Banda Singh Bahadur
This earth has seen several miracles: physical, religious, political, scientific, geographical and mystical. A miracle is an amazing, astounding, mind-blowing, marvellous but incredible phenomenon.
Banda Singh Bahadur was a unique miracle on this earth; miracle not in the literal sense but in actual form; he was only a human being, a real person of flesh and bones, and not a hero of fiction. He lived, ventured, created history and eventually embraced heroic martyrdom on this earth.
It was he who established the first ever a real State based on the Sikh philosophy. He brought an end to the 700 years old slavery1 of the Punjab and one thousand years old slavery of the South Asia. This zone owes its freedom to Baba Banda Singh Bahadur and his companions.
Early Life:
Banda Singh was born at Rajauri2 on the 16th of October 1670, as Lachhman Dev, in the family of Ram Dev, a Rajput. His father Ram Dev gave him all the martial education, which was a part of their family traditions. Soon, Lachhman Dev became a fine horseman, an arrow-shooter, a sword-wielder and a good wrestler etc. When he was just a boy of thirteen, he began hunting in the hill forests. But, an incident of hunting changed the whole course of his life.
One day, during a hunting expedition, Lachhman Dev killed a she-deer which was pregnant. When he cut up its body, two yet-to-be-born baby-deer died before his eyes. This made a horrifying psychic impact on his sensitive mind. From that moment, he stopped not only hunting but also all other martial’s activities, and, he threw away his hunting arms too. Soon, he began living in solitude and in a melancholy mood. He reduced his food too. After some days, a sadhu (an ascetic) Jaanaki Das happened to visit Rajauri. Lachhman Dev went to listen to his discourse. He was so impressed by the sadhu‘s discourse that he decided to renounce worldly life. Lachhman Dev was so mesmerized by the sadhu that when the sadhu left Rajauri, he too joined him and went to his dera (cult cenre) at Lahore. Jaanaki Das, fearing that Lachhman Dev’s parents might try to trace him; he changed his name to Madho Das.
Madho Das (formerly Lachhman Dev) stayed with Jaanaki Das for some time. But, soon he was disillusioned with him and realized that the sadhu had nothing spiritual in him. On the 29th of March 1685, a Visakhi fair was held at village Ram Thamman. Madho Das too visited the fair. Here, he met another sadhu named Ram Das whose words attracted him. He renounced the company of Jaanaki Das and joined Ram Das’s troupe. Ram Das took him on the tour of south of India and they visited several places mentioned in the Hindu mythology i.e. the books of fiction. But, Ram Das too could not satisfy Madho Das. Madho Das, eventually, left him too and began wandering in places of Hindu pilgrimage.
In 1688, Madho Das visited the dera of Baba Lunia (Aughar Nath Yogi), a tantric of Panchbati area (near Nasik). He spent three years in this dera. In 1691, he left this dera too and again began wandering the places of Hindu pilgrimage. He made several visits to Kurukashetra, Hardwar, Kankhal, Kanauj, Kashi etc. but his quest for inner peace was not satisfied.3 Great Sikh General: Banda Singh Bahadur 2
In 1694, Madho Das visited Kankhal, Rishikesh and Hardwar (the three cities adjascent to each other). At Rishikesh, he met Guru Gobind Das (later Guru Gobind Singh) and had a dialogue with him, and this meeting lasted only a few minutes (one gharhi, i.e. about 22 minutes).4 The Guru asked him to give up his bairagi way of life and join the field of action. But, this being a short meeting, had Madho Das held a few more meetings with the Guru, he would have, most likely, joined the Sikh faith right then.
Madho Das spent some more time in pilgrimage and then returned to South again. Now, he established his own dera at Nander. Soon, some people joined him and gradually it became a well-known dera in the South. Many people were scared of him assuming that he had occult power. Thus his vanity status made him haughty, aggressive and offensive.
Guru Gobind Singh in Nander
When Aurangzeb died, there was a war of succession between his sons, in which Muazzam (later Bahadur Shah) became victorious. The decisive battle took place at Jajau, on 8 June1707, in which prince Tara Azam was killed and Muazzam was victorious; a unit of the Sikh soldiers too had fought as allies of Muazzam; now, Muazzam sat on the Mughal throne as Bahadur Shah; and held a darbar (court) to thank and award his supporters. On 23 July 1707, he welcomed the Guru in his darbar, thanked him for his blessings and help and presented him a diamond-studded khillat (robe of honour); besides, he (Bahadur Shah) promised to punish those who had perpetrated atrocities on Guru’s mother, Sahibzadas and the Sikhs; the Guru presented him a list of ten persons, including Wazir Khan5 (the Governor of Sahrind, now Sarhind), who were responsible for the killings of Sahibzadas and Mata Gujri as well as others. But, before he could take any action on his promise made to the Guru, he had to leave Agra to quell the rebellion of the Rajput Rajas of Amber (Jaipur), Jodhpur and Ajmer; he requested the Guru to accompany him during the expedition so that they may finalize the line of action regarding Wazir Khan and others.
According to another tradition, the Guru did not accompany him, but when he remained engaged in Rajput-expedition for about five months, he sent an emissary to the Guru to visit him in Ajmer. The Guru reached Ajmer in the beginning of March 1708; but, before he could discuss further on Wazir Khan’s issue, Bahadur Shah received reports that his second brother Kam Bakhsh too has rebelled; so he decided to go to South to quell his rebellion; he requested the Guru too to accompany him so that during the journey they may discuss something.
During their journey towards the South, the Guru had a couple of sittings with Bahadur Shah and discussed the line of action; both the camps reached Burhanpur in May 1708; during those days there was a great flood in the Narmada river so they had to stay back in Burhanpur.6
By this time, Wazir Khan, the Faujdar of Sarhind, had come to know about Guru’s meeting with the emperor; and he knew that Bahadur Shah was already friendly to the Guru and some action on him (Wazir Khan) was a must. So, it seems that he planned to create differences between the Guru and Bahadur Shah; and, as a part of this planning, he sent a big amount (rupees 8 lakh) to Bahadur Shah as his contribution to war expenses. He also sent some Pathans to infiltrate the Guru’s camp and to eliminate him (Guru) at the first opportunity.
Bahadur Shah and the Guru crossed Narmada in the second half of May 1708 (Bahadur Shah crossed it on 17 May); by this time, Bahadur Shah had received rupees 8 lakh from Wazir Khan; hence there was no question of taking any action against him; as a result Bahadur Shah began avoiding meeting with the Guru; however, after crossing Tapti river, on 25 June 1708, a meeting Great Sikh General: Banda Singh Bahadur 3
between the Guru and Bahadur Shah took place at or near Balapur (sometimes in July 1708); and it seems that in this meeting Bahadur Shah gave an indication of his soft stand regarding Wazir Khan. Having smelt Bahadur Shah’s intentions, the Guru, now, decided to forget about him (Bahadur Shah) and to himself take action against Wazir Khan; so, the Guru left the caravan of Bahadur Shah and decided to return to the Punjab.
On the other hand, Bahadur Shah crossed the river Ban Ganga, on 24 August, 1708, and went towards his brother’s capital.
Transformation of Madho Das
When Guru Gobind Singh left the company of Bahadur Shah in August 1708, he decided to return to the Punjab. Here, he suddenly thought that Madho Das had established his dera at Nander, so he thought of visiting him (Madho Das had met the Guru in 1694 at Rishikesh).
When the Guru reached Madho Das’s dera, he was not present there. At that time, the Sikhs were hungry, and because there was no food in the dera, the Guru asked the Sikhs to slaughter the goats of the dera and cook their meat for food. The chelas (followers) of Madho Das tried to prevent them from killing the animals by asserting that they were Vaishnvas (vegetarians), hence meat was prohibited there, but the Sikhs did not pay heed to them; and obeying the order of the Guru, they cooked meat and ate it.7
In the meanwhile, one of the chelas (followers) of Madho Das went out in search of him, who could not be found till late. At last, when he was found and informed of the killing of his animals, he virtually ran to the dera. Since the hunting and killing of the she-deer (in 1686), he had become totally a vegetarian. On reaching his dera he saw that the Guru was sitting on his special seat, and, his Sikhs sitting around humbly on the floor were listening to his discourse. Before Madho Das could speak any word, the Guru said: ‘Madho Das we have come to see you.’ In turn tormented Madho Das answered, ‘Gharib-niwaz (honour of the poor) I don’t think I know you. Where have you come from? If you knew me well, you should not have killed these animals. This is a dera of Vaishnvaite sadhus (ascetics).’ The Guru replied back, ‘Remember Madho Das, I had met you first at Rishikesh-Hardwar, fourteen years ago. At that time you were a part of a group of sadhus headed by Aughar Nath Yogi of Nasik.’ Hearing this Madho Das looked at the Guru and said wondering, ‘Are you Guru Gobind Das, whose father Guru Tegh Bahahdur had sacrificed his life at Delhi to protect the religious rights of the people?’ The Guru smiled: ‘Yes, Madho Das, I am the same.’
Hearing ‘yes’ Madho Das made obeisance to the Guru and apologised. The Guru further said, ‘Madho Das you have just said that yours is a dera of Vaishnu sadhus where animals should not have been slaughtered. Madho Das, I knew that this was a Vaishnu dera; that was why I have slaughtered these animals. With the killing of these three or four animals your dera has become sacrileged. I guess, you don’t know about another bigger dera, this country, where every day hundreds and thousands of innocent people, not animals, are being butchered. I have come to your dera to draw your attention to this human misery.’ These satirical words had magical impact on Madho Das and he, in a trembling voice, said, ‘From today, Gurudev, I am your banda (slave) in mind and body. Tell me as to what I should do for you now.’ The Guru smiled and looked sternly at Madho Das and said: Madho Das! It is very difficult to become banda of someone and to obey his orders. A banda is one who sacrifices his body, mind and wealth for his master.’ Great Sikh General: Banda Singh Bahadur 4
Now, Madho Das was not the earlier Madho Das (a vain Yogi). He had renounced his honour and ego and had really become a humble banda of the Guru. On this, Guru again said, ‘Madho Das, our faith (Sikhism) is the house of Guru Nanak. Whosoever joins this house; he needs forget his previous family of birth, faith, actions, hesitations and doubts.’ Madho Das consented, ‘Master, now I have no other resort even to think of… I have become just your banda in and out.’ 8
Banda Singh initiated with Khanday-di-Pahul
The next day, on the 4th of September 1708, the Guru himself bestowed five kakars (Kangha, Kirpan, Karha, Kachhehra, and Keski) upon Madho Das. The former bairagi sadhu now became a Sikh with keski (turban). Madho Das was given Khanday-di-Pahul by the Guru, along with Bhai Daya Singh, Bhai Dharam Singh and two others. He was also given a new name, Banda Singh. The Sikhs present there raised aloud jaikaaraas (Sikh slogans of victory) and thus celebrated Banda Singh’s entry into the Panth. (Max Arthur Macauliffe has wrongly mentioned his name as Gurbakhsh Singh).
The Arya Samajists have tried to present Banda Singh as a bairagi (he was a bairagi before his initiation). This propaganda had been started by a fanatic Hindu activist Parma Nand. He wrote a book titled Banda Bairagi in 1925 and misled the readers that Banda Singh was not a Sikh but a bairagi.9
So much so that after Parma Nand, Daulat Rai Arya, another Arya Samajist wrote Sahib-i-Kamaal to establish that Guru Gobind Singh was only a kesdhari (with unshorn hair) Hindu.10
These fanatic Hindu writers never missed any opportunity to propagate that the Sikhs were Hindus.11 But, the truth is that Banda Singh was a true Sikh and the scene of his initiation has been recorded by the writers of the Bhatt Vahis. This event has been presented by Swarup Singh Kaushish, the writer of Guru Kian Sakhian in detail.
Besides Swarup Singh Kaushish, several other writers, of the eighteenth and the nineteenth centuries (mostly non-Sikh), e.g. Mirza Mubarkullah Iradat Khan (Tarikh-i-Iradat Khani, 1714), Mohammed Ali Khan Ansari (Tarikh-i-Muzaffari, 1788), Ghulam Hussain (Siyar-ul-Mutakhrin, 1836), Ali-ud-Din Mufti (Ibratnama, 1854), Ganesh Das Vadera (Char-i-Bagh-i-Punjab, 1855), Kanhaya Lal (Tarikh-i-Punjab, 1881), Ahmed Shah Batalia (Kitab-i-Hind, 1885), Mohammed Latif (Tarikh-i-Punjab), Elliot and Dowson (History of India as told by its Historians), James Brown (Indian Tracts), McGregor (History of the Sikhs), C. H. Payne (The Sikhs) etc. too have mentioned that Banda Singh was initiated by the tenth Guru at Nander before he was given the supreme command of the Sikh army.
The non-Arya Samajits Hindu writers12 too have mentioned Banda Singh’s initiation. Among the Sikh writers Kesar Singh Chhiber13, Ratan Singh Bhangu14, Giani Gian Singh15 etc also mention Banda Singh’s initiation into Sikhism. Karam Singh Historian and Giani Kartar Singh Kalaswalia, who had earlier written that Banda Singh did not get initiation, too rectified their mistake and revised their books, and confirmed that Banda Singh had got initiation.
Had he been a bairagi and not an initiated Sikh, then his name would have been mentioned as Madho Das Bairagi or Lachhman Dev or as Banda only, and, not Banda Singh. In history he exists as Banda Singh, and not as a sadhu Madho Das Bairagi or Lachhman Dev. Had Banda Singh not embraced Sikhism, he would have lived and died like other millions of Great Sikh General: Banda Singh Bahadur 5
bairagis, sadhus, hermits, ascetics and mendicants etc who are not remembered today even as mere numbers. Just one patting of the great Guru on his shoulder turned the ascetic Madho Das, who had, until then, been living a useless life of a vain and hypocrite bairagi, into a unique hero of the world. Madho Das, who once was nervously shaken by the killing of two unborn baby-deer, and also, at the slaughter of goats in his dera, after his initiation into the Sikh faith became a brave, fearless, courageous and valiant fighter. It was not a bairagi who fought against mighty Mughal forces, but it was an initiated Sikh Banda Singh who shook the mighty cruel Mughal Empire, and, became a unique hero of history.
Another interesting fact that is worth mentioning is that when Banda Singh went to the Punjab to punish the culprit cruel rulers, not a single bairagi joined him. Banda Singh’s army consisted of the Guru’s Sikhs, and, the oppressed peasantry. Even after Banda Singh, what to talk of fighting, no bairagi even raised simple voice against cruelty. Banda Singh died in 1716 but the terrorist regime of Delhi and Lahore continued their savage ways till 1765, and, during all this period no bairagi raised his voice against the horrible atrocities anywhere. During the holocausts, calculated demolition of the Hindu temples and the kidnapping of the young Hindu girls, these bairagis had fled towards the hills, forests or were enjoying comforts of their deras, and, were busy in feeding themselves on alms.
Even after Banda Singh, it was only the initiated Khalsa who had made sacrifices and changed the map of the Sikh Homeland i.e. the Greater Punjab. During this entire struggle, not a single Sikh renounced his faith and cause to save his life whereas Shivaji Marhatta’s son-in-law chose to be a Muslim simply to save his life.16
Banda Singh is appointed the Supreme General of the Sikh army
After initiating Banda Singh, Guru Gobind Singh explained him the situation of the Sikh Homeland. The Guru also narrated the details of his exit from Anandpur Sahib. This made Banda Singh despondent, but the Guru exhorted him: ‘It is not a time to be sad and loose heart; it is a time to act and bring an end to the cruel regime.’ At this Banda Singh spoke: ‘Guruji, I am your banda… just order me as you please and I will carry it out immediately.’ On this, the Guru asked him to take up the command of the Sikh army and bring an end to the tyranny being perpetrated by the cruel Mughal regime. The Guru further told him that thousands of the Sikhs will join him once he reaches the Sikh homeland.
For the next one month, Guru Gobind Singh trained Banda Singh in various spheres like Sikh philosophy, history, the art of warfare. The Guru periodically tested his knowledge and when he became sure that Banda Singh was fully trained, he decided to send him to the Punjab on planned expedition.
Banda Singh leaves Nander
During this period, a trade caravan of Bhai Bhagwant Singh Bangeshari happened to pass through Nander region. When he came to know of the Guru’s presence in that area, he went to him to pay obeisance. The Guru used this opportunity to send Banda Singh with his caravan. Thus, on the fifth of October of 1708, Banda Singh left Nander with Bhagwant Singh Bangeshari’s caravan. Guru Gobind Singh proffered Banda Singh a blue flag (symbol of Sikh sovereignty), a nagara (battle drum), and five of his personal arrows. The Guru also handed him Great Sikh General: Banda Singh Bahadur 6
some hukamnamas (royal letters), addressed to some prominent Sikhs, asking them to give Banda Singh complete support.
The Guru also sent some Sikhs to accompany Banda Singh. Ratan Singh Bhangu has given the names of these Sikhs as Binod Singh, Kahan Singh, Baj Singh, Ran Singh and Ram Singh. But the Bhatt Vahis mention the names of Bhagwant Singh, Baj Singh, Kuir Singh, Kahan Singh and Binod Singh.17
Banda Singh was still on his way when he got the news of the martyrdom of the Guru. But, he was so dedicated to his mission that it did not dishearten him and he continued his march towards the Punjab. He covered a distance of more than 1500 kilometres in more than one year. He travelled through Khan Desh (Burhanpur etc), Mandsaur, Ajmer, Phulera, Churu, Bharatpur and reached Bangar Desh. He next encamped in the forest area between the villages of Khaanda and Sehri in Kharkhauda pargana, situated between Sampla and Sonepat.18
This was a desert and scanty forest region, almost without habitation. From here, Bhagwant Singh Bangeshri proceeded towards his home near Multan, with a promise to deliver the Guru’s letters to the prominent Sikh families and also to enlist Sikh soldiers for Banda Singh’s army. Thus, within a few weeks, the armed Sikhs began joining him. In a month’s time the number of his companions had crossed five hundred and in two months it was above a thousand and every day new recruits were joining the Sikh army.
Banda Singh captures the royal treasury
One day Banda Singh got information that the royal treasure was being taken to Delhi. When this party reached near Bahun village, near Kaithal, it stopped for some rest; the Sikhs, under the command of Banda Singh attacked the party carrying the treasure. On seeing the Sikhs, the mercenary soldiers ran away leaving the treasure behind. After fleeing from Bahun, those Mughal soldiers went to the chief of Kaithal and reported him about the incident. The chief of Kaithal was a Hindu but was very much loyal to the Mughals. Having got information about the Sikhs, he led his forces to attack them. The Sikhs got intelligence about his march; thus they prepared themselves to give him a good fight. The Sikhs hid themselves among the trees and when the Mughal soldiers came near them, they made a suprise attack on them. Several of the royal soldiers were killed in this sudden but swift attack. The chief of Kaithal himself was captured by the Sikhs. When he was presented before Banda Singh, he begged for his life. Banda Singh forgave him but relieved him of all his horses, arms and ammunition. Banda Singh also appointed him as the Sikh chief of Kaithal. After this, Banda Singh distributed the horses and the arms among his fighting force and did not keep anything for himself. This increased his respect among his companions.
A few days after this incident, several young Sikh men belonging to the families of Bhai Rupa, Bhai Bahilo and other families of present Malwa zone, reached Banda Singh’s camp. Within a few weeks the number of the Sikh soldiers grew more than four thousands. They wanted to punish Wazir Khan, the Governor of Sarhind immediately. Banda Singh advised the spirited youth to restrain themselves for the moment as Sarhind had a big army. Moreover, the chiefs of the surrounding towns Samana, Malerkotla, Sanaur, Ghuram, Shahbad, Mustafabad and Kunjpura etc. too could come to his help. So, in order to attack Sarhind, the Sikhs needed a big force fully equipped with arms, ammunition and horses. Great Sikh General: Banda Singh Bahadur 7
To get the necessary arms, the Sikhs did not have money; so, Banda Singh attacked Narnaul, Bhiwani and Hissar Firoza etc and captured enough arms and horses. During these attacks the Sikh army plundered state treasuries too.
The first Sikh victory: Samana captured
Banda Singh was a wise general. In order to make Sarhind weak, he decided to capture the forts around it. The first to be attacked was Samana. This town had been the capital of the Punjab up to 1360, before Firoz Shah Tughlak moved it from Samana to Sarhind. But, in spite of this, Samana city was still the abode of very rich persons. It had several big mansions of the Sayayds19 and the Mughals. There were 22 such umraa (plurals of amir, literally: very rich and affluent persons and chiefs, i.e. the aristocracy) in this city, who had a right to move about in the city in their own palanquins. These umraa’s houses were not less than mini forts; and there were heaps of gold and diamonds in these mansions. The city had a big fort too (a part of the wall of that fort is still in existence). Though there was no force, the umraa had no apprehension that anybody would even think of attacking Samana.
