residents of the districts in which the said gurdwara or gurdwaras are situated.]
[201][(2) If no meeting has been held for a period of four months any two members of the Committee may, by giving reasonable notice to the other members residing in Pakistan convene a meeting of the committee.]
(2) An outgoing president or vice-president shall, if otherwise qualified, be eligible for re-election.
(3) At meetings of the committee the president shall be chairman; if he is absent the vice-president shall be chairman; and if both the president and the vice-president are absent, the members present shall elect one of themselves to be chairman for the purposes of the meeting.
(2) The resignation shall take effect in the case of a member from the date of its acceptance by the president, and in the case of a president from the date of its acceptance by the committee.
[202][105. Exclusion of Board acting as committee from operation of this chapter.— The provisions of sections 95, 98, 99, 100, 101, 102, 103 and 104 shall apply to the local committees constituted under section 85, but nothing contained in this chapter shall apply to the Board when acting as the committee of management for the gurdwaras specified in section 85 (1).]
CHAPTER IX
FINANCES
(2) When after providing for the purposes specified in sub-section (1) there remains or appears likely to remain any surplus sum or any income not required for any such purposes, the committee may, by resolution passed by not less than two-thirds of its members, propose to allocate a part or the whole of such surplus sum or income to a particular religious, educational or charitable purpose and may, if the Board in writing sanctions such proposal, act in accordance therewith, provided that any proposal so sanctioned to devote to such purpose income accruing during a period of more than three years may at any time not sooner than three years after the proposal was sanctioned be rescinded or varied by a subsequent resolution of the committee passed in like manner.
(3) Notwithstanding anything contained in sub-section (2) when it appears to the Board that after providing for the purposes specified in sub-section (1) there remains or is likely to remain any surplus sum or income not required for any such purposes, and the committee is not willing to devote such surplus sum or income to other purposes, the Board may apply to the Commission for an order allowing the Board to devote the whole or part of such surplus sum of income to a particular and specified religious, educational or other charitable purpose.
(4) When application has been made in accordance with the provisions of sub-section (3) the Commission may, after hearing the objections, if any, of the committee or of any person having interest in the gurdwara concerned, if it is satisfied that the application is reasonable, determine what portion, if any, of such surplus sum or income shall be retained as a reserve fund for the gurdwara concerned and direct the remainder of the surplus sum or income to be devoted to any such religious, educational and charitable purpose as it may deem proper, and the Commission may, from time to time, on the application of the Board or of the committee or of a person having interest in the gurdwara concerned, rescind or vary any order passed under the provisions of this sub-section.
(5) A committee or the Board if it is aggrieved by an order passed under sub-section (4) may, not later than ninety days after the passing of the order, appeal to the High Court and the High Court may confirm the order or pass any such order as the Commission might have passed instead of the order appealed against.
[203][(6) Nothing contained in sub-sections (2), (3), (4) and (5) shall apply to the Board when acting as a Committee of management under section 85 of this Act. In the case of such a committee when after providing for the purpose specified in sub-section (1) there remains or appears likely to remain any surplus sum or any income not required for such purposes, the committee may by a resolution passed by not less than two-thirds of the members present in the meeting: provided that the meeting is attended by not less than one-half of the total members constituting the committee, utilize or allocate a part or the whole of such surplus sum of income of any particular gurdwara under its management to a particular religious educational, charitable or industrial purpose:
Provided further that an allocation so made to devote to such purpose income accruing during a period of more than three years may at any time not sooner than three years after the allocation was made be rescinded or varied by a subsequent resolution of the committee passed in the like manner.]
[204][(2) The proportion which such contribution shall bear to the annual income of a gurdwara shall be fixed for each gurdwara by the Board: provided that it shall not exceed one-tenth of such income.]
[205][(3) The Board shall be competent to reduce the amount of contribution due to the Board from any committee or gurdwara in any year for special reasons. Further the Board shall have power to prescribe the limit of annual income of the gurdwara or gurdwaras which may be totally exempted from making the contribution payable to the Board under the provisions of this section.]
(i) all the annual contributions paid to the Board under the provisions of section 107;
(ii) all the fees for copies of accounts and of entries in registers levied by the Board under the provisions of sub-section (2) of section 114 and sub-section (8) of section 137.
(2) No sums other than those specified in sub-section (1) shall be placed to the credit of the General Board Fund.