Samana had a notorious image in the Sikh history and Sikh psyche. This place was known as a ‘city of the jallads (executioners)’. Sayyad Jalal-ud-Din, the executioner of Guru Tegh Bahadur belonged to this town. Shashal Begh and Bashal Begh executioners, who had executed the younger Sahibzadas at Sarhind, too belonged to Samana. The Qazi who delivered Aurangzeb’s letter (in fact not written by Aurangzeb) to the Guru at Anandpur on the 4th of December 1705 (asking the Guru to quit Anandpur and reach Kangar village) too belonged to this town. Many Sikhs had disdain for this town.
Banda Singh assessed the situation of attack on Samana and in the early hours of the 26th of November 1709 he attacked this town. The Sikh soldiers entered the town just before dawn when most of the city was asleep and began killing all those who dared to stop or attack them. When the umraa saw the Sikh army, some of them tried to confront the Sikhs but could not fight for long and finally shut themselves in their mansions.
After capturing the main fort, Banda Singh announced that the Sikhs will not be revengeful towards any one; only the cruel officials and the jallads (executioners) will be punished. After this declaration, the local common Muslim workers sided with the Sikhs. As they had also been the victims of the atrocities of their Sayyad and Mughal landlords, they had no sympathy for the umraa. They helped the Sikhs with secret information about the treasures of the umraas. After this, the Sikhs attacked the mansions of the ruling families as well as the cruel officials. The umraa began firing, arrow-shooting and throwing burning wood on the Sikh soldiers from the roof-tops of their houses. When this continued for long, the Sikhs had no option but to set fire to their mansions; hence a good number of Sayyads and Mughals were burnt alive in their own houses, and, those who tried to come out and fight their way were slain. The fighting continued till evening. Some Mughals and Sayyads fought bravely but before dusk almost all of them were dead or had fled the city to save their lives. The number of dead had been assessed between five and ten thousand. Besides, all the big mansions had been reduced to ashes.
By the evening, the Sikhs were in possession of the town and the main fort. Now, no young member of the Mughal or Sayyad families was found in the town; there were only old men, women and children or some of the families of the workers whom the Sikhs did not disturb because the Sikhs did not touch any female, child, old man and those who surrendered. Besides, Great Sikh General: Banda Singh Bahadur 8
the Sikhs did not touch even a single Muslim grave or mosque (a dozen of these are still in existence even after 300 years).20
In Samana, the common man, in fact, had been angry with the umraa of the town, beacuse they had been treating them as their bonded labour. So, the workers too took their wrath upon the umraa by killing some of those who had perpetrated atrocities on them. Besides these Muslim common folk, the Hindus too took part in attacks on the umraa. The acts of burning mansions and looting etc were carried mostly by the aggrieved residents as a consolation; they were intent on taking revenge from the umraa.
At Samana, the Sikhs had captured a very large number of weapons, horses, gold, diamonds, silver and other valuables. Now, they were well equipped with arms and were capable of attacking any stronghold. In the battle of Samana, major role had been played by (Bhai) Fateh Singh, so, Banda Singh appointed him as the Governor of Samana. After leaving a unit of the Sikh soldiers there, Banda Singh decided to capture other forts around Sarhind.
By this time, the number of the Sikh soldiers had crossed ten thousands. According to Khafi Khan:
“In just two to three months, four to five thousand horsemen and seven to eight thousand foot soldiers joined him. Day by day, their number went on increasing and they plundered a lot of valuables. Soon eighteen to nineteen thousand persons began reign of plundering.”21
The Sikhs capture Ghuram
After handing over Samana to Fateh Singh, Banda Singh turned his attention towards Ghuram.22 On his way to Ghuram, he captured Sanaur23 too. Here too, Banda Singh got some arms and horses.
Banda Singh wanted to capture all the forts around Sarhind with a view to isolate and deprive it (Sarhind) from any possible help from outside. Though Ghuram fort did not have a very big force but its caretaker decided to put up a fight against the Sikh army. So, a fierce battle was fought here, but before evening the Sikhs were able to capture this fort too. During this battle, hundreds of soldiers of the Mughal army were killed or wounded.
Attack on Thaska
After capturing Ghuram, Banda Singh moved to Thaska (about 20 km from Ghuram). This was also known as Thaska Miran Ji;24 and, was the abode of hundreds of Sayyads, Sheikhs and rich Mughals and other umraa. Some of these boasted themselves to be pirs (known among Muslims as holy men). They used to fool common folk by propagating that they had miraculous powers. It was like the false propaganda of the priests of the city of Parbhas Pattan (the city of Somnath temple). In 1027, when Mohammed Ghauri attacked, the Hindu priests had claimed (in fact boasted) that due to their mantras (incantation, magical verses) Ghauri will not be able to enter their city; and, the same had been boasted by the Pirs of Sayyadpur (Eimanabad) when Babar attacked the city in 1520.25 Neither at Somnath nor at Sayyadpur, had the drama of miracles worked as that was a mere fraud (and there is no such miraculous power on this earth). The attackers plundered and perpetrated atrocities and the so-called miracls did not work. Here, at Thaska too, the pirs’ drama, their so-called miraculous power, black magic, occult power were exposed. Great Sikh General: Banda Singh Bahadur 9
When Banda Singh captured the fort and the town the elite of the town, headed by Pir Zafar Ali, came to him with leaves of grass in their mouths (symbolizing that ‘we are your cows’, please don’t kill us).26 Banda Singh told them, ‘Cow may be a sacred animal for the Hindus; it has nothing to do with Sikhism; but, your apology and surrender is enough; we shall not harm any innocent person and would punish only those who have committed crimes against innocent folk’. After hearing this, the umraa of the town came to Banda Singh with precious gifts. Banda Singh held his court and tested the credentials of the influential persons of the city. He listened to common folk and on the basis of these investigations; he punished the cruel and evil officials. Having observed this, the common folk praised the Sikhs for their justice.
Thanesar and Shahbad-Markanda subjugated
After capturing Thaska, Banda Singh marched towards Thanesar (now Kurukashetra) and occupied it without much effort. From here he proceeded towards Shahbad, a city on the banks of river Markanda. When the chief of Shahbad came to know that the Sikhs were coming, he fled from the city and went to Delhi for his safety. When the Sikh army reached there, the deputies of the town surrendered without resistence and handed over the fort to the Sikhs.
Mustafabad occupied
By now, most of the forts in that area had been occupied by the Sikhs; but a big fort at Mustafabad was still to be conquered. There were more than 2500 armed soldiers under the chief of this town. When he came to know about the march of the Sikh army towards Mustafabad, he sent two thousand soldiers and two cannons to stop their advance.
When the Hindus, who were accompanying Banda Singh’s army (who had joined the Sikhs with an intention of plunder and booty only), learnt about the despatch of the cannons by the chief of Mustafabad, they fled away. Now only the Sikh soldiers remained behind in the rank and file of Banda Singh’s army.
When both armies confronted each other, the Sikhs made a powerful attack on the Mughal army compelling them to withdraw. While fleeing the battle-filed, they left behind them even one cannon which was captured by the Sikhs. Now, the Sikh army attacked and occupied Mustafabad city and compelled the rulers and the umraa to pay tribute to the Sikhs.
Attack on Kunjpura
After the victory of Mustafabad, the Sikh army was in possession of the most of the forts around Sarhind; they had, now, seven forts in their possession and had mustered several thousand fully armed soldiers too. Now, they could think of an attack on Sarhind, for which they had been planning for more than six months. But, Banda Singh wanted to wait still more. He was of the opinion that an attack on Sarhind should be so perfect that there should not be left even slightest possibility of losing it.
Accidently around this time, the Sikhs captured a man whom Wazir Khan had sent for getting reports about the Sikh army. The Sikhs, instead of killing or torturing him, let him off and asked him to inform Wazir Khan that the Sikh army was coming very soon to attack Sarhind. Banda Singh also asked him to inform Wazir Khan that before attacking Sarhind the Sikhs will attack his native town of Kunjpura. Great Sikh General: Banda Singh Bahadur 10
When Wazir Khan received this information, he got quite scared. By this time he had known that the Sikhs had occupied not only Samana but also Sanaur, Ghuram, Thanesar, Thaska, Shahbad and Mustafapur. Now, he was sure that the Sikhs will definitely attack Sarhind and Kunjpura, so he despatched four thousand soldiers as well as two big cannons to Kunjpura, to crush the Sikh army.
But, before Wazir Khan’s soldiers could reach Kunjpura, the Sikhs had already occupied it; and, when Wazir Khan’s army reached there, the Sikh army made a fierce attack on them and killed hundreds of them in no time. After such a loss, the Sarhind army fled the field leaving its dead and the cannons behind to be taken over by the Sikhs. Besides the cannons, the Sikhs captured a large number of other weapons and horses too. After this, the Sikh army also captured Dahmala, another rich town in that region.
Victory of Kapuri
During those days Kadam-ud-Din was the chief of Kapuri. (He was the son of Amanullah, who had been the Governor of Gujrat during the reign of Aurangzeb). Kadam-ud-Din hated the non-Muslims and would never miss an opportunity to torture or harm them. He was so cruel that he had set up a gang of his soldiers whose sole purpose was to forcibly carry away pretty and young Hindu girls for his sexual pleasure. He had also appointed agents who would inform him about the whereabouts of pretty Hindu females, and, these agents were always busy in getting information about the marriages of the Hindu girls and on the wedding day or around it. He would send his soldiers to forcibly carry off the ‘would be brides’ or, the recently married Hindu girls, for his sexual gratification. He was so much obsessed with sex that he would send his agents to bring young Hindu girls from other parganas (blocks/districts) too. Kadam-ud-Din had inherited a lot of wealth from his father and he himself had collected a lot of wealth and he would lavish most of this for his sexual ventures.
One day, a group of Hindus from Kapuri presented themselves before Banda Singh and narrated their woes. Banda Singh asked the Sikh army to immediately march towards Kapuri. At first Kadam-ud-Din’s men fought against the Sikhs but his rascals, rogues and hooligan mercenaries were no match to the heroic and committed Sikhs and they fled leaving Kadam-ud-Din alone. Though he fought for some time but he too realized that he won’t be able to defeat the Sikhs, so he shut himself in his mansion. The Sikhs tried to break open the gates of the mansion but could not succeed; hence, they set it on fire; Kadam-ud-Din was burnt in this fire.27
Sadhaura fells to the Sikhs
Sadhaura, in the feet of Shivalik hills, is one of the ancient towns of the Punjab. In those days it had a big fort, and Banda Singh decided to take control of this city too. This city was being ruled by Usman Khan. He was on the Sikhs’ hit list because he had tortured and killed Pir Budhu Shah due to latter’s cordial and loveful relations with Guru Gobind Singh.
Like Kadam-ud-Din, Usman Khan too was notorious for his sex crimes, and, he too had forcibly carried away and raped several Hindu girls. The local Hindus had been living like slaves and even less than third-rate citizens. So, after capturing Kapuri, Banda Singh marched towards Sadhaura. Then, Sadhaura was a powerful stronghold and its fort had very tall walls and strong gates, and, it was almost impossible to break into this fort except after very heavy gun-shelling. Great Sikh General: Banda Singh Bahadur 11
By this time, 35 to 40 thousand Sikhs had joined Banda Singh and it had become a big force.28 On the other hand Usman Khan too had a powerful army and several cannons. It seemed that the Sikhs won’t be able to capture this city easily.
When the Sikh army reached the outskirts of Sadhaura, Usman Khan’s cannons began showering shells on them, killing several Sikhs. But, in spite of this, the Sikh forces continued their march. Very soon they were able to break open one of the gates of the city. A fierce battle was fought in the streets of Sadhaura between the Sikhs and the Sadhaura army. During this expedition, the relatives of the martyr Pir Budhu Shah extended their full support to the Sikhs so the Sikhs did not face much difficulty in capturing the city. Now only the fort remained in the possession of Usman Khan who had shut himself therein.
When the Sikhs were in the control of the town, several nawabs, ministers and umraa, with a flag of surrender in their hands and leaves of grass in their mouths (symbolising that they were poor cows), came to the Sikh generals and begged for their (Sikhs’) mercy. Banda Singh forgave them and told them, ‘Should you remain loyal, nothing will happen to you.’
Although all others had surrendered, Usman Khan was defiant still inside the fort. A long struggle and large scale sacrifices might have enabled the Sikhs to capture this fort. But, Banda Singh did not like to make so many sacrifices to capture this fort. His final goal was Sarhind and not Sadhaura. But, here too, the relatives of Pir Budhu Shah played their role: some of them were inside the fort too. They opened one of the doors of the fort for the Sikh army, which stormed it with great zeal. Usman Khan tried to fight against the Sikhs but he could not do it for long, and finally, he was captured and given death sentence.29 Sadhura was a rich fiefdom; here the Sikhs confiscated lakhs of rupees, a lot of gold and diamonds, thousands of arms and horses. This made the Sikhs armoury and army still richer.
After the capture of Sadhaura, the Sikhs did not leave the town and remained there for several days during which they planned attacking Sarhind. One day, some Sikhs who were grazing their horses, saw a camel running about and around into a field. To save the crops from the camel the Sikhs tried to drive it away from the fields. In the meanwhile they saw a man walking by the side of that field. He had a bamboo stick in his hands. The Sikhs took hold of his stick and hit the camel with it to make him go away. The stick being hollow it broke and a letter fell out from it. One of the Sikhs knew Persian and he could read it. This letter had been written by the umraa of Sadhaura to Wazir Khan, the Governor of Sarhind. It said, “You should attack Sadhura. Banda Singh and his companions trust us. We shall keep the Sikhs’ attention busy in trivial things so that they should not be prepared for a fight. If Banda Singh is not captured in this attempt, he will, at least, flee the town and we shall regain it from the Sikhs.”
The Sikhs arrested the person carrying the letter and produced him before Banda Singh. Banda Singh called a meeting of all the prominent Muslims of Sadhaura. Here, he asked them, ‘What should be the punishment for a traitor, who backs out of his promises.’ All the people said, in one voice: ‘Such persons should be given death sentence.’ Now Banda Singh showed them the letter. Seeing this letter several of the umraa began trembling and beseeched his mercy. They swore by Quran that such a sin will never be committed again. Banda Singh said, “Well, those who enter the mansion of Pir Budhu Shah will be spared.” Hearing this, all those who were the real culprits ran towards the mansion. Their number was between 100 and 150. When they had gone into the mansion, Banda Singh asked them to lock it from inside. Now, Banda Singh also put a lock outside the mansion and ordered that the building be put to fire. Thus, all the Great Sikh General: Banda Singh Bahadur 12
conspirators were burnt to death. This exemplary punishment proved deterrent for others. After this, no one could even dream of committing treason.
The Sikhs did not trouble any innocent resident of the town. They did not desecrate any Muslim shrine. Even today the tomb of Kutub-ul-Aqtab (Shah Abdul Wahab) and Ganj-i-Ilum still exist as they were in December 1709.30
After the victory, the Sikhs hoisted blue31 flag on the fort of Sadhaura. The Sikhs established a Khalsa Panchayat for the administration of the town. The events of Sadhura were reported to Bahadur Shah, the Mughal emperor, when he was at Toda town; and he wrote letters to the Governors of Sarhind and Lahore to take action against the Sikhs.
Banda Singh renamed Sadhaura as Ajaibgarh.32
Banda Singh Establishes Lohgarh as the Capital of the Sikh Kingdom
Having captured Samana, Ghurham, Sanaur, Thaska Miranji, Kunjpura, Shahbad, Dahmala, Mustafabad, Kapuri and Sadhaura, Banda Singh decided to establish Lohgarh as the capital of the Sikh kingdom. Lohgarh is a village about 30 km from Sadhaura, among the Shivalik hills and between two streams (Lohgarh Nadi and Som Nadi). As mentioned in the first chapter, Lakhi Rai Vanjara, under instructions from the Gurus, had built a fort in this village. As it was not in use, Banda Singh repaired and renovated it. He built defensive wall, raised bastions and set up entrenchments. He built some building for the stores of the wealth, weapons, food and other things as well as a residence for the families of the soldiers. After this he transported all treasure, weapons as well as a lot of grains to this fort.
This fort was surrounded by dozens of steep hills, gorges and forest; hence it was not easy to capture this fort easily. This area was also known as dabar.33 Dabar word was first used by Iradat Khan in Tarikh-i-Iradat Khani.
Victory of Sarhind
Preparations to attack Sarhind
By April 1710, the Sikhs were in control of most of the land between Yamuna and Satluj rivers as well as eight forts around it. Though Sarhind was not a province (it was under Delhi state), but it was a major centre of power of the Mughal Empire; hence it was treated just like a province. It had 28 parganas and its income was 52 lakh rupees in 1710. That is why it was known as Baawni Sarhind (Baawani means fifty-two). The governorship of such a province could be given to a senior person only. Mirza Askari (known more as Wazir Khan) had an Irani background and was amongst the most loyal persons of Aurangzeb. He had a mansab for two thousand horsemen, and, the land between Satluj and Jamuna/Yamuna rivers was under his administration. The chiefs of Malerkotla, Rupar, Machhiwara etc were under Wazir Khan. Great Sikh General: Banda Singh Bahadur 13
In May 1710, Banda Singh decided to attack this powerful enemy, the ruler of Sarhind. Wazir Khan too had got information of the forthcoming attack by the Sikhs. He had in his mind that the Sikhs had already captured eight forts and major towns. He was also angry for the Sikhs’ attack on his former village Kunjpura. Thus, he wanted to crush them (the Sikhs). At that time of preparations, Banda Singh was in Chhat-Banur forest.
Wazir Khan sent messages to his neighbours to be ready for a battle against the Sikhs. He raised the flag of Jehad (holy war) and instigated young Muslims to join his army. He sent messages to all the Pathans, Balochs, and Ranghars etc to join his forces. He also recruited thousands of soldiers for the forthcoming battle. Several Muslim Chowdhrys and feudal too promised to send their private forces for his help. His deputy in this campaign was Sher Mohammed Khan of Malerkotla. (Some ignorant writers mentioned him as ‘sympathiser’ of the Sikhs).
Malerkotla army attacks the Sikhs of Majha
When the Sikhs of Majha (an area between rivers Beas and Ravi) came to know about Banda Singh’s planning to attack Sarhind, hundreds of them decided to participate in it; they formed various groups and reached Keeratpur. Their number was around two thousand. They had planned to join Banda Singh in Chhat-Banur area. When Wazir Khan received information about these Sikhs, he asked Sher Mohammed Khan to intercept and attack them. Sher Mohammed Khan, accompanied by his brother Khijar Khan and his nephews Wali Khan and Mohammed Bakhsh, led a big force to attack the Sikhs of Majha. From Malerkotla he went towards Rupar but when he was on his way he got information that the Majha Sikhs will cross river Satluj at Machhiwara or Behlolpur.34
Having received information about the route of the Sikhs, he proceeded towards Behlolpur. Both the armies fought a pitched battle at Behlolpur. Although the Malerkotla army was bigger in number and also had better arms but the Sikhs had, in their mind, dedication for their cause and were ever ready to make sacrifices. For the whole day, both fought bravely. On both sides there were heavy causalities; however, the Malerkotla army seemed to have upper hand. The battle was stopped after it grew dark. The next day, before the dawn, several more Sikhs reached there. Now, the Sikhs made an aggressive attack on the Malerkotla army and put it into defensive.
By noon the battle was at its highest pitch when a bullet hit Khijar Khan, the brother of Sher Mohammed Khan; and he died instantly. Seeing him falling, the Malerkotla soldiers began running helter-skelter. At this Sher Mohammed Khan raised a loud cry to re-group his loyal soldiers. He, with the help of his two nephews (Wali Khan and Mohammed Bakhsh), went forwards to pick up the body of his brother. The Sikhs attacked them too. In this attempt, Wali Khan and Mohammed Bakhsh got killed; even Sher Mohammed Khan was wounded. After this no soldier of the Malerkotla army could hold ground even for a moment. Of course, the Sikhs raised the sky with the slogans of victory and began their march towards Banur. On their way, the Sikhs had to face another attack at Ranvan village (near the ancient town of Sanghol, now a small village). The Sikhs emerged victorious in this battle too. When these Sikhs reached near Banur, Banda Singh himself came out to welcome them. The Sikhs met each other with embraces and jaikaaraas (slogans of victory).35 Great Sikh General: Banda Singh Bahadur 14
Battle of Chappar Chiri
When Wazir Khan received the news of the death of Khijar Khan and his two sons and the defeat of the Malerkotla army at the hands of the Sikhs, he became very despondent; but, in spite of this, he was not disheartened. He had already sent emissaries to Delhi and Lahore asking them to send more soldiers and arms. Thus, he had assembled a very powerful army and a big arsenal of weapons. Besides, he had a very large number of not only horses but also elephants. Having assessed all the arrangements he decided to attack the Sikhs before they could move towards Sarhind as he did not want to fight inside or near his city. So, he led his army towards the place where the Sikhs had encamped and were planning to attack Sarhind.
Besides this, Wazir Khan played another trick. He sent Ganda Mall, a nephew of Sucha Nand (minister of Wazir Khan), to Banda Singh to pose himself as a rebel against Wazir Khan. It was planned by them that when battle begins, he (Ganda Mall) would flee the field, which would demoralise the Sikh soldiers and they will lose the battle and possibly Banda Singh too may be captured. With this foxy notion, Ganda Mall went to Banda Singh. Banda Singh listened to Ganda Ram but he would not trust him. In spite of this, he did not reject him and asked the Sikh generals not to place him in the front line.
Chappar Chiri36 site (now a village) is about 20 km from Sarhind. The Sikhs were resting there to plan an attack on Sarhind. When they got news that Wazir Khan himself was marching towards them, they took their defensive positions. They had the benefit of defence of the trees and mounds. Banda Singh divided the whole army into four units, under the command of Fateh Singh, Karam Singh-Dharam Singh, Aali Singh-Mali Singh and Baj Singh. The Sikhs had, by then, six cannons too. These were put under the charge of Shahbaz Singh. Banda Singh stationed himself on a high mound to observe and give commands as necessary.
According to Khafi Khan, the number of the Sikh soldiers was 30 to 40 thousand but they did not have good weapons. They had mostly swords, spears, arrows and only a few guns and just six cannons.37
On the morning of the 12th of May 1710, both the armies had taken positions in the fields of Chappar Chiri. Though it is often said that the number of the Wazir Khan’s soldiers was about one lakh but this seems to be an exaggeration. Another source mentions the number as 5-6 thousand horsemen, 7-8 thousand artillery and about 8 thousand ghazis (who had joined them in the name of ‘holy war’); thus, their number could be around 20 thousand.38
Wazir Khan’s army was led by elephants, which guarded them from the Sikhs’ attacks. His soldiers were raising the war cry of ‘Ya Ali’, ‘Ya Ali’ and ‘Allah Hu Akbar’. The Sikhs too began raising slogans of ‘Akal Akal’. Having assessed that the sound of Wazir Khan’s army’s slogan ‘Allah Hu Akbar’ was forceful and quick, they coined another war cry ‘Fateh Darshan’ which had the same sound effect as that of ‘Allah Hu Akbar’.39 Some writers believe that Banda Singh never coined ‘Fateh Darshan’ and it was, like other concoctions, created by by Ratan Singh Bhangu. But this is not true; Elliot and Dowson have referred to this in clear words.40
When the battle began, the Sikhs, in order to attack the Sarhindi soldiers, needed first to remove elephants from the scene; so, they began throwing cannon balls at the elephants. This achieved the desired effect and some of the elephants were badly wounded. These elephants screamed, trumpeted and began retreating, thus wounding several of the soldiers of their own army. Great Sikh General: Banda Singh Bahadur 15
This angered Wazir Khan and he ordered his men to shower the Sikhs with cannon balls. But, as the Sikhs had the protection of trees and bushes, hence these balls did not affect them much. On the other hand, the Sikh cannons began shelling the Sarhindi cannons. Soon, the Sarhindi cannons were silenced because their masters (operators) had been killed by the Sikh canons. Since the Sikh soldiers were not under direct attack, their horsemen pushed forward and entered the frontline of the Sarhindi army. Soon there was full fighting in the midst of the Sarhindi army. The Sikh soldiers began cutting the enemies like carrots. In minutes, hundreds of them were slain. This frightened them and they began running away. The first to desert were the ghazis (recruited in the name of ‘holy war’) as a very large number of them had already been killed.
Now, Ganda Mal, whom Wazir Khan had sent to infilterate the Sikh army, too appeared in his true colours; he ordered his men to flee from the battle-field. This, of course, created confusion in the Sikh camp also. When Banda Singh saw this, he came down from the mound and went to the front lines to encourage the Sikhs. He inspired them saying ‘Guru is waiting to embrace you in his arms. Let us annihilate the cruel enemies or embrace martyrdom.’ These words rejuvenated the Sikh soldiers and they made another fierce attack on the Sarhindi army. Finding his soldiers over-awed, Wazir Khan himself went to the soldiers and inspired them in the name of Islam and Allah. His minister Such Nand too joined him. Finding Wazir Khan and Sucha Nand near them, the Sikh soldiers attacked the enemy so forcefully that most of them began fleeing from the battle-field in order to save their lives. Some Sikh soldiers chased them. But, they did not kill the coward Sarhindi soldiers. They allowed them to retreat after leaving their horses and weapons. The Sikhs spared their lives.
After this, several Sarhindi soldiers fled from the front line. Soon hand-to-hand fight began. During this fight Baj Singh and Sucha Nand came face to face. On seeing Baj Singh, Sucha Nand was frightened and he began trembling as if he was facing his death. Coward Sucha Nand took no time to run away, and, he did not stop before he reached Sarhind.
Wazir Khan was still there, encouraging his soldiers; sitting on his elephant, he was fully active in the frontlines; and when Baj Singh and Fateh Singh saw him, they rushed towards him and attacked him. Wazir Khan fought with great defence but was killed in the hand-to-hand fight with them.
Now, some Sikhs tracked down Sher Mohammed Khan of Malerkotla too. Just a couple of days earlier he had fought against the Majha Sikhs at Behlolpur (in which his brother and two nephews had been killed and he himself was wounded); now, here, he was the second in command at Chappar Chiri. After the death of Wazir Khan he came in the front lines but was killed soon; and so was his other brother Khawaja Ali. When all their commanders were killed, the remaining Sarhindi soldiers also surrendered and begged for their lives. The Sikhs told them: ‘You need not worry; we do not attack those who surrender’; and they (Sikhs) let them leave safely but stripped them off their arms.41 This battle lasted only for seven to eight hours. By noon, the Sarhindi army had completely been routed.42
How was Wazir Khan killed: There are several versions of the death of Wazir Khan: According to Khafi Khan, Wazir Khan was hit by a bullet. According to him Sher Mohammed Khan had attacked Binod Singh. But, at the same time a bullet hit Wazir Khan and Sher Mohammed Khan rushed to help him.43
According to Kanhaya Lal too, Wazir Khan was killed by a bullet.44 But Latif says that Wazir Khan was killed by an arrow.45 According to Mir Ahsan Ijad (in Shah Nama), Wazir Khan Great Sikh General: Banda Singh Bahadur 16
saw Banda Singh and moved towards him to attack him. When Baj Singh noticed this he kicked his horse and came in between Banda Singh and Wazir Khan. Wazir Khan shot his spear at Baz Singh which the latter catched with his hand and threw the same back towards Wazir Khan. This spear hit the horse of Wazir Khan and he fell down. Even in this position, Wazir Khan shot an arrow at Baj Singh which pierced the arm of the latter. At this moment Wazir Khan attacked Baj Singh with his sword too. But, before Wazir Khan’s sword could hit Baj Singh’s body, Fateh Singh gave a strong blow with his sword which almost chopped off the right arm of Wazir Khan, and with another blow his head too was severed. Yar Mohammed, in Dastur-ul-Insha, writes: “Wazir Khan’s head was hung on a spear and his trunk was dragged behind a cart up to Sarhind”.
Correct date of the battle of Chappar Chiri: Irvine46 mentions the date of this battle as the 22nd of May 1710. It seems that he had relied on an entry of Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Mualla,47 which was written as a commentary, and, is not daily diary of the Mughal court. On the other hand, as per an entry of Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Mualla,48 the report of this battle was given to Bahadur Shah on the 20th of May 1710 when he was at Bahasu. It took this news eight days to reach him (he could not get report two days in advance of the battle). So, the 12th of May 1710 is the correct date.49
Figures of casualties: According to common belief, 50 thousands Muslims and 30 thousand Sikhs were killed in this battle, which seems to be improbable and unrealistic. The figure of 5 thousand Muslims and 3 thousand Sikhs seems to be near reality. The number of the wounded is separate from it. Those who embraced martyrdom among the Sikh side included also highly revered an elderly Bhai Bajjar Singh (he had taught martial arts to Guru Gobind Singh). In this battle the Sikhs captured 45 big and small cannons, dozens of elephants, hundreds of horses and a large number of guns and sword etc.
After the battle was over, the Sikhs cremated their martyrs in large groups and bandaged those who were wounded. They did not have enough bandages, so they had to suffice with whatever they had at hand. All this time the victorious Sikhs went on chanting hymns in praise of God. After cremation, the Sikh soldiers left for Sarhind, leaving some of them there to take care of the cremated bodies and to dispose off their ashes.
After covering a distance of about 20 kilometres the Sikh army reached Sarhind. It was not yet dawn. The gates of the walled city were closed from inside, hence they could not enter; they had to break open the gates and for this purpose they had to fight the garrison of the Sarhind regime. The Sikhs were carrying with them the body of Wazir Khan. They took a round of the main streets of the town to show the head and trunk of the body of Wazir Khan which, later, they hung from a tree so that the people may see with their own eyes the fate of the cruel ruler. It being extremely hot weather; the body of Wazir Khan began stinking. The vultures began picking upon the body to get their share. This frightened the residents of Sarhind and they begged mercy of the Sikhs. Banda Singh sent them a message telling them that the Sikhs will not trouble any innocent person; only the tyrant officials shall be punished.
Now the Sikhs turned their attention to the fort; but the cannons from inside began firing on the Sikhs. About 500 Sikhs were killed. The Sikhs then realized that they won’t be able to enter the fort for many days. They pitched one cannon to the top of a brick-kiln and fired cannon balls towards the direction of the cannons of the fort, killing the cannon operators of the Sarhind army. Thereafter, the Sikhs began firing cannon balls at the gates of the fort. After a lot of shelling one of the gates crashed and the Sikhs entered the fort. Here, again, some loyal imperial soldiers resisted but were killed soon and the rest of them surrendered; they were arrested. Great Sikh General: Banda Singh Bahadur 17
Now, the Sikhs had full control of Sarhind. Wazir Khan was dead; his son had fled to Delhi and all other officials had been either killed or arrested; the only person yet missing was Sucha Nand, who had fled from the battle-field at Chappar Chiri, the previous day. It was believe that he had hid himself in some building in the city.
In the evening, Banda Singh called a meeting of prominent local residents and assured the people that no innocent person need to be afraid, and, no one will be allowed to do injustice to anyone, but no criminal shall be forgiven. This announcement gave the common man a sigh of relief. Most of them began co-operating with the Sikhs; one of them also gave the Sikhs information about the hideout of Sucha Nand. After fleeing from Chappar Chiri he had gone to Sarhind but did not flee further as he wanted to manage his wealth. Soon, he was arrested and paraded through the streets of Sarhind like an animal, with a string through his nostrils, and, around his neck with a rope. He was asked to beg alms from folk. While he was being paraded through the streets of Sarhind, common Hindu and Muslim folk, who had been victims of his cruelty and injustice, threw stones at him. Due to stoning and torture he died in the evening.
Sucha Nand had hoarded immense wealth; all this was confiscated and deposited in the Sikh treasury. Mohammed Qasim writes: ‘It seems that he had collected all this wealth for this day…People said that there was no form of injustice that Wazir Khan had not perpetrated on the poor people; and, now, there was no seed of (cruelty) which did not sprout; as he sowed, so did he reap.’ 50
Sucha Nand’s family too got its share of punishment; they were stripped of their precious clothes and allowed just under clothes and were compelled to beg through the streets of the town. The residents were told that none shall give them more than one kaudi (one twentieth of a paisa) i.e. triffling.
The Sikh army sentenced all the criminals and guilty to death (Tarikh-i-Mohammed Shahi). Paradise-like mansions of Sucha Nand and Wazir Khan became playground of the crows (Mohammed Qasim).51
Banda Singh’s treatment of the Muslims
After their victory, the Sikhs hoisted the Sikh blue flag52 on the top of the fort.53 Banda Singh appointed Baj Singh Bangeshari as the Governor of Sarhind and Aali Singh of Salaudi as his deputy. Although Banda Singh punished all the criminals and cruel officials, but he did not trouble any innocent person; he did not take revenge from any one; he did not punish even the Sheikhs of Nakshbandi cult who had provoked the Mughal emperors to execute Guru Arjan and Guru Tegh Bahadur, and had celebrated their (Gurus’) killings.
In fact, the Sikhs’ war was not against any person, religion or cult; it was against injustice, cruelty and in-humanism; that is why Banda Singh did not destroy any Muslim shrine, mosque, mausoleum, tomb or grave. Even today, in 2010-11, dozens of Muslim shrines and memorials of that period are still intact in old Sarhind: including the tomb of Sheikh Ahmad Sarhindi (known as Roza Sharif, which is considered as one of the most holy shrines by some Muslims), Laal Masjid (built by Aurangzeb), and mosque of Sadna, as well as the makbaras (tombs) of Ustad and Shagird, tomb of Mir-i-Miran and several others. These monuments speak of the Sikhs’ respect for the faith of even enemies. Had the Sikhs been anti-Islam, they would have demolished at least the memorials of the fanatic Muslims who were the cause of cruelties Great Sikh General: Banda Singh Bahadur 18
against the Gurus and the Sikhs. On the other hand, whenever the Muslims had a chance, they attacked, demolished or at least damaged the shrines of the non-Muslims.
The First Sikh State
Promulgation of egalitarian system
After taking control of the administration and infra- structure of Sarhind, Banda Singh Bahadur held a public darbar (court) on the 27th of May 1710. In this open gathering he announced that the Sikh rule would be the ‘rule of the people’; the land shall belong to those who till it; no one will be a slave or labourer of any landlord. All the peasants shall contribute one third of their crop to the Sikh state’s treasury (under Wazir Khan it was the half of the crop). Banda Singh declared an end to feudal system; now, the Jats became the owners of lands i.e. fully independant landholders; a Jat (farmer) was no more a dalit (so-called low status person). It was Banda Singh who promulgated egalitarian system for he first time in the history of the world; as no where, in the world, did it exist up to that time.
First Sikh coin issued
After this, Banda Singh issued a new coin, a symbol of sovereignty, in the name of the Gurus. The Sikh coin had this wording on it:
sikka zad bar har do aalam, tegh-i-naanak vahib ast
fateh gobind singh shah-i-shahan, fazal-i-sacha sahib ast
(Meaning: Issued with the blessing of the master of both the worlds. Guru Nanak’s sword is the dispenser of everything. With the blessing of the True Master, it was victory of Guru Gobind Singh).
And, on the other side, it said:
zarab ba amaanul dahar massavarat shahr
zintul bakht mubarak bakht
(Meaning: Issued from the peaceful place; heavenly city, capital of the blessed throne)
A seal of the Sikh kingdom was also issued. It read:
azmat-i-naanak guru ham zahir-o ham batan ast.
padshah din-o-dunia aap sacha sahib ast
(Meaning : Inside and outside, everywhere, it is Guru Nanak’s greatness. True God himself is the master of both, this and the other, worlds).
Later another ‘seal’ was issued. It said:
degh-o-tegh-o-fateh-o-nusrat bedirang
yafat az naanak guru gobind singh.
(Meaning: Victory of sword and kettle, i.e. political and economic domains, was achieved, without delay, from Gurus Nanak – Guru Gobind Singh).
This confirms that Banda Singh did not rule in his own name, and, attributed everything to the Gurus and God. He issued coin and seal in Guru’s name only. In the history of the world Banda Singh is, perhaps, the only ruler who did not issue a coin in his own name. It is Great Sikh General: Banda Singh Bahadur 19
remarkable to note that even the Muslim rulers, who claimed themselves as rulers in the name of Islam or Mohammed or Allah (God), they too used their own names on their coins; and, most of them also asked the people to recite their name, along with God’s name, in kalma (prayers).
New Sikh calendar issued
After the victory of Sarhind, Banda Singh issued a new Sammat (calendar) also. The year 1710 C.E. and 1767 Bikrami was now year 1 of the Khalsa Raj.
Although Banda Singh had appointed Baj Singh as the Governor of Sarhind, he himself was still staying in the city. All the money that he had collected till then, he sent it to his state capital at Lohgarh fort; it was about 3 crore rupees. Kamvar believes it was two crore rupees.54 During this period, Banda Singh handed over the control of Thanesar to Ram Singh and Binod Singh.
Bahadur Shah gets news of fall of Sarhind
Bahadur Shah was on his way from South towards Delhi, when on 20thof May 1710, he got the news of the fall of Sarhind to the Sikhs and the death of Wazir Khan; he issued orders to the chiefs of Lahore and Delhi to suppress the Sikh rebellion.
Marriage of Banda Singh
After capturing Sarhind, Banda Singh stayed for some time at Sarhind. One day, a family from Sialkot visited him and professed him to marry their daughter; Banda Singh’s companions too pressed upon him to give his consent. So, on the 20th of June 1710, Banda Singh got married to Sahib Kaur daughter of (Mata) Bhagwanti and (Bhai) Shiv Ram Kapur.55 Banda Singh’s wife Sahib Kaur remained at Sarhind for some months, and, when he moved to Lohgarh, she was pregnant; she, instead, in view of her condition, went to her parents where she gave birth to Ranjit Singh. Later, Banda Singh moved both of them to Kashmir where they spent the rest of their lives. (In the winter of 1711, Banda Singh was married to another girl, Sushil Kunwar/Kaur, the daughter of the ruler of Chamba, who gave birth to Ajay Singh, who, later on, at the age of just four and a half, was mercilessly killed along with Banda Singh at Delhi on the 9th of June 1716).
Second phase of Banda Singh’s struggle
Attack on Malerkotla
The Malerkotla rulers have been claiming that their forefather Sher Mohammed Khan had raised his voice of protest against the murder of the younger Sahibzadas (sons) of Guru Gobind Singh in December 1705; this is not true, in fact, when younger Sahibzadas were presented before Wazir Khan, the latter asked Sher Mohammed Khan, who was present there, to take the boys with him and punish (kill) them as he would like to, and may take revenge of the killing of his brother Nahar Khan at Chamkaur. Sher Mohammed Khan refused to do anything with the children saying: ‘I am a Pathan and I should take revenge from their father, Guru Gobind Singh, who had killed my brother and not from his young children’. It was not at all Great Sikh General: Banda Singh Bahadur 20
sympathy for the children or for the Sikhs. In fact, Sher Mohammed Khan had been fighting against the Sikhs since long; he had participated in the attack on the Guru at Nirmohgarh on the 12th of October 1700, and, at Chamkaur on the 7th of December 1705 (here, Nahar Khan, one of his brothers was killed); he had fought against the Sikhs also at Behlolpur on the 9th of May 1710 (where he had lost another brother and two nephews); he had fought in the battle of Chappar Chiri on the 12th of May, 1710 (and died in this battle). He always fought in the frontlines against the Sikhs and was most loyal to Wazir Khan. Even after this, up to the holocaust of 5th of February 1762 (and probably even after that), the rulers of Malerkotla had been fighting against the Sikhs.
Banda Singh’s march towards Malerkotla
Though Sher Mohammed Khan, two of his brothers and two of his nephews were dead by now, the Sikhs still wanted to punish the remaining rulers of Malerkotla too. Having settled at Sarhind, the Sikhs now turned towards Malerkotla. When the Malerkotla Pathans got information that the Sikh army was marching towards Malerkotla, they approached Kishan Chand, a rich Hindu trader and money-lender of the area, and requested him to help them. Kishan Chand had already met Banda Singh more than once, so he agreed to mediate. He went towards the Sikh route and met Banda Singh on the outskirts of Malerkotla. Kishan Chand requested him not to attack Malerkotla. Banda Singh agreed and the state and the umraa of the city offered a huge amount as tribute to the Sikh army and saved the state from destruction.56
Anup Kaur and Bulaka Singh’s issues
Sometimes earlier, a Sikh lady named Anup Kaur had laid down her life to save her honour from being molested by some Malerkotla official, and, after her death her deadbody was not cremated but buried. Now, after subjugating Malerkotla, the Sikh soldiers found her grave, dug her body and cremated it according to the Sikh rites. Similarly, at Ghurani, the Ramraiyas (who had been excommunicated from the Sikh Panth by Guru Gobind Singh) had been troubling a Sikh named Bulaka Singh. Banda Singh went to the village and punished the rascal Ramraiyas; besides, he appointed Bulaka Singh as the police chief of the area.
Hindus embrace Sikhism
After the victory of Sarhind hundreds and thousands of Hindus joined the Sikh faith (but, after the martyrdom of Banda Singh, most of them again returned to the Hindu fold). The genealogical tables of these families reveal all this. Among these Hindus was Parma Nand Chhiber too whose elders had renounced Sikh faith and rejoined Hinduism simply to save themselves from Muslim backlash. Later, he wrote a book distorting the history of Banda Singh and Haqiqat Singh and presented them as Banda Bairagi and Haqiqat Rai respectively, in order to present them as Hindus. This Parma Nand boasted that he belonged to the family of Bhai Mati Das whereas he was a descendant of Janti Das. Similar was the case of the Hindus of the Punjab, the Brahmins of the U.P. and the Dogras of Jammu who posed as Sikh in order to seek offices in the court of Maharaja Ranjit Singh, and, after the loss of his kingdom they again reverted back to Hinduism.