[206][(3) The General Fund shall be applied solely to the payment of expenses lawfully incurred by the Board in the exercise of its powers under the provisions of this Act, towards the discharge of obligations legally incurred and towards the
maintenance, protection and support of such historical gurdwaras which in the opinion of the Board cannot be maintained, protected or provided for otherwise, provided that if after paying such expenses and discharging such obligations and affording such protection any surplus sum remains, such surplus sum, up to the amount of twenty thousand rupees in any year, may, be spent by the Board on any religious, charitable, educational or industrial purposes and on such non-political purposes as are connected with the general uplift and welfare of the Panth as the Board may deem fit.]
(4) No part of the General Board Fund shall be expended upon the administration of any trust fund described in section 111 or section 112, or upon the object of any such trust fund except in so far as such expenditure may be permissible under the provisions of sub-section (3).
(i) any portion thereof held on behalf of a Notified Sikh Gurdwara shall be paid, as soon as may be, to the committee of such gurdwara, and any portion held on behalf of any other place of worship shall be paid to such person acting on behalf of the place of worship, as the [207][Provincial Government] may approve.
(ii) Any portion not required to be paid under the provisions of clause (i) shall, in the first place, be used to discharge such debts of the Shromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee as may be legally recoverable;
(iii) any portion remaining after the debts of the Shromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee have been discharged as required by clause (ii) shall be set apart for such religious, charitable or educational purposes as the Board in general meeting may determine, provided that any portion not so set apart within one year from the constitution of the first Board shall be handed over to the Committee described in sub-section (2) of section 85 and shall form part of the funds of that Committee.
(2) Any person having interest in a Notified Sikh Gurdwara shall on application being made to the Board, be furnished with a copy, certified to be correct by the president or other member of the executive committee authorised by the president on this behalf, of the whole or of any specified part of such account.
(3) The Board shall charge for copies of accounts furnished under the provision of sub-section (1) such fees as are charged for copies of records under the control of Deputy Commissioners of districts under the rules for the time being in force in the Punjab.
(2) For the purpose of any such audit and examination of accounts the auditor may, by a demand in writing, require from the Board or any member or servant of the Board the production before him of all books, deeds, vouchers and all other documents and papers which he deems necessary, and may require any person holding or accountable for any such books, deeds, vouchers, documents or papers to appear before him at any such audit and examination, and to answer all questions which may be put to him with respect to the same or to prepare and submit any further statement which such auditor may consider necessary.
(2) The report of the auditor shall among other matters specify all items of expenditure which in his opinion are illegal, irregular or improper, all cases of failure to recover money or property due to the Board, all instances of loss or wasteful expenditure of money or property due to negligence or misconduct and all instances in which any money or property has been devoted to any purpose not authorised by this Act.
(3) The Board shall cause the report and abstracts of each account to be published in at least one English and one vernacular newspaper printed and published in the Punjab.
(2) If payment of the expenses referred to in sub-section (1) is not made within three months from the date of the submission of a report as described in section 116, the [212][Provincial Government] may on application to it being made within six months from such date by the auditor recover the amount due as if it were an arrear of land revenue.
(2) The Board shall in general meeting take into consideration every estimate laid before it by the executive committee, and it shall be in the discretion of the Board to pass or reject such estimate or to modify or alter it and to pass it as so modified or altered.
(2) Any person having interest in the gurdwara shall, on application to the secretary of the committee [214][or the local committee] be furnished with a copy of the whole or part of such account.
(3) The committee [215][or the local committee] shall charge for copies furnished under the provisions of sub-section (1) such fees as are charged for copies of records under the control of Deputy Commissioners of districts under the rules for the time being in force in the Punjab.
(2) The accounts of the [216][Local] Committee described in [217][* * *] section 85 shall be audited by an auditor who may act as an auditor under the provision of section 144 of the [218]Indian Companies Act, 1913[219].
(3) The Board shall maintain a list of not less than five auditors nominated by the Board with the previous sanction of the [220][Provincial Government] for the purpose of the audit of the accounts of committees other than those specified in sub-section (2) and no auditor, whose name is not on the list, shall be appointed to audit such accounts.
(4) If within six months of the constitution of the Board, the Board has failed to nominate auditors as required by sub-section (3), the [221][Provincial Government] may appoint such number of auditors as are necessary to complete the list.