Muslims embrace Sikhism Great Sikh General: Banda Singh Bahadur 21
When the land between Yamuna and Satluj had become a Sikh state, some Muslims too embraced Sikhism in order to taste the fruit of power. Among these was also Mir Nasir-ud-Din (named as Nasir Singh) and Dindar Khan, son of Jalal Khan Ruhia, (named as Dindar Singh). After the fall of Banda Singh’s rule, this Dindar Singh again joined Islam. In 1713, he joined hands with the Sayyad brothers and played effective role to install Farukhsiyar as the emperor at Delhi, and, again in 1719, it was he who dragged Farukhsiyar from his palace, blinded him and later killed him.
Sikh expeditions in Deoband, Saharanpur and Jalalabad
The Sikh victories inspired some people beyond Yamuna River too and they joined Sikh faith. When Jalal-ud-Din, the Muslim chief of this area, came to know that some Muslim residents of Unarasa (Deoband pargana) had embraced Sikhism, he arrested and tortured them in prison. One, Bhai Kapur Singh had been preaching Sikh mission in this area; when he got the news of the plight of these Sikhs, he sent a message to Banda Singh.
After making preparations, Banda Singh attacked Deoband and captured it. He wanted to attack Jalalabad too but before marching to the stronghold of Jalal-ud-Din, he thought of taking over Saharanpur. In those days, Saharanpur too was a major state like Sarhind and Hissar-Firoza; it consisted of 28 parganas; Sayyad Ali Mohammed Khan Kanauji was the chief of Saharanpur. Banda Singh sent a message to him asking him to surrender and pay tribute. But, the coward Kanauji, instead of fighting or negotiating, chose to flee from the city along with his family and wealth. He appointed his son Dindar Ali Khan as his successor and himself fled to Delhi.
When he was gone, some Muslim clergy tried to raise the bogey of jehad (holy war). They were joined by some umraa (aristocacy) and ministers. They closed the doors of the walled city and stationed security men on the towers of the wall. When the Sikh soldiers reached there, these guards welcomed them with volley of arrows and gun-shots. But, this could not last long and did not frighten or dishearten the Sikhs. The Sikhs broke open a gate of the city and entered it, thus they captured the city.
The Sikh army was joined by several Hindu, mainly Gujjars, as well as some miscreants too. They had joined the Sikhs simply with an intention to plunder; but when Banda Singh came to know about their activities, he rebuked them and expelled them from his army. After leaving him, these wicked Gujjar Hindus entered some villages around the city and plundered people.
Saharanpur was mainly a Muslim city, and, the local Hindus residents had generally been the victims of atrocities of the rulers; they felt relieved when the Sikhs occupied the city. When the Sikhs became the masters of the city, several elite and rich Muslims, now, began moving out of Saharanpur. Banda Singh stayed here for several days. He changed the name of the city from Saharanpur to Bhaagan Wala Nagar (Bhaagnagar).
Punishing the Pirzaadas of Behat
When Banda Singh was still at Saharanpur, some Hindus from Behat (about 25 km from Saharanpur, towards the hills), came to see him and narrated the story of their sufferings. They told him that the Pirzaadas (literally: the sons of the Pirs, i.e. the descendants of the Muslim priestly class) were very cruel to the Hindus; they would leave no chance to molest the honour of their women folk. Banda Singh sent a large unit of Sikh soldiers to teach a lesson to the Pirzaadas. Great Sikh General: Banda Singh Bahadur 22
The Sikh army had not to suffer much loss before occupying the city. When they were in full control of the town, they summoned all the Pirzaadas in an open space and asked the people to narrate their crimes. They found that all the Pirzaadas were guilty of cruelty, rape and other crimes. All of them were executed there and then. It had happened in the month of June 1710.
Unsuccessful attack on Jalalgarhi
A few days after the occupation of Behat, the Sikh army decided to attack Jalalgarhi (the fortress of Jalal-ud-Din Khan). Here, Jalal-ud-Din (also known as Jalal Khan) had stationed his army, and there was also stored most of his arsenal and treasury; the Sikhs wanted to capture it.
On the other hand, Jalal-ud-Din Khan too knew of the Sikhs’ intentions, and, he himself was fully prepared for the battle. Besides, he had raised bogey of jehad (holy war) and recruited several more young Muslim boys into his army. He had also stocked a lot of food in the fortress and which could last for months. The Sikhs put siege to this fortress which continued for more than 20 days but they (Sikhs) could not achieve their goal because it was the rainy season; hence, they had to temporarily abandon the idea of capturing this fort.
Attack on Ambaheta
After an unsuccessful expedition to Jalalabad, the Sikhs returned to Saharanpur. On their way they attacked Ambaheta (between Gangoh and Nakur). It was being guarded by Pir Khan, a close confident of Jalal Khan. He was killed during the Sikhs’ attack. The Sikhs captured a good number of arms in this battle too. But, on the 20th of June, the Sikhs had to fight a battle in the fields of village Kehra, near Rarh. Here, the Afghans of Dehrana and Mukad joined Ghulam Mohammed Baniara (grandson of Jalal Khan) and Pir Mohammed, and they gave a tough fight to the Sikhs. As the number of the opposing forces was too big, the Sikhs had to retreat; several Sikhs were killed in this battle. The Sikhs also lost two cannons, five guns, several rifles, one thousand arrows, four tents and several other things. Banda Singh himself was not with this unit and it was led by Amar Singh. In fact, the Sikhs lost this battle due to the treason by Lal Kanwar Gujjar.
Buria becomes Gulabnagar
By this time, some Sikh units had occupied Buria too. Valiant Gulab Singh Bakhshi had played major role in capturing this state; hence Banda Singh named this town as Gulabnagar. He appointed one Gurbakhsh Singh as the chief administrator of the town.
Shah Mohammed, the Qazi of Buria, was an impudent person who oppressed common people and they were fed up with his excesses. They complained about him to Gurbakhsh Singh, who arrested and imprisoned him in Lohgarh fort, and, also confiscated his property. Gurbakhsh Singh, the chief of Buria, in collaboration with Mihan Singh, the caretaker of Lohgarh, misappropriated some of the wealth of the Qazi, and, when Banda Singh came to know about this, he removed Gurbakhsh Singh from his post and appointed Kishor Singh in his place, enforcing quick and impartial justice.
Attack on Nanauta
On the 11th of July 1710, the Sikh army attacked Nanauta (about 30 km from Saharanpur towards Jalalabad and 15 km from Rampur and Jalalabad, both). The rulers of this town were Great Sikh General: Banda Singh Bahadur 23
known for their excesses on common man. The Sikhs captured the city and took away weapons, money and other valuables from the mansions of the ruling and rich-elite class. Those, who opposed the Sikhs, their houses were set on fire. When the Sikhs left the town, it looked like a destroyed city, hence it came to be known as foota shahr (literally: broken city).
According to Khafi Khan, Jalal-ud-Din Khan (Jalal Khan) had sent his son Dindar Khan, his sister’s son Ghulam Mohammed Khan and brother’s son Hajbar Khan to fight against the Sikhs in the battle of Nanauta. Hajbar Khan was killed in this battle. Even after his death, Dindar Khan fought bravely but lost the battle. Pir Khan and Jamal Khan, the nephews of Mohammed Ali Khan, the chief of Saharanpur, too were killed in this battle.57
When the news of daring performance of Jalal Khan, in the battles of Jalalgarhi and Ambaheta, reached the Mughal emperor he appointed him (Jalal Khan) as the chief of Saharanpur. The emperor removed Mohammed Ali Khan from the chief-ship of Saharanpur for showing cowardice at the time of the attack of the Sikhs on Saharanpur.
Awe in the mind of the umraa and the minsters at Delhi
After the occupation of Saharanpur by the Sikhs, the rich, the affluent, the umraa (aristocracy) and the ministers of the capital of the Mughal Empire at Delhi, began living under the awe and terror as they apprehended a Sikh attack on Delhi itself. Iradat Khan writes:58 “From Delhi to Multan, there was commotion (about the Sikhs’ supremacy), but from Thanesar to Lahore, it was so strong that nothing could be said (with certainty). So much so that Asif Ali, Nizam-ul-Mulk, too was afraid and he wrote a letter to the emperor; and also reminded the officials in Delhi that everyone should send the report about this commotion to the emperor… There, Diwan Bayotat, Diwan Hafiz Khan, Kotwal Raza Khan, Fakhar-ud-Din Bakhshi reporter, Mohammed Tahir reporter and Qazi Darwesh Mohammed wrote separate letters to the emperor. Asif-ud-Daula, the Governor of Delhi, too, was very much afraid. The umraa, along with their families and wealth, began fleeing Delhi for far-off provinces.” (The non-Italic text is mine- Author).
In fact, the situation of the country around Delhi was very alarming; the Sikhs had captured all the three states around Delhi, i.e., Sarhind, Thanesar, Saharanpur. It meant almost blocking the capital of the Mughal Empire from the outside world; besides, the rulers of Lahore too were afraid of the Sikh army.
The Sikhs’ actions in Lahore and Riarki area
The Sikhs of Majha (then pronouned as Manjha), the area between the rivers Beas and Raavi, had already defeated the Mughal chieftains of one of the areas of, in April 1709, i.e. about 7 months prior to the first victory of Banda Singh in Samana in November 1709. It was in April 1709, when Chuhar Mall Ohri of Guru-Da-Chakk (Amritsar) had instigated Aslam Khan, deputy chief of Lahore province, to attack Guru-Da-Chakk, and, Aslam Khan had sent army under the command of Har Sahai, the chieftain of Patti. On the 6th and the 12th of April, 1709, two battles took place, in which the Sikhs, under the command of Bhai Mani Singh, Tara Singh of Dall-Vaan, Mohkam Singh Ohri and others, defeated the aggressor army. The second battle resulted into several casualties of the enemy including their chief Har Sahai. After this crushing defeat, the Mughals did not march again at Guru-Da-Chakk.
When Banda Singh had planned an attack on Sarhind, the Sikhs of Majha too had joined Banda Singh. After the victory of Sarhind, some of these Sikh soldiers returned to their village; Great Sikh General: Banda Singh Bahadur 24
they organised local Sikhs and began to expel the Mughal and Pathan rulers from the villages around their area, and, several villages of Riarki (a zone between Raavi and Beas rivers) were now under the rule of the Sikhs. This news reached Aslam Khan (deputy Governor of Lahore) too, but he dared not to march against the Sikhs. When the Mughal rulers did not take action, the Sikhs decided to capture some smaller towns too (but they did not march towards Lahore or Kasur, the major cities and army centres).
Their first targets were Batala and Kalanaur which were only next to Lahore in importance. Batala was a major centre of trade, where traders from Kashmir had established their markets. The town was also a residence of several rich and affluent Mughals and Pathans. Similarly, Kalanaur too was a major town. A folk saying is still popular in literature: ‘If you cannot go to Lahore to see its grandeur then visit Kalanaur’ (meaning Kalanaur was as affluent and grand as Lahore was). It was here that the Mughal emperor Akbar had been coronated. This was so big a town that there were more than 350 mosques in the city at that time.
The Sikhs put siege to both the towns and cut them from the rest of the world. All the surrounding areas were already under the control of the Sikh soldiers and the Mughal rule was confined to the walled cities of Batala and Kalanaur.59
Having established their supremacy in the zone, the Sikhs occupied Butala, Sathiala, Ghuman and Kala Afghana villages too, and, by this time some Sikhs had occupied Patti (then known as Patti Haibat Khan) town also.
Attack on Lahore (autumn 1710)
Having established their rule in Riarki and Patti zone, the Sikhs decided to attack Lahore, the provincial capital, and, a military stronghold, too. This was supposed to be a major action as the capital of the Punjab had a big army and a large arsenal. The province, then, was under the command of prince Jahandar Shah (son of Bahadur Shah) and Sayyad Aslam Khan of Kabul was his deputy. Prince Jahandar Shah was mostly at Delhi; hence the affairs of the province were looked after by Aslam Khan.
Having planned an attack, the Sikhs reached the outskirts of the city. They occupied the area around Shalimar and plundered the mansions of the government officials, the feudal and other affluent people; the Sikhs did not trouble even a single person from amongst the common folk. Most of the officials and the Muslim elite fled Shalimar area and entered the walled city. They got the gates of the city of Lahore closed so that the Sikhs might not enter it. The officials asked Aslam Khan, the deputy chief of Lahore, to expel the Sikhs from that area, but he was very much scared of them, he had not forgotten the battles of April 1709, in which the Sikhs had killed even the chief of Patti. So, he just defended the walled city of Lahore by locking all the gates from inside. His soldiers fought the Sikhs from inside the walls of the city and showered bullets and arrows on the Sikhs. The Sikhs too used all the weapons they had. The battle continued for two days, but, the Sikhs could not succeed in entering the city. Hundreds of people from both sides died in this battle.
When the Sikhs realized that they won’t be able to break into the city, they decided to retreat and wait for another opportunity. They, still, were carrying with them a lot of wealth and just enough weapons which they had captured from the Mughals. When the Sikhs were returning from the zone, the so-called low caste people entered the Sikh files and plundered the houses of the Muslims.60 Great Sikh General: Banda Singh Bahadur 25
Muslim jehad (holy war) against the Sikhs
According to Mohammed Qasim, in September-October 1710, the Sikhs again marched towards Lahore. The Maulavis (the Muslim priests) of Lahore declared a jehad against the Sikhs. They called a gathering of the Muslims at Idgah, near Delhi Darwaza (the present site of Railway Station Lahore); and, about ten thousand Muslims responded to their call. Those attended included Pir Mohammed Taqi (a relative of the erstwhile prime minister of the Mughal Emperor Shah Jahan), Musa Begh (son of Ali Wardi Khan Agarkhani), Mohammed Zaman Rangharh, Maulvi Mir Mohammed etc.
Several Hindus too joined these fanatic Muslims. These Hindus were headed by the son (his name does not appear in any source) of Pahara Mal and grandson of Todar Mal (who had been a minister under the Mughal Emperor Akbar). He gave liberal donations for the Muslim jehad and also offered his cannons, guns, arsenal and horses. He enrolled several young men to fight against the Sikhs and paid them good salary from his own treasury. Several other Hindus too donated big sums for this jehad.
Although Aslam Khan (Deputy Governor of Lahore) was scared of the Sikhs and he had confined himself into the fort of Lahore, still he sent one thousand foot soldiers and five hundred horsemen under the command of Ataullah Khan and Muhib Khan Kharal to fight against the Sikhs.
These ‘holy soldiers of Islam’ fought three battles against the Sikhs: at Kotla Begum near the village of Chamiari, Qila Bhagwant Singh (pargana Sehansara) and Bhilowal (in the area known as Bharli, in Lahore zone). The first battle took place at Kotla Begum, near villages of Bharat and Rani. Thousands of the Muslim ‘holy soldiers of the Islam’ surrounded the Sikhs present there. The number of the Sikhs was very small; hence, they fought a defensive battle and fled from the area after sunset. Their next halt was at Chamiari61. The Muslim army chased them. On their way, the ‘holy soldiers of Islam’ plundered some villages and even raped some women. When the leaders of the ‘holy army’ received information about these activities, they punished some of them but this did not make much difference as most of the ‘holy soldiers of Islam’ were not true Muslims; they were just anti-Sikh youth.
The next day, a fierce battle was fought at Chamiari between the Sikhs and the ‘holy soldiers of Islam’. Though in small numbers, the Sikhs fought bravely, but also continued retreating for a safe defensive resort. Before it was evening, they (Sikhs) reached near Garhi Bhagwant Singh and entered the fortress, and they closed the doors of the fortress. Soon the ‘holy soldiers of Islam’ also reached there and put a siege to the fortress. In the middle of night, the Sikhs secretly came out of the fortress and fled away.
The next morning, the ‘holy soldiers of Islam’ entered the fortress and were pleased to declare it as their victory. Now, they raised victory slogans and began their return journey to Lahore. On their way they decided to spend night in the fortress of Bhilowal. This was a small fortress and only a few persons could stay there in; hence, only the leaders, the senior officers and priests got place inside the fortress and the rest had to sleep outside. When the Sikhs came to know that the soldiers were sleeping in open ground, they surrounded the area and the next morning, when the sun was yet to rise, they (Sikhs) attacked the ‘holy soldiers of Islam’ while they were still asleep. Several hundred of them were killed and the rest fled to Lahore. The Sikhs, however, did not leave the place. They compelled the leaders of the ‘holy soldiers of Islam’ to come out of the fortress and fight. During this battle, all the leaders of the ‘holy soldiers of Islam’, including Murtaza Khan as well as the son of Pahara Mall (and grandson of Todar Mall), were killed. The battle of Bhilowal brought a drop scene to the Muslims’ holy war against Great Sikh General: Banda Singh Bahadur 26
the Sikhs. In fact, the ‘holy soldiers of Islam’ were untrained soldiers and their first encounter with the Sikhs created awe in their minds and made them realize that they were no match to the brave Sikh soldiers.
The Sikhs won all these three battles and captured the forts of Bhilowal and Garhi Bhagwant Singh, but they did not stay there. On the other hand, the Muslim priests too tried to provoke the Muslim youth for another war against the Sikhs but the Muslim youth were so scared of the Sikhs that they dared not fight against them (Sikhs). This was enough to establish the supremacy of the Sikhs in that zone. Now, even the Muslim authorities began fearing the Sikh soldiers. When this news reached Bahadur Shah, the Mughal emperor, he too got scared.62 Mohammed Qasim writes that the Sikhs had established their control in the area of Riarki-Majha up to the walls of Lahore city.63
In just less than a year (November 1709 to September 1710), the Sikh soldiers, under the command of Banda Singh, freed the vast country between the rivers Raavi and Yamuna. The Sikhs had established their supremacy in six Mughal provinces. They had captured the forts at Sarhind, Samana, Chhat-Banur, Behlolpur, Rupar, Ghurham, Kapuri (in Sarhind province); Thanesar, Shahbad, Buria, Thaska, Sadhaura (in Hissar province); Saharanpur, Deoband, Nananuta, Behat, Ambaheta (Saharanpur province); Rahon, Batala, Kalanaur (Lahore province); Pathankot and Basohli (Jammu province). Besides Chamba, Kullu, Mandi, Bilaspur, Nahan and other hill states had accepted the supremacy of the Sikhs. The Sikhs had appointed their own officials (police, judges, governors etc) in most of this area. It was the time when even the Delhi rulers were afraid of the Sikhs’ might.
Mammoth Mughal army
Against the Sikhs
Return of the Mughal Emperor from South
At that time, Bahadur Shah, the Mughal emperor, had been away to the south, to quell the rebellion of his brother Kam Bakhsh. Kam Bakhsh was finally defeated and killed on the 2nd of January 1709, and, Bahadur Shah began his return journey to his capital on the 19th of January 1709. On the 29th of January, he reached ‘Talab Zakir Hussain’. Here, he appointed Khwaja Abdullah Dil Diler Khan as the Governor of Lahore and Jammu provinces and sent him a message to take charge.64
On the 6th of March 1709, he was near the city of Kamlapur. He was marching towards Delhi at a slow speed because he was in a relaxed mood after defeating and eliminating all of his enemies. He, having finished all his enemies, now, began behaving in an arrogant, aggressive and peevish manner too. On March 6, he issued an order commanding that ‘except on the days of feasts, none other than Munaim Khan ‘Khan Khanan’, Zulfiqar Khan ‘Amir-ul-Umra’, Chugatta Khan, Mahabat Khan, Shah Niwaz Khan and Hamid Khan, shall wear decorative turban on his head.’ On March 13, he issued an order banning use of palanquins for Hindus. It was declared that any Hindu found sitting in a palanquin65 will be arrested and imprisoned.
On March 29th, Bahadur Shah reached Maadri Nagar. Here, he sent a message to Asad Khan (Nawab Asif-ud-Daula Nizam-ul-Mulk) and Mohammed Amin Khan (Chain Bahadur), the chief of army at Moradabad, asking him to punish Raja Ajit Sinh, the ruler of Marwar (Jodhpur), for his rebellious acts. Besides, Bahadur Shah himself decided to march towards Rajputana (now Great Sikh General: Banda Singh Bahadur 27
Rajasthan) to punish the rebel Rajput rulers, i.e. Raja Ajit Sinh (Jodhpur), Jai Sinh Swai (of Amber), Amar Sinh (of Udaipur). These Rajput rulers, had joined the Mughal emperor in his campaign against his brother Kam Bakhsh, but had quietly left his company at Mandsor and returned to their capitals. After returning to their countries, they had killed the agents of the Mughal emperor and declared complete independence.
On the 21st of August 1709 Bahadur Shah reached Samarda Nagar. Here, he issued orders appointing Mir Abdulla Salam (son of Qazi Kurban) as Kotwal (police chief) of Lahore. On the 23rd of August he appointed Ali Mardan Khan (Zabardast Khan) as the Governor of Kashmir. The same day he ordered that the number of the Hindu horsemen in the Mughal army should be reduced. On the 12th of October he appointed Altaf Khan as Bakhshi and Chief Reporter of Lahore Darbar.
Bahadur Shah received reports about the first victories of the Sikhs
On the 25th of February 1710 Bahadur Shah reached Jamrauli town. Here, he received a letter from Wazir Khan, the Governor of Sarhind, reporting the victories of the Sikhs in some areas. The letter said: “How shall I narrate the destruction caused by the Khalsa Sikhs in the Sarhind and the Punjab areas? They have destroyed very affluent parganas. Today, I have received news that the parganas of Buria and Sadhaura too have been captured and plundered. The government officials have been killed. The glorious Afghan families of Dahmala too have been killed.” After hearing the news, the emperor wrote a letter to Nizam-ul-Mulk (prime minister) of Delhi to help Wazir Khan in suppressing the Sikhs’ rebellion.66
On the 23rd of April, Bahadur Shah received a letter from Rustam Khan, from Lahore, mentioning: “Someone has declared himself Guru and has begun enrolling men (army) and creating riots.” At this Bahadur Shah sent orders to the army chiefs of Eimanabad and other areas around Lahore asking them to join the Governor of Lahore in punishing the Sikhs.67
On the 5th of May 1710, Bahadur Shah reached Ajmer. Here, the ambassadors of the rulers of Jaipur, Jodhpur, Udeypur presented them before him and offered apologies on behalf of their chiefs.68 On May the 10th, on the mediation and the request of prince Jahandar Shah, Bahadur Shah forgave these three Rajput rulers, and, sent for them robes of honour. In fact, Bahadur Shah was so much worried about the situation of the Punjab that he did not want to take any action against the Rajputs; hence, he opted for a compromise with them.69
On the 12th of May 1710, Preet Rao, a messenger, reported Bahadur Shah that “a Sikh has declared himself as Guru and has gathered several people around him and attacked even Saharanpur.” Hearing this, Bahadur Shah ordered the governors (of Sarhind, Lahore and Jammu) to take an immediate action against the Sikhs.70
On the same day, the agent of the ruler of Amber, in a letter to his master, wrote:
“The agent of the Governor of Sarhind has told me that we should not under-estimate the riots of this cult (the Sikhs). About seventy thousand persons (the Sikhs) have gathered at Sadhaura. They recite the name of Guru and also say that ‘a holy man has joined us from heavens’. (They) have destroyed the parganas of Doaba and have established their supremacy up to Fatehbad (Beas River). On receiving letter from Wazir Khan, Nawab Nizam-ul-Mulk Asad Khan has written to the Governor of Hissar to join him in his expedition against the Sikhs. But they too are awe-stricken. Let us see what the will of God is. Some people of this organisation have created a commotion in Lahore (zone) too. They have killed several of them and it is said that they have put siege to Saharanpur too…To sum up, the power of this cult is increasing day by day. Nawab Asif-ud-Daula has sent letters to Mohammed Amin Khan and Khan Durran Great Sikh General: Banda Singh Bahadur 28
Bahadur to immediately march against the Sikhs. They have told him (Nawab) that if he marches (against the Sikhs), they too would join him….As the situation is not undergoing any change, Nawab has decided to send Abdullah Khan (Khwaja) to discuss it with Wazir Khan. He has also written letters to the army chiefs of the surrounding areas asking them to ‘deliberate among themselves to deal with this cult (Sikhs)‘. The emperor too has told the army chiefs of the surrounding areas (to take action against the Sikhs). (The emperor) has also ordered to grant twenty-five thousand aalat-i-nukra (silver coins) to Abdullah Khan and (has commanded) to grant fifty thousand rupees to Abdullah Khan (for his expedition against the Sikhs). Khan Sahib himself is passing through bad days but he has accepted the order (of the emperor) under compulsion”.71 (The non-Italic text is mine- Author).
On the 20th of May, 1710, when Bahadur Shah’s caravan stopped near Bahasu, he got the news of occupation of Sarhind by the Sikhs.72 The emperor was told that the Sikhs had killed Wazir Khan, the Governor of Sarhind, and his son or son-in-law also has either been killed or arrested. The informer told the emperor that this news still needed confirmation.
On the 24th of May 1710, Bahadur Shah reached Toda. Here, he got confirmation of the fall of Sarhind to the Sikhs as well as the killing of Wazir Khan; Bahadur Shah immediately sent a letter to the officials at Shahjahanabad (Delhi) asking them to send eight lakh rupees to Khan Jahan, the Governor of Allahabad and Ubaid Khan (for campaign against the Sikhs). He also sent Afzal Khan to Shahjahanabad to convey the orders of the emperor to Khan Bahadur, Shamsher Khan, Chet Sinh Kumaon, Anup Sinh and Issa Khan to lead forces against the Guru (Banda Singh).73
Now, Bahadur Shah realized that he could not fight on two fronts: the Rajputs and the Sikhs. So, he decided to make a deal with the Rajput rulers (as earlier said). He sent letters of ‘forgiveness’ to the three Rajput chiefs (Amber/Jaipur, Ajmer, and Jodhpur) and also granted them new rights and grants. He also sent them messages to join him in his crusade against the Sikhs. Besides, the emperor announced that he himself would march to the Punjab to lead the expedition against the Sikhs.
On the 27th of May 1710, Shafshikan Khan sent a request to Bahadur Shah saying: “If Yours Majesty grants me the Governorship of Sarhind, I shall crush that Guru who has created turbulence.” Bakhshi-ul-Mulk Zulfikar Khan conveyed his request to the emperor but the latter did not accept his request.74
On the 28th of May, Bahadur Shah was told that the Guru (Banda Singh) had sent letters to the Rajput rulers Ajit Sinh (of Jodhpur) and Jai Sinh Swai (Amber/Jaipur) and they had sent their replies (to Banda Singh). Bahadur Shah also got the news that both of the Rajas have left Sambhar for Manoharpur.75 On June 5, at the request of Munaim Khan Khan Khana, the emperor sent Mahabat Khan (son of Munaim Khan) to approach these Rajput rulers and assure them of his (emperor’s) hand of friendship and bring them to his court.76
On June 10th, Bahadur Shah got the message that Mahabat Khan had succeeded in his mission and the Rajput rulers were on their way to see the emperor. A terrified Bahadur Shah asked his minister to march towards their route of journey, grant them warm welcome and escort them honourably to his presence. The same day Bahadur Shah despatched orders to the Lahore officials asking them to grant three thousand rupees to Mohammed Taqi, the nephew of Wazir Khan, as travel expenses and ask him to present himself before him (emperor). Bahadur Shah also got the news that the officials of the estate of Bakhshi Shah Niwaz were so scared of the Sikhs that they have fled from their territory. There is great awe in the Thanesar zone too. Great Sikh General: Banda Singh Bahadur 29
Several affluent residents of Panipat (pargana Faizabad), along with their wealth and families, have also reached Shahjahanabad (Delhi).
On June 11th, Bahadur Shah began his march again. He had not gone far when Mahabat Khan met him on his way. The two Rajput rulers too were also with him. Ajit Sinh and Jai Sinh Swai each presented 200 golden mohars and 2000 rupees to the emperor. Bahadur Shah, in return, presented them, some fine robes of honour, swords studded with gems, elephant, horses and other precious gifts. The emperor addressed them in a language of friendship and love. After the meeting, they sought farewell of the emperor and assured him of their help in all his crusades (especially against the Sikhs).
Hadi Kamvar Khan, who was accompanying the royal caravan, writes:77“I saw that the camel-riding Rajput soldiers were present in the whole area. Thousands of them were there, but the emperor was accompanied by just four sons and a few courtiers only.” It means that the Rajput rulers were fully ready to react to any untoward incident, and, had Bahadur Shah taken any wrong step, he too would have been eliminated.
Khafi Khan78 says: “When emperor reached Ajmer, he received more news of the turmoil created by the Sikhs. This made him nervous and sad. By this time some unmraa of Sarhind and the Pirzaadas of Sadhaura too had reached there. Having learnt about their plight, the emperor became very despondent. When they narrated the events, all the persons present were frightened.”
On June 22nd, the emperor got news that Banda Singh has stationed himself in Lohgarh fort. A week earlier he rode an elephant and left the fort for Gulabnagar (the name given by Banda Singh to Buria), a town about 12 km away. He was escorted by two and a half thousand horsemen and more than ten thousand infantry (soldiers on foot). At Buria, he came to know that the Sikh soldiers have returned to Saharanpur after their defeat at the hands of Jalal Khan. Here, he (Banda Singh) met Amar Singh, the new Sikh police chief. Banda Singh twice stroked his (Amar Singh’s) face with his spear and said: ‘Why did you flee from the battle against the Afghans?’ Amar Singh told him that the Hindu Chowdhry Lal Kanwar Gujjar had deceived them. At this Banda Singh said: “We have begun this crusade for righteousness. What to talk of Gujjars, all the Hindus shall approach us for job.” After this Banda Singh addressed Jan Mohammed, the Zamindar of Buria and said, “We have forgiven you for all your sins and have appointed you the chief of the pargana. Now, you should take Sardar Khan, the chief of Chandla with you and march to defeat Jalal Khan.” The emperor was also told that Qazi Shah Mohammed, the chief of Buria, has been arrested. His property has been confiscated and he has been interned in Lohgarh fort. In his place, now, Gurbakhsh Singh was the chief of army and administration at Buria and Kishor Singh is his deputy. Banda Singh has re-named Buria as Gulab Nagar and Saharanpur as Bhaagnagar. Such news made Bahadur Shah further despondent and melancholy.79
On July the 1st 1710, the caravan of the emperor reached Roop Nagar (about 45 km from Ajmer). Here, he received a letter from Muaraf Khan narrating that the Sikhs had captured Rampur, Nanauta, Jhunjhana, Bakaur, Barsadu, Sadhaura, Karana, Budhana, Kandhala and Buria etc, and, had established their own police posts in all these places. The Kanungo (land revenue officer) of Saharanpur and rebel Gujjars have also declared their loyalties for him. The emperor also got the news that Jalal Khan had defeated the Sikhs and had captured two of their cannons, five guns, several rifles, a thousand arrows, four tents and several other belongings including fourteen thousand rupees. This made him (emperor) a bit comfortable. He sent a robe of honour, a royal letter of appreciation and a horse for Jalal Khan. Just a minor victory made the emperor Great Sikh General: Banda Singh Bahadur 30
so much overjoyed that he decided to offer governorship of Sarhind and Saharanpur to Jalal Khan.80
On the 2nd of July, someone read out to Bahadur Shah, the declaration made by Banda Singh after the victory of Sarhind. It said: “Guru Nanak’s glory has been established in this and the other world. True Guru is the master of spiritual and mundane domains.” The emperor was also told that the Sikhs have coined strange terms for some words. They call a single Sikh as Fauj (army). They have also issued their own coin. They have started a new calendar too and write ‘year one’ on the letters being sent to the officials. They charge one third as revenue from the formers, giving two third to the land-tiller. They have captured a very large amount of wealth from the treasures of Wazir Khan, along with several elephants, horses and other goods. There is a great uncertainity in the mind of the common folk.81
A few days later, Bahadur Shah got information that Banda Singh himself has reached Saharanpur. Saadat Khan and other umraa are planning to give him a fight. Saadat Khan has seven thousand horsemen. Jalal Khan is sitting in his stronghold, the fort of Jalalabad. On the 7th of July, Bahadur Shah received reports that six to seven thousand soldiers of Saadat Khan gave a tough fight to the Sikhs. In this battle, the Sikhs were defeated and about eight hundred of them were killed. The news also mentioned that Banda Singh himself too had been among the killed. This news pleased the emperor but he wanted to confirm this. He asked Sayyad Wajih-ud-Din to get details. The latter rebutted the news of the death of Banda Singh and told that he had escaped unhurt. Jalal Khan had chased him but could not reach near him.
On July 8th, Bahadur Shah appointed Zain-ud-Din Ahmed Khan (then the chief of Sikanderabad and Merrut) as the Governor of Sarhind. His mansab was increased from 1400 horsemen to 2200 hundred horsemen. But Zain-ud-Din was scared of marching to Sarhind.82
On the 23rd of July Bahadur Shah reached Udaipur. Here he came to know that Banda Singh has sent Sikh army to occupy Panipat. He was told that some royal officials too had joined Banda Singh’s rank and file. The Sikhs had got complete control of Sarhind and Saharanpur. Even some Muslims have joined Sikh faith. Bakhshi Mohammed Nasir has joined Sikh faith and is, now, known as Nasir Singh. Banda Singh has appointed him as the treasury officer. In both these towns, not a single Afghan officer has survived. The emperor was told that Banda Singh has some supernatural power. When he reached river Yamuna to cross it, he said: “Give way to cross my army”, the river-water stopped moving (became still) and the Sikh army crossed it without any difficulty.83
On the 25th of July the emperor was told that Saharanpur and Nanauta were fully under the control of the Sikhs. The emperor received a request asking him to despatch army under the command of Firoz Khan Mewati to fight against the Sikhs. He (emperor) immediately asked Rustam Dil Khan to send Firoz Khan Mewati for the expedition. On July 28th, the emperor also allowed Sayyad Wajih-ud-Din, Usman Khan Kotwal and Sultan Kuli Khan (brother of Rustam Dil Khan) to join Firoz Khan Mewati. An amount of rupees fifty thousand was also granted to Firoz Khan Mewati.84
Bahadur Shah himself leads expedition against the Sikhs
When all these expeditions could not defeat the Sikhs, Bahadur Shah decided to lead the army himself. On the 4th of August 1710, he sent robes of honour, a decorated palanquin, a horse with golden saddle and an aigrette to Amar Sinh, the Rajput ruler of Udaipur, so that he could also be asked to accompany the emperor in latter’s expedition against the Sikhs. Great Sikh General: Banda Singh Bahadur 31
On the 14th of August, Bahadur Shah reached Madgaon. Here, he issued orders that none from the caravan of the emperor would go to Shahjahanabad (Delhi); nor anyone coming from the capital would be allowed to enter the caravan.85 The emperor himself too did not go to Shajahanabad and, instead, went straight towards Sonepat. Soon, the armies of Lucknow, Moradabad and Shahjahanabad, led by their chiefs, joined the rank and file of the emperor. Sayyad Abdullah of Bara Saadat, Muzaffarnagar (Faujdar of Allahabad), the Hindu rajas Chhatarsal and Udit Sinh Bundela, along with big army units, too joined the royal troops.86
On the 26th of August, the emperor sent orders to the Hindu ruler of Kumaon asking him to chase Banda Singh, and, after punishing him (Banda Singh), he (ruler of Kumaon) should present himself before the emperor. On the 28th of August, the emperor issued the same orders to Fateh Shah (the ruler of Garhwal) too, asking him to launch a campaign against the Nanak-panthis (Sikhs).87
During this period Firoz Khan Mewati and Sayyad Wajih-ud-Din had a dispute over the strategy against the Sikhs, Mewati not bothering, he (Sayyad) became angry and withdrew himself from the expedition. When Bahadur Shah came to know about this, he immediately ordered reduction in the mansab of Sayyad Wajih-ud-Din and also sent his gurj bardar (mace-bearers) to summon him to his court.
Banda Singh returns to the Punjab
Having established his supremacy in most of the trans-Yamuna area, Banda Singh began his journey towards the Punjab. He sent Binod Singh and Ram Singh, as advance party, to occupy Panipat and Travari. He (Banda Singh) handed over the Malwa area to Fateh Singh and Gurbakhsh Singh (Bhai Bhagtu family), Tilok Singh and Ram Singh (Phul family) and Param Singh and Dharam Singh (Bhai Rupa family); and, he himself retired to Lohgarh fort.
The scenario in the Punjab was very frightening for the Mughal and Afghan elite; five provinces of the Mughal Empire had been captured by the Sikhs; from Delhi to Lahore, it was all Sikh supremacy; the hills too had accepted the Sikhs’ suzerainty. Mohammed Hashim Khafi Khan (in Muntakhab-ul-Lubab) narrates the situation:
“Here, between a couple of encampments before the capital Shahjahanabad (Delhi) and there up to Lahore territory, all the towns and prominent cities had been plundered and crushed under the feet of the unholy Sikhs. The world (zone) had been destroyed by the onslaught of the Kafirs (Sikhs) and innumerable number of people (Muslims) had embraced ‘martyrdom’ (died). Most destroyed were the towns of Sadhura and Karnal as well as villages around them, where their army chiefs along with innumerable number of Muslim companions had drunk nectar of martyrdom (had died).” (The non-Italic text is mine- Author).
On the 28th of August 1710, in the court of Bahadur Shah, a news reader read out a letter, saying: “What to talk about the secret treasures of Sarhind, the bankers have reported that no money has come even from Doaba. It is only the Khalsa which collects the money and cart-loads of this money are being carried to Dabar (Lohgarh) which they have established as their capital. On one day, they took (wealth in) three hundred carts. Up to Lahore, there is none who can stop them”.88 (The non-Italic text is mine- Author).
On the 29th of August, Bahadur Shah issued a new order asking the Hindu officials to shave their beards before appearing in his court; those Hindu officials, who shaved their beards immediately, were presented with robes and pearls.89
By this time, Bahadur Shah was so scared of the Sikhs that he had only one business in his mind, and, all his actions were centred against Banda Singh. He would discuss the issue of Great Sikh General: Banda Singh Bahadur 32
the Sikhs’ several times a day with his courtiers and others. On the 29th of September, he called Mahabat Khan (son of Munaim Khan), presented him a robe of honour and asked him to lead an expedition against the Sikhs. The emperor asked him to station himself at Karnal from where Sarhind was not far away. He also asked Nusrat Khan, Ghulam Nabi Kuli Khan and Sayyad Hassain Ali Khan as well as the Raja Chhatarsal to join Mahabat Khan, which they gladly accepted.90
On the 2nd of October, Bahadur Shah received news that Firoz Khan Mewati had reached near Karnal on the 28th of September and he was expected to launch an attack on Sarhind very soon.91 On the 12th of October, the emperor got the news that Firoz Khan had set up his post at Taravari (about 6 km from Karnal) and the Sikh ‘swines (pigs)’ have fled away. On the 14th of October, Bahadur Shah got the news that a battle had been fought between Jalal Khan Ruhila and the Sikhs in which 300 royal soldiers and several Sikhs had been killed.92
Battle of Rahon
In September-October, 1710, the Sikhs had attacked Rahon and occupied it. After this the affluent Muslims of the town left their hmes, and, established themselves in a new town which came to be known as Naushehra (now Nawanshahr).
Since the fall of Sarhind to the Sikhs, the Mughal and the Pathan chieftains and the officials in the Punjab and the surrounding areas had been planning to expel the Sikhs from that town. One of such persons was Shamas Khan, the former chief of Sultanpur Lodhi. In September 1710, Shamas Khan declared a ‘holy war’ against the Sikhs and enrolled a large number of Muslims from Sultanpur and surrounding areas. Before attacking the Sikhs at Sarhind, he wanted to get Rahon freed from the Sikhs. He left Sultanpur for Rahon in the first week of October 1710. Khafi Khan mentions the figure of Shamas Khan’s forces as one hundred thousand. According to Khafi Khan there were 4-5 thousand horsemen and thirty thousand infantry and the rest were ordinary Muslims, most of whom were julaahas (weavers). Khafi Khan gives the figure of the Sikh army as seventy thousands. Both figures seem to be exaggerated.93
When Shamas Khan’s army reached Rahon, there were only a few hundred Sikhs in the fort; but they came out of the fort and fell upon Shamas Khan’s army. A pitched battle was fought outside the walls of the town. The Sikhs gave such a fierce fight that at one time it seemed that Shamas Khan would flee or at least give up fighting; but, in the meanwhile Shamas Khan’s uncle Bayzid Khan (Qutub-ud-Din Khaishgi), the Governor of Jammu, also reached there with a big force; and, almost at the same time, Umar Khan, the chief of Kasur, and his soldiers too arrived. This compelled the Sikhs to retreat and take refuge in the fort. Now, a mammoth army put siege to the fort from all the sides. The Sikhs, though very small in number, contined fighting for three days but when their ammunition as well as ration was exhausted, they decided to leave the fort; so, at midnight they made an attempt to flee; while doing so several Sikhs were killed and only a few managed to save their lives. This victory added to the pride of Shamas Khan and Bayzid Khan and they, now, decided to repeat this action at Sarhind too. They crossed rive Satluj at Machhiwara and spent a night there in the Pakki Saran.94
The news of Shamas Khan’s victory reached Bahadur Shah on the 15th of October, but, the report wrongly mentioned the venue of battle at Machhiwara and the figures of the Sikh casualties at two thousands.95 Great Sikh General: Banda Singh Bahadur 33
Battle of Travari
Although the occupation of Rahon was the first Mughal victory over the Sikhs, but, the first action by the army sent by Bahadur Shah himself, took place on 16-17 October 1710 at Amingarh (Khera Amin), about 24 km from Karnal. The Sikhs, under the command of Binod Singh, were not many in numbers, and, had a small quantity of ammunition, but, still, they gave a tough fight to the 60 thousand soldiers’ strong royal army. At first Mahabat Khan began retreating but then Firoz Khan Mewati came forward and inspired the soldiers, who made a massive attack on the Sikhs, putting them into defensive. Now, the Sikhs began fleeing, as a couple of thousand of Sikhs were no match to such a huge and fully armed royal army; hence it was an unequal battle. Even while fleeing, several Sikhs lost their lives; Firoz Khan Mewati severed the heads of the three hundred Sikhs killed in this battle and despatched them to Bahadur Shah to earn his favour.