(5) The committee of any Notified Sikh Gurdwara whose gross annual monetary income does not exceed two thousand rupees may with the sanction of the Board, cause the account of such gurdwara to be audited less frequently than once in every year or may with like sanction dispense with the audit and examination of such account.
(6) For the purpose of any such audit and examination the auditor may, by a demand in writing, require from the committee or any member or servant of the committee the production before him of all books, deeds, vouchers and all other documents and papers which he deems necessary, and may require any person holding or accountable for any such books, deeds, vouchers, documents or papers to appear before him at any such audit and examination and to answer all questions which may be put to him with respect to the same or to prepare and submit any further statement which such auditor may consider necessary.
(2) The report of the auditor shall, among other matters specify all items of expenditure which in his opinion are illegal, irregular or improper, all cases of failure to recover money or property due to the gurdwara, all instances of loss or wasteful expenditure of money or property due to negligence or misconduct and all instances in which any money or property has been devoted to any purpose not authorised by this Act.
[223][(3)] The auditor’s report upon the account of a gurdwara shall be open to inspection by any Sikh, provided that reasonable notice of intention to inspect is given by such Sikh to the committee.
[224][(4)] The expenses incurred in the audit and examination of the accounts of a gurdwara shall be paid out of the income of the gurdwara.
(2) The Board shall scrutinise every estimate submitted in accordance with the provisions of sub-section (1), and if it finds that the estimate provides for expenditure not authorised by this Act, the Board shall direct the committee to modify or alter the estimate within a reasonable time in such manner as the Board may deem necessary, and if the committee does not within the time stated comply with the direction, the Board shall apply to the Commission to pass an order calling upon the committee to make such modification or alteration, and the Commission may, after making such enquiry as may in its opinion be necessary, pass any order that it considers just and proper.
(3) If the Board finds that an estimate submitted to it is not in accordance with a scheme of administration settled under the provisions of this Act for the gurdwara to which the estimate relates, the Board may direct the committee to modify or alter the estimate within a reasonable time in such manner as the Board may deem necessary, and if the committee does not within the time stated comply with the direction, the Board may apply to the Commission to pass an order calling upon the committee to make such modification or alteration and the Commission may after making such enquiry as may in its opinion be necessary pass any order that it considers just and proper.
(4) Nothing in this section shall apply to the committee constituted under the provisions [225][* * *] of section 85.
(2) If a committee fails after due notice to pay any sum payable by it under the provisions of sub-section (1) the Commission shall on application being made to it by the Board in this behalf call upon the committee to show cause why it should not be ordered
to pay such sum, and may after hearing such member of the committee as may be deputed by the committee for this purpose, pass an order directing the committee to pay the sum found payable either in a lump sum or by installments as it deems fit.
CHAPTER X
POWERS AND DUTIES OF THE BOARD
(2) If at such consultation the committee and the Board do not agree upon a scheme, the Committee or the Board may apply to the Commission, and the Commission, after hearing such members of the committee and of the Board respectively, as may be deputed for this purpose by the committee and the Board respectively, and any such other persons as it may consider proper to hear, may itself settle such scheme as it considers just and proper and pass order giving effect thereto.
(3) When at any time the committee and the Board, after consultation together, are of opinion that a scheme settled under the provisions of sub-section (1) or sub-section (2) should, in the interest of the proper administration of the property, endowments, funds and income of the gurdwara, be set aside or modified and the committee and the Board are in agreement in respect of the matter, the decision of the Board and the committee shall be recorded and effect thereto given by the committee.
(4) If the committee or the Board is of opinion that in the interest of the proper administration of the property, endowments, funds or income of a Notified Sikh Gurdwara a scheme settled under the provisions of sub-section (1) or sub-section (2) should be set aside or modified, and the Board and the committee are not in agreement upon the matter, the committee or Board may apply to the Commission to have the scheme set aside or modified, as desired, and the Commission, after hearing such members of the committee and of the Board respectively as may be deputed, for this purpose by the committee and the Board respectively and any such other persons as it may consider proper to hear, may itself set aside or settle such scheme as it considers just and proper and pass and an order giving effect thereto.
(a) prescribing the form in which the budgets of the Board and of committee shall be presented;
(b) providing for the custody and investment of the funds of the Board and prescribing the procedure by which sanction of the Board may be accorded to the deposits of surplus funds in specified banks;
(c) prescribing the qualification of candidates for membership of the Board and committees;
and provided further that no bye-law falling within the purview of clause (c) shall impose any disqualification upon a Sikh only because he is a Sahjdhari Sikh.
(2) All bye-laws requiring the previous sanction of the [230][Provincial Government] under the provisions of sub-section (1) shall when made be published in the [231][Official Gazette].
CHAPTER XI
POWERS AND DUTIES OF COMMITTEES
(a) makes persistent default in the submission of budgets, accounts, reports or returns which it is his duty to submit, or
(b) wilfully disobeys lawful orders issued by the committee, or
(c) is guilty of any malfeasance, misfeasance, breach of Trust or neglect of duty in respect of a Trust, or
(d) has misappropriated or improperly dealt with the properties of the gurdwara, or
(e) is of unsound mind or physically unfit to discharge the functions of his office, or
(f) is guilty of misconduct of such a character as to render him morally unfit for his office, or
(g) fails persistently to perform his duties in connection with management or performance of public worship or the management or performance of any rituals and ceremonies in accordance with the teachings of Sri Guru Granth Sahib, or
(h) has ceased to be a Sikh:
[232][Provided that nothing contained in the provisions of this section shall debar the committee from prescribing with the approval of the Board the maximum period of service or age limit for its employees, including the Ministers of the gurdwaras under its management. After the prescribed period of service or age limit, the employees including the ministers shall have to retire.]
(2) A committee may suspend a hereditary office-holder or a minister pending an enquiry into the charge framed against him.
(3) Any hereditary office-holder who has been suspended or dismissed may, within three months of the date of the order of suspension or dismissal, as the case may be, appeal either to the Board or to the Commission as he may elect; if he elects to appeal to the Board, the order of the Board shall be final, and if he elects to appeal to the Commission, a further appeal shall lie to the High Court from the order of the Commission, provided that such appeal shall be made within ninety days of the date of the order.
(4) Any minister other than a hereditary office-holder who has been suspended or dismissed, may, within ninety days of the date of the order of suspension or dismissal, as the case may be, appeal to the Board and the order of the Board shall be final.
(5) When no appeal is preferred against an order of a committee suspending or dismissing a hereditary office-holder or a minister, as the case may be, such order shall be final.
(6) If, in the opinion of the Board, a hereditary office-holder or a minister of a Notified Sikh Gurdwara may be dismissed in accordance with the provisions of section 134, the Board may move the committee of such gurdwara to dismiss him, and if the committee does not within one month of being so moved dismiss such office-holder or minister, the Board may apply to the Commission to order his removal, and if the Commission finds that such office-holder or minister may be so dismissed, it may order his dismissal.
(7) When an application has been made to the Commission under the provisions of sub-section (6), the Commission may suspend from office, pending its decision, the person against whom the application has been made.
(8) Any hereditary office-holder dismissed under the provisions of sub-section (6), may, within ninety days of the date of the order of dismissal, appeal to the High Court.
(9) Notwithstanding anything contained in sub-section (3) or sub-section (4), when the Board acting as a committee under the provisions [233][* * *] of section 85 orders the suspension or dismissal of a hereditary office-holder, an appeal from such order shall lie only to the commission with a further appeal to the High Court as provided in sub-section (3), and when the Board acting as such committee orders the suspension or dismissal of a minister other than the hereditary office-holder, the order of the Board shall be final; and nothing contained in sub-section (6), (7), or (8) shall apply to the Board acting as such committee.
(2) If any presumptive successor claims to be appointed to fill a vacancy in accordance with the provisions of sub-section (1) and the committee rejects his claim, he may unless the committee is the Board acting as a committee under the provisions [234][* * *] of section 85, within thirty days of the date of such rejection, appeal to the Board and the decisions of the Board shall be final.
(a) the name of past and present ministers of the gurdwara so far as these are known;
(b) particulars of all immovable properties of the gurdwara and the documents, if any, relating thereto;
(c) particulars of the scheme of administration, if any;
(d) the names of all offices connected with gurdwaras to which any salary, emoluments or perquisite is attached and the nature, period and conditions of service in each case;
(e) the jewels, gold, silver, precious stones, vessels and utensils and other movable property belonging to the gurdwara with their estimated value; and
(f) such other particulars as the Board may direct.