After this victory, Firoz Khan Mewati attacked the Sikhs at Taravari and Thanesar on the 19th of October. The Sikhs had to abandon these two stations too. Shahbad was next to fall to the Mughal forces. From all these four places the Sikhs fled to Sadhaura and then moved to Lohgarh. When the emperor got this news on 20th October, he bestowed precious gifts on Firoz Khan Mewati. It included one hundred thousand rupees and the Governorship of Sarhind (Zain-ud-Din Ahmad Khan was removed from governorship).96
The Sikhs loose Sarhind too
On the other hand, though Shamas Khan and Bayizid Khan captured Rahon, they did not stop there and marched towards Sarhind; they were in high spirits. On the 2nd of October they reached Sarhind; at that time Baj Singh, the Sikh Governor of Sarhind was not present in the town, and, not many Sikhs were present inside the fort; it seems that they had no information of the advancing Mughal army.
In spite of this scenario, the Sikhs, under the command of Sukha Singh and Sham Singh, fought bravely. The first major battle was fought in the garden of Yakub Khan; hundreds of Sikhs were killed in this battle.97
When it was sunset, the fighting stopped and the Sikhs retired to the fort; now, the invading army put siege to the fort. The siege continued for several days. Finally, on the night of the 14th of October, the remaining Sikhs left the fort and fled towards Kharar.
The Sikhs fleeing from Sarhind were chased by Mohammed Amin Khan’s soldiers; however, they (Sikhs) succeeded in occupying the fort of Burail (now a part of Chandigarh). Here, another fierce battle was fought in which about a thousand royal soldiers were killed. Though the Sikhs had caused heavy losses to the royal forces, but they decided not to stay at Burail, so they marched towards Lohgarh.
When Shamas Khan entered the fort of Sarhind after occupying it, he was shocked to find that there was neither any wealth nor any weapon in the fort; he got just one emblem, one flag and two spears. He, in order to please the emperor, sent four cartloads of the heads of the Sikhs killed at Sarhind. When the emperor got the news and report of the arrival of the heads of the Sikhs, he sent a robe of honour to Shamas Khan. Shamas Khan’s victory at Sarhind annoyed Mohammed Amin Khan who wanted to get the credit and honour of defeating the Sikhs at Sarhind. He began hating Shamas Khan and became his enemy forever. Great Sikh General: Banda Singh Bahadur 34
Emperor Reaches Near First Fortress of Lohgarh (Ugala, tehsil Barara)
Passing through Karnal (20th Ramzan, 11th November 1710), Alamgirpur (2nd Ramzan, 13th November 1710), Thanesar (28 Ramzan 19 November) and Shahabad the Emperor encamped at villages Okala (now Ugala, Tehsil Barara) on 27 November 1710.98 The Mughals forces took a month time to capture these forts and clearing the route for the Mughal Emperor to reach near Sadhaura. The reason that why the Mughals Emperor did not adopted the short route is very clear that this route was on the bank of river Yamuna, covered with dense forest near the route. Moreover Sikh have captured all the Parganas in the route, therefore coming by this route could have endangered their lives. On the other hand the route adopted by the Mughal Emperor was on the bank of dry rivulet Markanda having plain area, so the advance forces sent by the Mughals preferred longer route via Shahabad ensuring proper security to the Mughals Emperor. Bahadur Shah never reached Sadhaura and made this camping ground a few miles from Sadhaura and when Vanjara Sikhs and Sikhligarh army attacked the camp of Bahadur Shah, the Emperors and his accompanied nobles immediately shifted their camp back to Shahbad 12 kos (about 48 km) From the Sarai of Shahabad, the Emperor Bahadur Shah monitored the battle of Lohgarh. Banda Singh Bahadur assaulted the Mughals over a very wide area, extending from Jalandhar Doab in Punjab to Bareilly in Subha Delhi explain battle rightly.99 The Sikhs have established them in fortress spread in present district of Karnal, Kurukshetra, Yamuana Nagar, Ambala and Pinjaur.
First Battle of Lohgarh 1710 to 1712
Misreported in history, during their regime of 246 years, the battle of Lohgarh is one of the largest and longest expeditions undertaken by the Mughals against any opponent (and after the battles of Lohgarh, the Mughal Empire began declining).
Emperor Bahadur Shah reached Lohgarh with four princes (Prince Rafi-us-Shah, Prince Azimushan, Prince Jahandar Shah and Prince Khuzishta), more than fifty high-rank mansabdars (haning mansabs of 1000 or above) and more than one hundred low-rank nobility and a mammoth army of hundreds of thousands of soldiers. Besides this, the army of allied Hindu Rajas like Chhatrsal Bundela and Churimani Jat (and later Raja Jai Sinh Swai of Jaipur, Raja Ajit Sinh of Jodhpur, Raja Amar Sinh of Ajmer) were also invited by the Emperor to fight against Banda Singh Bahadur. The Mughal army used extremely heavy artillery to control the Sikhs. Elephants were widely used for lifting and pushing the artillery to Lohgarh. The Mughal cavalrymen mainly depended upon the short arms (kotah-yaraq) for close quarter combat at Lohgarh. They were classified into five categories: swords and shields, maces, battle-axes, spears and daggers. Weapons used for long range attacks were the bows and arrows (kaman and tir), the matchlock (bandooq/tufang) and the pistols. Rockets were also used by the artillerymen in the battle. Similarly, camel artillery men (zumbouruckchee), a piece of ordnance of small calibre, too were intensively used against Sikhs.
On 29 November 1710, the imperial troops, under the Prince Jahandar Shah, reached the foot of the hills and fort of Lohgarh was closely investigated by large Mughals troops.100 Prince Jahandar Shah got prepared the map of Lohgarh (also known as Dabar).101 It took a lot of time to prepare the map of Lohgarh and its 52 fortresses. In fact, the Mughals were unaware of this fort. Such a resistance and fortifications had never been faced by the imperial forces; hence the Mughals failed to prepare plan for capturing such a huge fortification which was spread in hundreds of miles; hence it demoralized of the Mughal generals and the Emperor. Great Sikh General: Banda Singh Bahadur 35
In the month of January 1711, the Emperor planned to siege the area between Markanda to Yamuna, and he divided his army into six groups; but, the Mughal army had no clue how to break the web of 52 bastions built on the way to Lohgarh. Experienced generals of the Mughal army failed to perform in these difficult conditions as the preparation and principles of war adopted by Sikh army were very complicated and invincible. No seizer plan could be prepared; in fact, the map prepared by the Prince was inaccurate, as it was only confined to the situation of the first hill of Lohgarh fort. The Sikhs had established chowkies/thanas (posts) and fortification right from river Beas to Bareilly; and, they operated all this in a co-ordinated manner by providing reinforcement to one and another. High contours of the Shivalik hills were chosen for the construction of ramparts and the hill chieftains of Nalagarh, Nahan, Garhwal, Jammu, Chamba and Nurpur etc.
The Mughal army remained stationed near Lohgarh while other contingents of the Sikhs continued to make parallel attacks on most of the parganas of the provinces of Lahore and Delhi. The Mughal army was only trying to capture Lohgarh, situated in present district of Yamuna Nagar, but the Sikhs had established bastions/fortresses everywhere in the present districts of Ambala and Panchkula (of these fortresses and bastions, the Mansoorpur & Bavana fortresses of the Sikhs still exist). The battle-field, which was on the south side of fort of Lohgarh, had undulated contours; and, the cover of dense forest over; and, on the passage leading to Lohgarh fort, 52 fortresses, had been built on which muskets and rahkalas had been installed. Due to this, even, the seizer of Sadhaura was not possible for Mughals; and what to talk about Lohgarh. The Mughals failed to execute their important strategy of seizer of Lohgarh. The strategy of checking supplies of the Sikhs could not be implemented in such a vast area. The Sikh army had regular supplies of the required goods; therefore the question of the Sikh army’s surrender before the Mughal army at Lohgarh never arose. There was ample amount of amenities and food grains stuffs in the Lohgarh fort and in the depots, which had been established long back in anticipation of big war. Moreover, there was continuous supply of required materials through the secret route to Lohgarh from the northern side of the fort. It can be safety presumed that during the construction of fort Lohgarh, the Sikh Gurus and Bhai Lakhi Rai Vanjara had kept in mind the seizer strategy of the Mughal warfare. Despite being large in number, the Mughal Army had no planning and strategy to attack the Sikh forces and their defences. In this dense forest area, it was very difficult to advance, and, moreover, the Sikhs were good guerrilla fighters and even nature gave advantage to the Sikh forces which rendered the world’s strongest force of that time helpless. The Mughal Emperor failed to understand the situation and gradually started losing his confidence.
The royal army, under the command of Firoz Khan Mewati and Rustam Dil Khan moved towards Sadhaura and surrounded the fort. On the 24th of November, a fierce battle was fought outside the fort between the Sikhs and the royal forces.
According to Kamvar Khan, who claimed having seen the battle with his own eyes: “This humble man was present in the army units of prince Rafiushan. I Saw with my own eyes: From among those wicked people, each one would jump in the field and fight with the royal forces; and after attempting show of great bravery, would become a good (would die) of the merciless sword of the holy warriors. At this time the royal army and the armies of the famous umraa attacked them from all sides and surpassed the acts (of bravery) of Rustam and Isfandyaar (the two warriors who fought so bravely that they are quoted as the greatest fighters in the history). Great Sikh General: Banda Singh Bahadur 36
About two and a half thousand persons of that unprincipled occult (Sikhs), along with their leaders became food of the swords of the brave men (Muslims). Among the victorious forces nephew of Firoz Shah Mewati was killed and his (Mewati’s) son was wounded”
At that time, the emperor had divided all his army into six divisions: Prince Rafiushan had the command of thirty-one thousand soldiers; he was assisted by Bakhshi-ul-Mulk Zulfiqar Khan. The other three princes had eleven thousand soldiers each; Khan Khana Munaim Khan too had eleven thousand soldiers; the sixth division, comprising of seven thousand soldiers, was under the command of Mahabat Khan (son of Khan Khanan).102 The forces of Hindu Rajas, under the command of Chhatarsal Bundela and Udit Sinh Bundela, too had joined the royal troops. So, it was an army of more than one hundred thousand strong which marched towards Lohgarh.103
Here he asked Rustam Dil Khan and Rafi-us-Shan to get information about the details of the fortification of Lohgarh. According to Muhammed Qasim Aurangabadi Banda Singh had about one and a half hundred thousand, and, almost same was the number of the soldiers of the Mughal army. Here, Bahadur Shah received information that a very large number of the soldiers of the Mughal army had been killed in the battles against the Sikhs. The emperor was also told that Banda Singh was a “very powerful magician, greater even than he who made a calf to talk; he could turn a bullet from its course and could work such spell that spears and swords had little effect upon his followers, ”This disheartened and frightened the emperor and he issued instructions that no Hindu should be allowed to enter the area around his camp. He was so scared of the Sikhs that he commanded that even Hindu generals, who were a part of his own army, who had always been loyal to him, should not be allowed to come near him. So much so that, now, he was afraid of his own loyal Mughal soldier. He decided to keep himself away from the battle zone and moved his camp near Qaimpur village, i.e. 12 kos (about 38 kilometres) away from Lohgarh. Hadi Kamvar Khan, who was accompanying the royal caravan, writes:104“I saw that the camel-riding Rajput soldiers were present in the whole area. Thousands of them were there, but the emperor was accompanied by just four sons and a few courtiers only.” It means that the Rajput rulers were fully ready to react to any untoward incident, and, had Bahadur Shah taken any wrong step, he too would have been eliminated. Certainly the Mughals were demoralized, because of heavy casualties inflicted from the hands of the Sikhs. Banda Singh Bahadur, accompanied by Sikh soldiers, was highly motivated to fight and resist the Mughals. Coming out of the 52 fortresses with great, enthusiastic and inclination, they raised the cry of “ Fateh Darshan” and “ Sachcha Padshah” and threw themselves upon the fire of artillery of Mughals and frightened them. They launched rank-shaking assaults of the imperial entrenchment, and every day many were killed. A large numbers of soldiers from both sides were killed daily.
An imperial officer, Mirza Rukn, came from the van and reported that fighting and killing of Mughals was going on at the passages leading to satellite fortress of Lohgarh. Rustam Dil Khan Bahadur on reaching a fortress called Sudhawala surrounded it, believing that Banda was inside that building. But the information was wrong as the Banda Singh Bahadur was sitting under that tent on that hillock and from there he was watching the actions of his devoted followers. No General of the Mughals could reach near Banda Singh, as he was so swift and moved from one satellite fortress to another like a light. He was himself monitoring some weak defenses of the Sikhs and accordingly providing them the reinforcement.
The Mughal mansabdars, along with their army tried to move forward between the web of 52 fortress of the Lohgarh, that had been established by the Sikhs on the passages leading to Khalsa Rajdhani. The Sikhs launched attacks from each fortress and a fierce battle with cannon and musket took place at regular interval of time, The Sikh soldiers were not bothered by the mighty Great Sikh General: Banda Singh Bahadur 37
enemy; with their chivalrous spirit they brought down large Mughal army under the range of their attack. The Sikhs had great advantages of being at higher contours; and they used arrows and musket fire against the Mughals from high ramparts. From the flashing of swords and spears, many of the Mughals died from sword thrusts of the Sikh soldiers. Khan-i-Khanan tried to advance near the fortress, but did not dare much to achieve the objective. The imperial soldiers were somehow trying to fight against Sikhs, but Mughal Generals were cowards and were trying to save their lives. Much endeavour and effort was put in from both sides in which the ‘trade of giving and taking life’ came briskly. By that time, the Imperial forces, crossing over the plain ground, reached to a distance of a quarter KOs from the wall of the advance fortress of Lohgarh. Cannon balls, regularly fired from the top of the bastions, were falling on the imperial army and it killed a large number of Mughal soldiers. Amini’l Umara Bahadur Nusrat Jang never went close to Lohgarh and kept on sending the message to the Emperor from his tent. The Emperor was stationed at Ugala village near Shahbad and was daily monitoring the warfare from quite a far and safe place. This process continued for month and daily hundred of Mughals soldier were being killed at the hand of the Sikhs. There was not even a minor achievement on the side of the Mughal army.
Irvine writes, “The Mughal and Pathan soldiers were very much scared due to the rumours about Banda Singh. They had heard that Banda Singh had magical power with which he could make the spears and swords of the enemy ineffective. They had learnt that Banda Singh had given a ‘blessing’ to the Sikhs that if anyone of them died in the battle, he would be reborn and would get a higher office in life. Due to such rumours the emperor and the senior generals of the Mughal army had become perplexed and disheartened.”
After such a long expedition against the Sikhs at Lohgarh, the emperor Bahadur Shah realized that capturing of the invincible fort of Lohgarh was impossible and the only possibility of capturing the fort was to capture the leader of Sikhs Baba Banda Singh Bahadur. After this, the emperor spent most of his energy, resources and power only to capture Baba Banda Singh Bahadur. According to the Mughal chronicles, in May-June 1711, the Mughal army engaged the Sikhs in pitch battles for a couple of times, but, in spite of inflicting heavy casualties on the Sikhs, it failed to apprehend the Sikh leader (Banda Singh). There was a big difference between two leaders, i.e. Baba Banda Singh Bahadur and Emperor Bahadur Shah; the Sikh leader was himself participating in the battles and keeping the morale of the Sikhs soldiers high, but the emperor had been watching the battle from a distance of more than 35 kilometers. Moreover Banda Singh’s knowledge of warfare and strategy building was unmatched. The Sikh General (Banda) was in the late thirties and Emperor was 65 years old. After some time Banda Singh realized that the Emperor is a coward and does not want himself to lead the expedition from the front and remained stationed at a safe point near Shahbad. A very large number of soldiers remained with the emperor Bahadur Shah, to protect him. The emperor encamped at Ugala village of Shahbad Pargana. After seeing the high causalities of Mughal army the Bahadur Shah got frightened and he ordered that no Hindu, including those Hindu Rajas who were fighting alongside him, was allowed to enter the imperial tent. The level of insecurity increased to the highest level and Emperor stopped trusting his loyal soldiers.
The supplies of the Mughal army started getting affected, during this long war, as the imperials had deployed large army troops for submerging the Sikhs. They needed a lot of food grains, medical facilities, arms/ammunition and horses to deal with Sikh army. The supplier/traders of the Mughals army were mainly the Vanjaras, and the Vanjaras were helping the opponents of the Mughals army i.e. Sikh army. They didn’t only supply food grains and other Great Sikh General: Banda Singh Bahadur 38
essential goods, but also supplied arms and ammunitions, or whatsoever was the requirement of the Sikh army.
In the guerrilla warfare, Sikh army was very expert. They were always first to attack the enemy. Their attack was sudden and speedy. They attacked like a leopard and ran too, like a leopard. They never passed through the straight ways. They moved on the arduous wild routes by concealing themselves like leopards. When the enemy came under their blow they pounced upon them. The author of Asrar-I-Samadi, a contemporary writer, describes the movements of Banda Singh Bahadur and his Khalsa colleagues like that of lions and leopards. According to him, “Lion-like they sprang upon the backs of the elephants, and flung on the ground those who were seated in the hawdas. Like leopards they would reach such places, where even the fastest horses would be reluctant to proceed.” The Mughal army made attacks in the day light and the Sikh forces defended the attack. The attack of the Mughal forces was of poor quality, since the natural terrain advantage was on the side of Sikhs. The Sikhs were fully trained to fight in dense jungle and on undulated land. And on the other hand Mughals were new to the conditions and therefore, suffered heavy casualties. The Sikh soldiers were expert in guerrilla fighting and used to attack the Mughal army in the dark, due to which there were heavy losses on the side of the imperial troops. The Sikhs never allowed the enemy to settle down and secure their position even in the nights. At the hillocks, light towers were established at various points. On these light towers a pool was established in which cotton seeds can be filled and these emit light gradually resulting in sufficient light to guide the Sikh soldiers, who were making guerrilla attacks on the Mughals camps. After plundering the Mughals camps in the night, these light towers guided the Sikhs Soldiers to retreat back to their respective defense post. According to Muhammed Qasim Aurangabadi, “Khan Khanan and the Mughal prince were of the opinion that the occupation of the fort will not be possible in less than one year.105
Supplies to Sikh Army
Guru Har Rai Sahib, (1645-58 for 13 years), during his stay at Thapal, in Lohgarh zone, had constructed proper ration stores and stores for other goods required for the war. His imagination to originate plans, practical sense and energy to carry them through was remarkable. He was observant, untiring shrewd, kindly, a watchman, generous and conservative, while constructing of Lohgarh fort. Guru Har Rai Sahib, had a real knowledge of humanity, the raw materials required for the construction of Lohgarh and most vital of all, he built fighting spirit among the Sikhs, the will to win. More than the physical and moral make up, he nurtured the mental qualities among the Sikhs i.e. common sense, knowledge of what is and what is not possible. The real sound knowledge of the mechanism of war, i.e. topography, movement and supplies was well known to Sikh army and this helped the Sikhs to face Mughals at Lohgarh.
The tanda (trade caravan) of Bhai Lakhi Rai Vanjara used to supply food grains and other trading materials as general carriers for the conflicting armies also. He enjoyed as a sought of immunity (comparable to the present red cross) during the wars as his tanda was never attacked or harmed by the conflicting armies: whether Mughals, Rajputs or Marathas. These armies used to purchase grains, tents, weapons, horses, goats, sheep etc and his tanda also acted as transporter for shifting of camps. His tanda had a strong contingent of forty to fifty thousand bullock carts and the dogs to safeguard them. His tanda encamped for safety every evening in a regular square by forming of the bags of the grains of which they construct a breastwork. Vanjaras remains in the center and the oxen were made to fast outside. But in the case of Lohgarh, the Vanjara not only supplied the materials and weapons to the Sikh army, but they also fought against Mughals in front to uproot oppressions of imperialist regime. Great Sikh General: Banda Singh Bahadur 39
The Vanjaras, the moving trader lead the Sikhs through the difficult routes in jungles. They were reported to have carried weapons along with the grains to the Sikh hide out in the hills. The Sikh army had no shortage of supplies of essential food grains and commodities because, having anticipated a prolonged war, they had accumulated everything long back at fort Lohgarh in a well planned manner; whereas, on the other hand, the supplies for Mughal army were badly affected as the Vanjaras, who use to supply the food grains and other items to them, withdrew their supplies and became Sikh warriors. The rise in the prices of the food grains had affected the Vanjaras and the people in the hills, therefore the Vanjaras were inclined towards Baba Banda Singh Bahadur.106 Diwan Bhikhari Das to Maharaja Jai Singh, informs about incessant rain, shortage of ration in the royal camp, large scale casualties of horses and beasts of burden; epidemic type situation on the battlefield107. These Vanjaras who were true to Sikhs and the Sikh movement in the Punjab, always tried to maintain the supply of provisions to the Sikhs even when they were besieged in a fort. The besieged threw of pieces of cloth from the top of the fort wall and the Vanjaras packed the grain, tied them up and then through the ropes the same were drawn up and taken inside the fort.108 We may also presume that the inflated rates of ijara leading to the exorbitant rise in the prices of food grains hit both the Vanjaras and the peoples in the hills.