(2) The register shall be submitted through the committee to the Board within such period after the commencement of this Act as the Board may direct.
(3) The Board, after checking them, may direct that the registers be corrected in such manner as appears to be necessary.
(4) The registers as approved by the Board shall be kept by the committee of the gurdwara to which they relate, and copies thereof shall be kept by the Board.
(5) The committee shall cause the entries in the registers to be scrutinised annually, and shall submit to the Board for its approval a verified statement showing the alterations, omissions or additions required therein.
(6) The Board may, after checking the statement direct such alterations, omissions or additions to be made in the registers as it finds to be necessary.
(7) A copy of every order passed under the provisions of sub-section (3) or sub-section (6) shall be communicated to the committee and the committee shall carry out the alterations, omissions or additions ordered by the Board in the registers.
(8) The president of the Board or any servant authorised by him on this behalf or the president of the committee may grant copies of the registers or of any entries therein on payment of such fees as the Board may by bye-law prescribe; such copies shall be certified by the president of the Board or committee, as the case may be, in the manner provided in section 76 of the [235]Indian Evidence Act, 1872.
(9) Nothing contained in sub-section (2), (3), (4), (6) or (7) or in sub-section (5) with the exception of the provision for the annual scrutiny of entries in registers shall apply to the committee constituted under the provisions [236][* * *] of section 85.
[237][138. Alienation of immovable Trust property.— No exchange, sale, mortgage or other alienation of immovable property belonging to a Notified Sikh Gurdwara shall be valid unless it is sanctioned by the committee of the Gurdwara and by the Board, provided that the sanction of the Board shall not be necessary in the case of lease of any such property for a term which does not exceed the remaining term of the existing committee by a period of more than one year.]
(i) authorising by name or office any person to receive or sign acknowledgements of the receipt of any money on behalf of the committee, or
(ii) prescribing the form in which accounts, returns and reports relating to the management of a gurdwara shall be maintained or submitted.
(2) If no regulations have been made by a committee under the provisions of sub-section (1), all offerings made at, or in connection with, a Notified Sikh Gurdwara shall be deemed to be the property of such gurdwara.
CHAPTER XII
MISCELLANEOUS
[238][142. Right of interested persons to complain to commission in respect of misfeasance, etc.— (1) Notwithstanding anything contained in section 92 of the Code of Civil Procedure, 1908, or in the Specific Relief Act, 1877, any person having interest in a Notified Sikh Gurdwara may, without joining any of the other persons interested therein, make an application to the Commission, against the Board, the Executive Committee of the Board, or the committee, or local committee, or against any member or past member of the Board, of the Executive Committee or of the Committee, or of the local committee or against any office-holder or past office-holder of the gurdwara or against any employee past or present of the Board or gurdwara in respect of any alleged malfeasance, misfeasance, breach of trust, neglect of duty, abuse of powers conferred by this Act or any alleged expenditure on a purpose not authorised by this Act and the Commission, if finds any such malfeasance, misfeasance, breach of trust, neglect of duty, abuse of powers or expenditure proved, may consistently with the provisions of this Act and of any other law or enactment in force for the time being, direct any specific act to be done or forborne for the purpose of remedying the same and may award damages or costs against the person responsible for the same, and may order the removal of any office-holder or member of the Board, Executive Committee or Committee or local Committee responsible for the same and may also disqualify any member of the Board, Executive Committee, or Committee or local Committee thus removed from such membership for a period not exceeding five years from the date of such removal.
(2) The Board may make a similar application to the Commission which may, in like manner, dispose of it.
(3) The Board or any person aggrieved by an order passed by the commission under the provisions of sub-section (1) or sub-section (2) may, within ninety days of the orders, appeal to the High Court.]
(2) In particular, and without prejudice to the generality of the foregoing power, the [243][Provincial Government] may make rules for—
(i) the registration of electors;
(ii) the nomination of candidates, the times of elections to be held under the provisions of this Act, the mode of recording and counting votes and the declaration of the results of such elections;
(iii) the conduct of enquiries and the decision of disputes relative to elections;
(iv) the definition of the practices at elections held under the provisions of this Act which are to be deemed to be corrupt;
(v) the investigation of allegations of corrupt practices at such elections;
(vi) making void the election of any person proved to have been guilty of a corrupt practice or to have connive at or abetted the commission of a corrupt practice or whose agent has been so proved guilty, or the result of whose election has been materially affected by the breach of any law or rule for the time being in force;
(vii) rendering incapable of office, either permanently or for a term of years, any person who may have been proved guilty as aforesaid of a corrupt practice or of conniving at or abetting the same;
(viii) prescribing the authority by which questions relating to the matters referred to in clause (i), (ii), (iii), (v), (vi) or (vii) shall be determined;
(ix) the method by which the income of a gurdwara shall be calculated for the purpose of fixing the annual contribution described in section 107; and
(x) the authority to whom and the manner in which petitions, applications and records of suits or proceedings which may or should under the provisions of this Act be presented, made or forwarded, as the case may be, to a tribunal or to the Commission, as the case may be, are to be presented, made or forwarded when a tribunal or the Commission has not been constituted or is not sitting.
SCHEDULES
(As amended by Punjab Acts IV of 1926, XIII of 1926 and I of 1927)
Schedule I
|
[See sections 3 and 90] Sl. No. |
District |
Tahsil |
Revenue Estate |
Name of Gurdwara |
Constituencies for Election of Committee of Management |
|
1 |
Lahore |
Lahore |
Lahore City |
Janam Asthan Guru Ram Das Ji |
As prescribed in section 85. |
|
2 |
Lahore |
Lahore |
Lahore City |
Dera Sahib |
As prescribed in section 85. |
|
3 |
Lahore |
Lahore |
Lahore City |
Baoli Sahib |
As prescribed in section 85. |
|
4 |
Lahore |
Lahore |
Lahore City |
Lal Khuhi |
As prescribed in section 85. |
|
5 |
Lahore |
Lahore |
Lahore City |
Pahli Padshahi |
As prescribed in section 85. |
|
6 |
Lahore |
Lahore |
Lahore City |
Chhevin Padshahi |
As prescribed in section 85. |
|
7 |
Lahore |
Lahore |
Lahore City |
Shahid Ganj Bhai Taru Singh |
As prescribed in section 85. |
|
8 |
Lahore |
Lahore |
Lahore City |
Shahid Ganj Bhai Mani Singh |
As prescribed in section 85. |
|
9 |
Lahore |
Lahore |
Lahore City |
Diwan Khana (excluding shrine of Lali Devi). |
As prescribed in section 85. |
|
10 |
Lahore |
Lahore |
Lahore City |
Budhuda Awa |
As prescribed in section 85. |
|
11 |
Lahore |
Lahore |
Mozang |
Chhevin Padshahi |
As prescribed in section 85. |
|
12 |
Lahore |
Lahore |
Hudiara |
Hudiara (Gurdwara Chhevin Padshahi) |
Zail Jahman. |
|
13 |
Lahore |
Lahore |
Padhana |
Padhana (Gurdwara Chhevin Padshahi) |
Revenue Estate of Padhana. |
|
14 |
Lahore |
Lahore |
Dhilwan |
Dhilwan (Gurdwara Chhevin Padshahi) |
Revenue Estate of Dhilwan. |
|
15 |
Lahore |
Lahore |
Ghawindi |
Ghawindi |
Revenue Estates of Ghawind and Ghawindi. |
|
16 |
Lahore |
Lahore |
Kamas |
Kamas |
Zails of Rangilpur, Jodhdhir and Badoke. |
|
17 |
Lahore |
Lahore |
Dera Chahil |
Chahil (Gurdwara Paihli Padshahi) |
Revenue Estates of Dera Dhahil and kurbath. |
|
18 |
Lahore |
Chunian |
Kanganpur |
Kanganpur (Gurdwara Paihli Padshahi) |
Revenue Estate of Kanganpur. |
|
19 |
Lahore |
Lahore |
Manga |
Manga (Gurdwara Paihli Padshahi) |
Zails of Rangilpur, Jodhdhir and Badoke. |
|
20 |
Lahore |
Lahore |
Guru Mangat Kohna |
Guru Mangat (Gurdwara Chhevin Padshahi). |
Revenue Estates of Guru Mangat Kohna, Ichchra and Lahore Cantonment. |
|
21 |
Lahore |
Lahore |
Amar Sidhu |
Amar Sidhu (Gurdwara Chhevin Padshahi). |
Revenue Estate of Amar Sidhu. |
|
22 |
Lahore |
Lahore |
Kahna |
Kahna |
Zail of Kahna. |