There are very significant entries in the Akhbar-i-Darbar-i-Mualla regarding these facts. We have, in the fifth year (1710) of Bahadur Shah’s reign, a report presented to him by Jagjiwan Dass, reads: “Some people purchased horses and ammunition to be delivered to the Sikh rebels, and they carried the same through the Kohistan (hills). If somebody obstructed them, they pretended that they were taking the same for the Zamindars of that district. The Emperor ordered the investigation and the necessary action. 109
Water Management at Lohgarh and its Bastions
Water the most important requirement during warfare and only source of water were wells and the wells were situated inside the fortress of Sikhs, therefore Mughals soldiers had no access to water. The wells outside the fortress were made poisonous, so that the Mughal army has no access to the water. The residence of the village in the neighborhood of Sadhaura left the place after throwing poison into the wells Bahadur Shah ordered that no one should use the water.110 Since each bastion was working in coordination with other, therefore any shortage of supply in any of the fortress was immediately fulfilled for Sikhs. Dams were constructed at various points in hills and heavy precipitation in the area always kept these dams full with water. Well coordinated effort of Sikh army, shocked the Mughal generals.
Attack on the Lohgarh Fort (as reported by historians)
Most of the historians have written that the Mughal army puts siege to the Lohgarh fort on 30 November 1710 and captured it on 1st December 1710, the very next day, and, Banda Singh Bahadur escaped from the fort with a few of his companions through the hills of Nahan. Almost same or a like material is found in the works of almost all the historians. In fact, these historians have based their works on the writings of the Persian writers who had claimed that they had seen this battle with their own eyes; they (especially Khafi Khan and Kamvar Khan) claimed themselves to be eyewitnesses. Their narration of this battle as such:
On Wednesday, the 29th of November, 1710, the emperor reached village Kampo, on the bank of river Som, a few furlongs away from Lohgarh. Having observed the situation, he ordered Khan Khanan and Mahabat Khan to assess the state of the trenches (posts) of the Sikhs in the Great Sikh General: Banda Singh Bahadur 40
hills. The same order was given to prince Rafiushan too. After assessing the whole situation, on the 30th of November, the royal forces surrounded the Lohgarh fort in this manner:
(1). Rafiushan will take positions at about one km from the fort, and, he will be assisted by Zulfiqar Khan.
(2). Khan Khanan Munaim Khan and his two sons, Bakhshi Mahabat Khan and Khan Zaman, will move from the hip of the hills.
(3). Chhatarsal Bundela111 and Islam Khan Mir Aatish will be the advance party of Khan Khanan.
(4). Hamid-Ud-Din Khan, Azimushan Shah and their associates as well as the soldiers of Jahan Shah were to assist the three parties of the action.112
At the time of beseige, there were not many Sikhs in the Lohgarh fort; nor they had enough ammunition or food for survival. They had just three cannons and had also made one improvised cannon of an imli (tamarind) tree. They did not have even enough gun powder for these cannons.
Kamvar has presented an eye-witness account of this battle: “When the sun has just arisen, Khan Khanan, with a force of five thousand companions, attacked the Sikh positions at the top of the hill. A fierce battle of guns and arrows was fought on both the sides. Khan Khanan reached near the trench of the fort. Both sides fought a full-fledged battle. Trade of life-taking was at its full extreme.”113
Irvine writes, “The Mughal and Pathan soldiers were very much scared due to the rumours about Banda Singh. They had heard that Banda Singh had magical power with which he could make the spears and swords of the enemy ineffective. They had learnt that Banda Singh had given a ‘blessing’ to the Sikhs that if anyone of them died in the battle, he would be reborn and would get a higher office in life. Due to such rumours the emperor and the senior generals of the Mughal army had become perplexed and disheartened”.114
When Khan Khanan reached near the trench, there were small skirmishes. A couple of Sikhs would come out of the fort, fight against the royal soldiers and killed after a good deal of fighting; a large number of royal soldiers too were getting killed. 115
Finding Khan Khanan resolute, prince Rafi-ud-Shah and Rustam Dil Khan too made an assault on Lohgarh fort. They acted so with an intention of stopping Khan Khanan getting the credit/laurels of victory. The action of Khan Khanan, and others following him, was in violation of the orders of the emperor because he (emperor) had given instructions that the siege should be prolonged; and, when the ammunition and the ration of the Sikhs is exhausted, they will be captured. Now, when they had moved forward in violation of the orders of the emperor, they had only one option, i.e., either capture the fort or die; because a defeat would earn them the wrath of the emperor along with punishment for disobeying his orders.
On the other hand, the Sikhs were firing from cannons after long intervals. This made the royal generals realize that the Sikhs did not have much gun powder; by the evening the Sikhs’ cannons stopped firing; they came out of their trenches and attacked the royal forces with swords. Several Sikhs were killed in this fighting.
At that time Banda Singh was sitting in Sitargarh fort, on the top of another hill adjacent to Lohgarh hill. By this time, the royal forces had closely surrounded Lohgarh fort and could enter it any time. The Sikhs had realized that they had no option except to die fighting or make an attempt to escape. So, at night, they filled all the gunpowder in the improvised tamarind-stem cannon and fired it towards the royal army. It resulted in a great explosion, which shook the earth. This frightened the royal forces and they hid themselves in their trenches. The Sikhs Great Sikh General: Banda Singh Bahadur 41
availed of the opportunity and fled towards the Shivalik hills; Banda Singh too was a part of this group which escaped.
The next morning, Udit Sinh Bundela and Rustam Dil Khan made a major assault on the fort and entered it without any major fighting; there they found not more than thirty Sikhs including Gulab Singh Bakhshi who was wearing Banda Singh’s clothes. Khafi Khan, commenting on the escape of Banda Singh and the arrest of his look-like Gulab Singh, says: ‘the falcon had escaped and an owl had been captured.’116
But, according to the account of Muhammed Qasim Aurangabadi: the next day the big pearl of the crown of the empire (prince) Rafi-ush-Shan and Wazir-UL-Mumalik Khan Khanan (Munaim Khan) were given command to put siege to the fort. So, following the command, they organized the army and put siege to the fort. The cheat (Banda Singh) became busy in strengthening the towers, outer wall, mounds and gates of his fortress. The noble-born prince and Khan Khanan strengthened their trenches and became ready for battle. They began firing from cannons, guns and rockets. By God’s grace, one of the rockets fired by great honorable prince fell into the storage of explosives and that got fired. With this countless persons of that unlucky person reached the hell. Those trenches, which were made with timber, all of them were burnt. When the fire was extinguished, the honorable prince strengthened their foot on the foothills of the fort. But now no voice could be heard from the fort side. There were not more than one thousand young men in the fort. As the awe of battle affects both the sides, the brave soldiers (of the Mughals) did not move forward and waited for the command of the prince. Khan Khanan’s wise advice and the opinion of the prince was that the knot will not be untied (occupation of the fort will not be possible) in less than one year; i.e. this problem will not be solved in less than one year. Divine courage played its role and the long-term problem was solved in a moment. They thought where the necessity to make haste to be; the soldiers too were badly tired. So they decided to wait for some time. They thought if God willed, in the morning they would occupy the fort in no time. They thought that if they attacked that today, it was possible that he (Banda Singh) may escape through some other way and their efforts may go waste. They thought that the proper thing for the government would be to make arrangements to block the path of his escape. If that unfortunate schemer (Banda Singh) runs away from here, then he has two escape routes: one is through the territory of Burfi Raja (Nahan), and the other is towards the Afghan border of the Afghan (Jammu). We should write to them that they should not allow him to cross their borders and they should block their passage. When all the sides are strengthening them an attack should be made and not a single person should be left alive, so that after this no unfortunate person should be able to do such a silly act (of rebellion against the empire). Today, it is good advice that quite a good number of soldiers should be left on trenches and others should go to the capital (royal camp).
But, that fort could not be captured according to their (prince and Khan Khanan’s) thinking. When the life of that ill-minded infidel was still to be spared (by God) for some more days, how could this advice become true. The great honourable prince returned to the capital (royal camp). In spite of his age (wisdom) Khan Khanan too got deceived.
That clever person (Banda Singh) left about two hundred men in the fort and escaped through the territory of Barfi Raja (Nahan). Those unlucky persons whom he had left for the defense of the fort were caught in the net of misery. The next morning the prince gave command to attack. Fearless soldiers used the stairs and climbed the walls of the fort and entered the fort, but, as they had heard about the strong defense of the fort, they did not find that there. Those of his soldiers who, confronted with swords were murdered immediately. Those who ran away, they were killed Great Sikh General: Banda Singh Bahadur 42
by people by throwing rocks at them. Thus the fort came under the occupation of the glorious holy army. Everyone got a lot of commodities. For one week, the army men continued entering the hills in the form of groups and they killed whoever they came across. They would plunder and bring a lot of goods to their homes (tents). They brought velvet, silk, clothes and other goods, besides slaves and women folk. Only lazy, the drunkard, the weak and powerless person did not go into the hills, hence they could not have anything from the fort.117
Kamvar Khan, who claimed to have seen the battle with his own eyes: “This humble man was present in the army units of prince Rafi-ush-Shan. I saw with my own eyes: From among those wicked people, each one would jump in the field and fight with the royal forces; and after attempting a show of great bravery, would become a good (would die) of the merciless sword of the holy warriors. At this time the royal army and the armies of the famous umraa attacked them from all sides and surpassed the acts (of bravery) of Rustam and Isfandyaar.118 About two and a half thousand persons of that unprincipled cult (Sikhs), along with their leaders became the god of the swords of the brave men (Muslims). Among the victorious forces nephew of Firoz Shah Mewati was killed and his (Mewati’s) son was wounded…” 119 (The non-Italic text is mine- Author).
Khafi Khan says, “It is difficult to narrate this battle. Faqir-like dressing Sikhs have created awe in the royal army. So many people of the royal army were killed that it seemed that we shall all die. In this Sikh attack, Firoz Khan Mewati’s nephew and son were also killed.” 120
Lohgarh Fort falls (?) and Banda Singh escapes
On Wednesday, the 29th of November, 1710, the emperor reached village Ugla, a few Kos away from Lohgarh. Having observed the situation, he ordered Khan Khanan and Mahabat Khan to assess the state of the trenches (posts) of the Sikhs in the hills. The same order was given to prince Rafiushan too. After assessing the whole situation, on the 30th of November, the royal forces surrounded the Lohgarh fort in this manner:
( Rafiushan will take positions at about one km from the fort, and, he will be assisted by Zulfiqar Khan.
(2). Khan Khanan Munaim Khan and his two sons, Bakhshi Mahabat Khan and Khan Zaman, will move from the hip of the hills.
(3). Chhatarsal Bundela121 and Islam Khan Mir Aatish will be the advance party of Khan Khanan.
(4). Hamid-ud-Din Khan, Azimushan Shah and their associates as well as the soldiers of Jahan Shah were to assist the three parties of the action.122
At the time of beseige, there were not many Sikhs in the Lohgarh fort; nor had they enough ammunition or food for survival. They had just three cannons and had also made one improvised cannon of an imli (tamarind) tree. They did not have even enough gun powder for these cannons. But, the royal army did not know this.
Kamvar says: “When the sun has just arisen, Khan Khanan, with a force of five thousand companions, attacked the Sikh positions at the top of the hill. A fierce battle of guns and arrows was fought on both the sides. Khan Khanan reached near the trench of the fort. Both sides fought a full-fledged battle. Trade of life-taking was at its full extreme.”123
Irvine writes, “The Mughal and Pathan soldiers were very much scared due to the rumours about Banda Singh. They had heard that Banda Singh had magical power with which he could make the spears and swords of the enemy ineffective. They had learnt that Banda Singh had given a ‘blessing’ to the Sikhs that if anyone of them died in the battle he would be reborn Great Sikh General: Banda Singh Bahadur 43
and would get a higher office in life. Due to such rumours the emperor and the senior generals of the Mughal army had become perplexed and disheartened”.124
When Khan Khanan reached near the trench, there were small skirmishes. A couple of Sikhs would come out of the fort, fight against the royal soldiers and get killed after a good deal of fighting; a large number of royal soldiers too were getting killed. 125
Finding Khan Khanan resolute, prince Rafi-ud-Shah and Rustam Dil Khan too made an assault at Lohgarh fort. They acted so with an intention of stopping Khan Khanan getting the credit/laurels of victory. The action of Khan Khanan, and others following him, was in violation of the orders of the emperor because he (emperor) had given instructions that the siege should be prolonged; and, when the ammunition and the ration of the Sikhs is exhausted, they will be captured. Now, when they had moved forward in violation of the orders of the emperor, they had only one option, i.e., either capture the fort or die; because a defeat would earn them the wrath of the emperor along with punishment for disobeying his orders.
On the other hand, the Sikhs were firing from cannons after long intervals. This made the royal generals realise that the Sikhs did not have much gun powder; by the evening the Sikhs’ cannons stopped firing; they came out of their trenches and attacked the royal forces with swords. Several Sikhs were killed in this fighting.
At that time Banda Singh was sitting in Sitargarh fort, on the top of another hill adjacent to Lohgarh hill. By this time, the royal forces had closely surrounded Lohgarh fort and could enter it any time. The Sikhs had realised that they had no option except to die fighting or make an attempt to escape. So, at night, they filled all the gun powder in the improvised tamarind-stem cannon and fired it towards the royal army. It resulted into a great explosion which shook the earth. This frightened the royal forces and they hid themselves in their trenches. The Sikhs availed of the opportunity and fled towards the Shivalik hills; Banda Singh too was a part of this group which escaped.
The next morning, Udit Sinh Bundela and Rustam Dil Khan made a major assault on the fort and entered it without any major fighting; there they found not more than thirty Sikhs including Gulab Singh Bakhshi who was wearing Banda Singh’s clothes. Khafi Khan, commenting on the escape of Banda Singh and arrest of his look-like Gulab Singh, says: ‘the falcon had escaped and an owl had been captured.’126
When Bahadur Shah came to know that Banda Singh had escaped, he became very much angry and said: ‘How could a jackal escape from the siege of so many dogs? The emperor was especially angry at Khan Khanan who had disobeyed the emperor and attacked the fort of his own.”127
But, Muhammed Qasim Aurangabadi gives another account. He says that after ‘capturing’ the Lohgarh fort, the elder prince and Khan Khanan sent a messenger to deliver a letter to the emperor about their victory; reading this the emperor was elated and he made sajda (prostration to God in the direction of the Kaaba at Mecca) to thank God for that victory. But learning about escape of Banda Singh, he began guessing as to from which side he had escaped. In the meanwhile the prince and Khan Khanan reached there and they narrated that Banda Singh had escaped through the territory of the Nahan ruler. At this, the emperor ordered summoning of the ruler of Nahan in his court. Accordig to Muhammed Qasim Aurangabadi, the emperor did not become angry with Munaim Khan (Khan Khanan).128 It is possible that Muhammed Qasim Aurangabadi had soft corner for Khan Khanan.
Earlier, when the news of the entry of the royal forces into the fort had reached the emperor, he had ordered beating of drums, and, all his soldiers were dancing. But, when he came to know about the escape of Banda Singh, he stopped all jubilations and became sorrowful. He Great Sikh General: Banda Singh Bahadur 44
was not happy even at the capturing of the fort or the killings of the Sikh soldiers whose number was about 1500.129
When the fort was occupied by the royal forces, a very large number of soldiers rushed towards it. Kamvar, who was present there, reports:
“We deliberated and entered the fort. We observed the looting by the soldiers. Scoundrel and high-handed Afghan and Baloch soldiers were scuffling with each other to snatch women and children as well as valuables from each other. During their scuffle a spark fell on gun powder lying there which resulted into the death of several persons; these included the son of Sucha Nand of Sarhind and several Muslim men and women who had been held captive by the Sikhs; their bodies were buried under the debris (caused by the fire and explosion).” (The non-Italic text is mine- Author).
Could Lohgarh Fort Have Been Capured ?
The capture of Lohgarh fort, as narrated above is based on the writings of the Mughals or the Akhbarat-I-Darbar-Mualla (letters of the Jaipur rulers’ agents in the Mughal court; and, this information were based on what they learnt from the Mughal court). It seems that all this was written or narrated to please the emperor or to boast of the might of the Mughal army or to prove that the Sikh army was weak and powerless.
We have seen that the Lohgarh fort is 40 to 50 kilometers in length and 10 to 15 kilometers in width. The periphery of this fort is 50 km which surrounded by 52 fortresses and dozens of hills. Could this fort be captured in just one or two days? This is impossible. In one day, even one fortress cannot be captured. There are dozens of hills, some of them very hazardous to enemy having towers, bastions, trenches and walls on each hill.
According to Muhammed Qasim Aurangabadi, “Khan Khanan and the Mughal prince were of the opinion that the occupation of the fort will not be possible in less than one year.130
False Propaganda About Occupation of Lohgarh Fort
To claim that the Mughals army attacked and captured the fort in just a few hours or a couple of days is just a joke. The truth is that the Mughals captured only one or two hills of the fort of Lohgarh. To please the emperor, they spread the news that they had captured the Lohgarh fort. Kamwar Khan, Khafi Khan and Muhammed Qasim Khan, who claimed to be eyewitnesses to the battle, had said all this to propagate that the soldiers of the Mughal army were ‘great fighters’, the Mughal generals were ‘great planners’ and the Sikhs were ‘no force against these mighty Mughals’. In fact, this fort was so vast (in length and width), and through so many hazardous hills, that it could not have been fully captured even in 6-7 years.
What to talk to capturing the Lohgarh fort, even the path between Sadhaura and Lohgarh could not have been covered by the Mughal army in this short time. There were 52 fortresses between Sadhaura and Lohgarh, and, these were very strong posts; there were soldiers and cannons and other ammunition in each bastion and trench; hence the Mughals were supposed to fight 52 battles before reaching just the foothills of Lohgarh fort. Great Sikh General: Banda Singh Bahadur 45
Why Did Banda Singh leave Lohgarh?
After months of struggle made by the Mughals, Baba Banda Singh Bahadur realized that Mughal forces are confused and now they are trying to achieve only one objective i.e capturing of Sikh leaders and the Mughals were no more interested in capturing Lohgarh. Moreover, like a game of chess, as a part of the strategy the players try to concentrate the power of the opponent at a particular point and once the power is concentrated at one point, the better player shifts the attack on the opponent’s king from the other side. The same thing happened at Lohgarh, when the Mughal forces got accumulated at Lohgarh under the banner of Emperor Bahadur Shah, and the forces failed to control and capture Lohgarh Fort, then Baba Banda Singh Bahadur very tactfully shifted the theatre of war from Lohgarh to Lahore. Understanding these situations, by this time the Mughal forces failed to even reach near the advance fortress Lohgarh, Baba Banda Singh Bahadur, along with his 20 Sikh generals and army of 40000 armed horsemen, planned to attack Lahore, report 22 March 1711.131
Scenario After the (so-called) ‘Capturing’ of the One or Two hills of Lohgarh
In this false “victory”, the royal army captured five elephants, three big cannons, seventeen small cannons, seven carriage vehicles (on which guns are carried), one tent and a few silver poles from Lohgarh; and, about eight lakh rupees and a few ashrafis were recovered from Kundan, the zamindar of Lohgarh.132 On the first of December all these things were brought to the Kampo village to be presented before the emperor.133
The emperor appreciated the role of Jamadat-ul-Mulk and Zulfiqar Khan Bakhshi-ul-Mulk in this battle; similarly, Zorawar Khan, Ranbaz Khan and Sher Khan were also presented robes of honour.
On Sunday, the 3rd of December 1710, the emperor held his court and gave awards to those who had played a special role in the battle against the Sikhs.134 These awards included: robe of honor and a turban to Jamadat-UL-Mulk and Bakhshi-Ul-Mumalak; special robe of honor to Mahabat Khan, Islam Khan Bahadur and Raja Udit Sinh; Raja Chhatarsal was presented an aigrette and an elephant was given to Churamani Jatt.135
On the 6th of December, the emperor issued an order strictly banning the Hindu officials of the Darbar from buying slaves or women or looting property of the rebels (this right was confined to the Muslims only); the emperor further ordered that if any Hindu was already holding any slave or a woman, he must release them. It is very interesting that those who played major role in the battle of Lohgarh included a very large number of Hindus, but the emperor was still inimical to the non-Muslims in spite of their contribution.
On the same day, the emperor was told that the soldiers had dug out five hundred thousand rupees and three thousand four hundred ashrafis from Lohgarh fort.136
Bahadur Shah Orders Massacre Of the Sikhs
On the 10th of December 1710137, Bahadur Shah issued a blanket order of the massacre of the Sikhs. In his order, issued to Mahabat Khan (Bakhshi-ul-Mumalik), he asked him to issue commands to the governors of Shahjahanabad and the other provinces that if they find any Nanak-prast (Sikh) anywhere, should kill him instantly. Later, on the 26th of March 1711, he issued orders that a Sikh should not be mentioned as Sikh but as ‘Sikh-Chor (thief)’.138
The Fate Of the Ruler Of Nahan Great Sikh General: Banda Singh Bahadur 46
On Sunday, the 3rd of December 1710, the emperor sent orders to Gian Chand (the ruler of Kumaon), Fateh Shah (the ruler of Garhwal) and Bhup Parkash (the ruler of Nahan) informing them about the escape of Banda Singh and commanding them to arrest and present him before the emperor Bahadur Shah. Bahadur Shah also dispatched Hamid Khan to chase Banda Singh; he also commanded him to arrest the ruler of Nahan in case Banda Singh is not captured by him (because Banda Singh had entered the territory of Nahan State).
When Hamid Khan reached Nahan, the ruler did not meet him as he knew about the wrath of the emperor. At this Hamid Khan assured them that Mahabat Khan has given word that nothing will happen to Bhup Parkash (the ruler of Nahan).
On the 12th of December 1710, Hamid Khan presented Bhup Parkash, the minor king of Nahan, before Bahadur Shah. He was accompanied by Khwaja Kutub-Ud-Din, Dianat Rao and Uma Pandit. Bhup Parkash presented one hundred one mohars and several birds of prey, including four falcons, five jurra, nine kitash and five hundred jadwar139 to the emperor. In return, the emperor presented him a robe, and ordered that he will remain in the custody of the royal court.140
The next day he was offered release in case he could get Banda Singh arrested.141 The emperor sent a message to his (minor ruler’s) mother asking her to exchange her son by presenting Banda Singh. At this Bhup Parkash’s mother arrested 35 Sikhs and dispatched them to the emperor. The emperor ordered the killing of these Sikhs but refused to release Bhup Parkash till Banda was arrested.
Khafi Khan reports that on the 13th of March 1711, the emperor puts Bhup Parkash and Gulab Singh Bakhshi (a companion of Banda Singh arrested from Lohgarh) in a big iron cage and dispatched them to Delhi. On the 20th Of March 1711 the emperor ordered that both of them should be interned in Qila Salimgarh (a fort on the backside of the Lal Qila, especially reserved for prominent prisoners) and a receipt (of the arrival of the prisoners) given by the in charge of the fort, be also presented before the emperor. (Later, the mother of the ruler of Nahan approached the Rajput rulers of Jaipur and Jodhpur and requested them to use their influence for the release of Bhup Parkash, but they told her that they could not do anything and he would be released only when Banda Singh gets arrested).
On 17 March 1711, the emperor sent command to Mahabat Khan to put Bhup Parkahs in that thorny cage which had been made for Banda Singh. Mahabat Khan submitted before the emperor that Bhup Parkash was innocent and Banda Singh had already sneaked out of the territory of Nahan. At this the emperor said ‘if you do not punish him, all the hill rulers will become Sikhs. You must punish him’. Mahabat Khan again pleaded that the nails inside are sharp and hard and Bhup Parkash will die as soon as he put into the cage. Even this could not change the callous mind of the emperor and he said ‘in case the Raja dies, he will surely go to hell’. After this Mahabat Khan did not plead any more, and, in compliance of the emperor’s command, he put Bhup Pakash into the cage, but before that he asked his servants to bend the nails, so that they may not inflict wounds to Bhup Parkash.142
Pancholi Jagjiwan Das gives a different story. According to him, when Bhup Parkash and his Diwan (minister) reached there (before the emperor), Khan Khanan asked them where is Banda Singh? At this the minister said Banda Singh had gone out of their State. Reacting to this Khan Khanan said that was telling lies and he insulted him. He Diwan was handcuffed, his feet were fettered and an iron belt was put around his neck and he was put into a cage. Raja Bhup Parkash too was unarmed and he was interned in a small tent; and, soldiers were posted to keep a watch on him. Pancholi Jagjiwan Das further says that Raja Chhatarsaal too had assured Raja Bhup Great Sikh General: Banda Singh Bahadur 47
Parkash that he will not be harmed. But, when Chhatarsaal saw that the emperor has impressed Bhup Parkash, he left the camp of the emperor and returned to his own country.143
According to Diwan Bhikhari Das when Raja Nahan reached there Khan Khanan asked him where is Banda Singh, the Raja said ‘I don’t know. My Diwan (minister) is a Sikh of the Guru, He might have knowledge of the Banda Singh’s whereabouts’. At this the minister was arrested and badly beaten. His survival was in danger. The next day, the emperor said, ‘You will find nothing by beating the minister; instead arrest Raja of Nahan and tell him that if he does not present Banda Singh, his State will be destroyed.’144
On 20 March, 1711, the emperor ordered that Raja Nahan should be put in the iron cage and taken to Delhi, where he should be interned in the Salimgarh145 fort.146 The emperor also commanded that after putting him in the Salimgarh fort, receipt ((of the arrival of the prisoners, signed by the fort in charge) should be handed over to him (the emperor).
On 22 January 1711, when the emperor was near Sadhaura, a messenger brought news that Raja Nahan’s mother has captured Banda Singh and she is on her way to present him to the emperor. She was about 12 kos (about 45 kilometers) from the royal camp. At this the emperor commanded that Mahabat Khan should go and bring them to his presence. The emperor sent a message to Mahbat Khan to put Banda Singh in the cage and his wive should be brought in a chariot. On 24 Janaury, the emperor ordered that Hindu style ornaments worth rupees one hundred thousand should be made for the mother of Raja Nahan (as an award for arresting Banda Singh).147 Though, later, the news of the arrest of Banda Singh proved to be false.
The Emperor Leads Campaign Against the Sikhs
On the 1st January 1711, Mohammed Amin Khan reached Sadhaura and told the emperor that he had brought four cartloads of the heads of the (slain) Sikhs. He also made a complaint against Shamas Khan of Sultanpur Lodhi (he was angry with Shamas Khan because the latter had earned the credit of occupying Sarhind).148
One day, Bahadur Shah came to know about the Banda Singh’s presence at Chamba, he decided to dispatch a unit of his army to confirm the news, and, attack Chamba if necessary; on the 9th of February 1711, Bahadur Shah presented a robe of honor to Hamid Khan and appointed him general of a five thousand strong army to chase Banda Singh. On 6th of March, Mahabat Khan (Bakhshi-Ul-Mulk) too was sent to chase the Sikh army; he was given command of fourteen thousand soldiers.149
Bahadur Shah had sent several thousand soldiers against the Sikhs but he, still, was not satisfied, hence, on March 14, he proclaimed that he will stay in Lahore, from where he himself would monitor the actions against the Sikhs. He sent messages to all the government, reporters and officials to daily report him about the movements of the Sikhs. Those who sent regular reports included: Oma Pandit, Askar Rao, Abdul Rehman, Abdul Rahim, Altaf Khan, Iradatmand Khan, Shankar Rao, Kesho Rao, Jagjiwan Das, Dianat Rao, Partit Rao and Bhagwati Das etc (all these names are found in entries of Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Mulla). All these were the official reporters who had, regularly, have been sending reports from Lahore, Sarhind, Gujrat, Delhi, Jammu, Ajmer and other places.150 The emperor used to give presents to those who would give him some valuable information or the news of the death or losses of the Sikhs. These reports helped the emperor to take action and/or make necessary changes in his strategy.
On 20 March 1711, the emperor presented robes of honor to Hindu feudal Churhamani Jatt and Kishan Sinh Naroka, and attached them to Mahabat Khan in an expedition against the Sikhs. On 22 March the emperor left Sadhaura for Lahore. On 24 March the emperor was told that Great Sikh General: Banda Singh Bahadur 48
Banda Singh has occupied territory between Guru-Da-Chakk (Amritsar) and Shahdara, the outskirts of Lahore (on the other side of river Ravi).151
On 18 April 1711, the emperor was told that the Sikhs have taken away the animals (buffaloes and cows) of the Muslims. Some of those present there opined that this action was done by the Vanjaras, who were the companions of Banda Singh. Some of them believed that it was done by the people of Nahan (Sirmaur) State.152
The Emperor Plans a Cantonment at Ropar
On 22 April 1711, when the emperor was near the Satluj river, he expressed his wish to celebrate the fifth anniversary of his crowning as emperor. He announced construction of a big platform for celebrations of the event at Ropar.
The emperor had issued this order, but, in his heart of hearts he was under constant fear of Banda Singh. Though, the Mughals had wrested control of Kunjpura, Thanesar, Shahbad, Sarhind and Sadhura etc. from the Sikhs, but the emperor was not at peace. The emperor had been given the impression that the Mughal army has occupied the Lohgarh fort (whereas they had occupied only the first hill and Sitarganh). The Sikhs were still present in the upper hills of Lohgarh as well as in the villages around Lohgarh and Sadhaura as well as in the forest. The emperor received reports that the Sikhs were openly moving in Sadhura, Lohgarh an even around Sarhind. Some Hindus were co-operating with them, but the Muslims were living under fear.
The emperor had been getting the reports that Banda Singh has subjugated the hill rulers. All this created awe in the heart of the emperor.
On 22 April 1711, the emperor held a meeting of the princes and the umraa (the Muslim aristocracy) accompanying him and told them that he has decided to establish a cantonment at Ropar. He asked them to build their mansions there. He gave a new name, Jahangirpur, to the city of Ropar. He told them that Lahore and Shahjahanpur (Delhi) are at an equal distance from Ropar. By establishing a cantonment here, the passage to the hills will be closed; then, neither hill rulers will be able to help Banda Singh nor Banda Singh would be able to escape into the hills.153
This clearly indicates that the emperor believed that Banda Singh was a great force and it was not easy to defeat him. He knew that Banda Singh’s exit from Lohgarh was a temporary action and as soon as he learn that the royal army has left Dabar area, he would come back. The state of the emperor Bahadur Shah was like that of Aurangzeb, when he had to shift his headquarters from Delhi and Agra to Aurangabad.
Rumour of Banda Singh’s Plan to Occupy Delhi
On 20 May 1711, Bhagwan Das, news reporter, sent a news to Bahadur Shah that Banda Singh had returned to Batala and was resting at Achal (now Achal Watala), about 6 km from Batala. Another informer reported that a Sikh named Ram Singh had arrived from the hills of Jammu, along with seven thousand soldiers, to join Banda Singh.
A news reporter informed Bahadur Shah that if any Hindu or even a Muslim approaches Banda Singh, he is admitted into the Sikh army. He (Banda Singh) has told them (the Sikh soldiers) that if the Mughal army marches towards them, they should fight; otherwise proceed towards Shahjahanabad (Delhi) via Lakkhi Jungle and Ajmer and then occupy the capital. This news frightened Bahadur Shah.
On the 25th of May, Bahadur Shah appointed Issa Khan as deputy Chief for Bist- Doab. On the 30th of May, Bahadur Shah was present at village Hoshiarpur (the headquarters of Great Sikh General: Banda Singh Bahadur 49
Hoshiar Khan). Here, Raja Jagat Sinh of Kumaon presented him the heads of 25 Sikhs slain by his army. The emperor gave him an award and asked him to throw these heads at the crossing.
Battle Between Sikhs and the Mughal Army Near Pasrur
In the last week of May 1711, the Sikh army was present in the hills near Pursarur (now Pasrur). On the 30th of May, Mohammed Amin Khan (Chain Bahadur) and Ghazi Khan (Rustam-i-Jang), who had been specially deputed by Bahadur Shah to annihilate the Sikh army, received information about the presence of the Sikhs near Pasrur.154 They immediately left for Pasrur and reached there in the evening of the 31st of May, covering 30 kos (about 100 km) in less than two days. The next day a fierce battle was fought between the Mughal army and the Sikhs. Isa Khan (son of Daulat Muin) too joined the Mughal side. His elephant was wounded in this battle. The battle continued for a few hours, but, the Sikhs, realizing that their (Sikhs’) number was too small against a huge Mughal army; they fled towards the hills in the territory of Raja Dhruv Dev of Jammu.
When Dhruv Dev came to know about the Sikhs’ entry into his territory, he sent all his army to attack the Sikhs; Azmatulla Khan, the chief of Rajauri, too dispatched all his army against the Sikhs. The Sikhs had no option but to proceed further towards high hills. Another group of the Sikhs had to fight battles at Kathua and Parol where they suffered heavy losses. In all these battles about 500 Sikhs lost their lives. A rumour reached the Mughal court that Banda Singh too had been killed in one of these battles. At this the Mughal officials began searching the dead bodies of the Sikhs but they could not find Banda’s body; soon, they realized that they had got wrong information.
The news of this battle reached Bahadur Shah on the 4th of June. He was so happy at the victory of the Mughal forces that he ordered granting of a robe of honour, along with a sword studded with diamonds and an emblem (with lions and fish signs on it) for Mohammed Amin Khan. He also awarded a robe of honour to Ghazi Khan along with a precious sword and an emblem (with horse and fish signs on it). He also sent both of them a message to see him (emperor) and receive the prizes. Bahadur Shah sent awards, including a sword, to Isa Khan too.155
On the 7th of June 1711, Bahadur Shah received report that Raja Dhruv Dev of Jammu and Sayyad Azmatulla Khan of Rajauri was chasing the Sikhs. Mohammed Amin Khan and Ghazi Khan too were with them. All these four armies had surrounded the Sikh soldiers from three sides. The emperor was given the hope that Banda Singh would be captured very soon. But, Bahadur Shah’s hopes and joy were shattered when he learnt that the Sikhs had once more escaped and moved towards Wazirabad. Here. Azhar Khan, the chief of Wazirabad attacked the Sikhs with all his forces and compelled the Sikhs to flee from that area too; when Bahadur Shah received the news of the action of Azhar Khan, he sent him a robe of honour.156
At that time Bahadur Shah was proceeding towards Lahore. On the 9th of June he was in the fort of Bajwara (at that time Hoshiarpur was a small village and Bajwara was a major town). He spent a couple of days at Bajwara and then again began his journey to Lahore. On the 13th 1711 of June, Bahadur Shah ordered enrollment of two thousand infantry at a salary of four rupees per month, and two thousand horsemen at a salary of twenty-five rupees per month, and, ordered that these four thousand soldiers will chase the Sikhs.
On the 16th of June 1711, Bahadur Shah received reports that the Sikhs were moving towards Sadhaura and their goal was to recapture Lohgarh fort. The Sikhs had taken the route via the hills, he had been told. Bahadur Shah sent an order to prince Jahandar Khan and Isa Khan Great Sikh General: Banda Singh Bahadur 50
(deputy army chief of Bist Doab Jalandhar) to march towards Sadhaura and crush the Sikhs. Both the groups of the royal soldiers reached Sadhaura but found no Sikh there. At that time, the Sikhs were still camping in the hills; Banda Singh too was with them. The Sikhs had in fact themselves spread the as Banda Singh wished to divide the strength of the Mughal army rumour.
When Bahadur Shah received the news of the failure of Sadhaura mission, he became desperate. He decided to stay in Lahore and personally monitor the anti-Sikh campaign. When the soldiers found that Bahadur Shah was scared of Banda Singh and the Sikh army, they too got disheartened. The rumours and whispers that ‘Banda Singh has come, Banda Singh is coming’ began lowering the morale of the Mughal soldiers. The situation was so frightening and scary that simply the mention of the name of Banda Singh would turn the faces of the Mughal officials pale.
On the 11th of July 1711, Bahadur Shah received a message from Ghazi Khan that Banda Singh was now in the reach of his grip, hence more forces may be despatched towards his camp so that he (Banda Singh) may be captured or killed. Ghazi Khan already had the command of two thousand soldiers, so Bahadur Shah did not answer his letter. When Bahadur Shah received Ghazi Khan’s message, Mohammed Amin Khan was sitting near him and he conveyed to the emperor that Ghazi Khan was only after getting more money, weapons and ammunition.157
Bahadur Shah continued his march towards Lahore. On the 19th of July 1711, he reached near Kahnuwan. Here, he decided to spend a few days for hunting in the nearby forest. His next stop was at Kalanaur.158 On the 30th of July, he was present in Kalanaur where he held his court and discussed the Sikh affairs with his generals and courtiers. The next day, he again began his journey towards Lahore.159
The Role of the Rajas of Jaipur and Jodhpur
In 1710, when Bahadur Shah had defeated his brother in the South, and, he was on his way back to Delhi, he was planning to punish the Rajput rulers of Udaipur, Jaipur and Jodhpur because they had not joined him in his battle against his brother. On his return journey, when he had just entered Rajputana, he received the news of victories of Banda Singh. On 28 May 1710, he was told that Banda Singh had written letters to Ajit Sinh (ruler of Jodhpur) and Jai Sinh Swai (ruler of Amber-Jaipur) and they had even sent their replies to him.160 This further frightened the Mughal emperor; hence instead of attacking them, he decided to befriend them again. He sent them several messages of friendship and asked them to visit his court. He requested them to help him in his fight against Banda Singh.
On the other hand, the Rajput rulers continued delaying tactics and avoided a visit to the emperor’s court. This continued for several months. Again, on 7 March 1711, the emperor sent a message to Jodhpur and Jaipur rulers to visit him, and he asked Mahabat Khan to give instructions to official of the court to make preparation for welcoming and honouring them.161 The emperor issued these orders in the presence of the agents of these rulers.
The rulers of Jodhpur and Jaipur had been avoiding a visit to the court of the emperor. In their heart of hearts they were scared of the anger of the emperor. They had feared that he might arrest them (as he had done with Bhup Parkash of Nahan). On 25 May 1711, both of them held a long meeting at Manoharpur162 and decided to visit the emperor.163
Banda Singh Bahadur had been trying to contact Amar Sinh (the ruler of Udaipur) also. On 13 June 1711, it was reported that Kharag Singh (an envy of Banda Singh) and his companions have Great Sikh General: Banda Singh Bahadur 51
been arrested, and, some documents regarding correspondence between Rajput Rajas and Banda Singh have been recovered from them. According to this report Banda Singh had been planning to go to Ajmer, via Lakhi Jungle, perhaps for a meeting with the rulers of Udaipur, Jodhpur and Jaipur.
Such information frightened the emperor still more. He again sent messages of friendship to Jaipur and Jodhpur Rajas. When the agent of the ruler of Jaipur (who was present in the emperor’s court) assured the emperor that the Rajas were on their way to Lahore, the emperor became happy; but, he told him to write to the Rajas not to come to Lahore but go to Sadhaura and chase Banda Singh Bahadur. The emperor said that if he (Jaipur Raja) succeeds in liquidating Banda Singh, this act would please the emperor and his (Raja’s) name will be remembered in history forever.164 On 19 August 1711, the emperor asked Mahabat Khan to write an order on his (emperor’s) behalf, to the Rajas of Jaipur and Jodhpur, asking them to go to Sadhaura immediately.
Bhandari Khivsi, the agents of the Raja of Jaipur told Mahabat Khan that the Rajas won’t go after Banda Singh unless the revenue rights of the Malwa and Gujrat are sanctioned to the Rajas. At this Mahabat Khan frankly said that unless both the Rajas do not go to Sadhaura to chase Banda Singh and prove their loyalty, the emperor cannot be impressed upon to fulfil the Rajas’ demand. He expressed his anger that the Rajas have been making excuses for the past eight months. Mahabat Khan told him that the emperor knows that the Rajas have reached near Karnal but they are not turning to the court. It means that are bluffing.165
In fact, the Rajas were playing a double role. Through their agents in the emperor’s court, they were assuring their loyalty to the emperor, but, at the same time they were in constant touch with Banda Singh and his envoys. There is a reference to one more letter written by Banda Singh to Raja Jai Sinh Swai on 11 September 1711. According to this letter Jai Singh, Bakhat Singh, Bhagwan Singh and Kuir Singh had written a letter (on behalf of Banda Singh) to Raja Jai Sinh Swai (of Jaipur) that we (Banda Singh’s army) are planning to have a battle with the Mughals at Kurukashetra, on the Dussehra day (20 October 1711), and they too should create problems for the Mughals. This letter asked Jaipur Raja to ‘get in touch with the rulers of Hindur, Jaswan, Kehlur and Jammu and prevail upon them, that was the right time to act upon the Kashatriya Dharama, and they should not extend any support to the Mughals.’166 An important part of this letter is that the Sikhs had written to Raja Jai Sinh that a ‘letter in response to his letter had already been dispatched’. It means that Jaipur Raja was having actively participated in contact with Banda Singh.
The truth is that the rulers of Jaipur and Jodhpur were neither interested in the Mughals, nor in Banda Singh, nor in their total freedom from the Mughals. They were interested in personal benefit of revenue only. They were interested in revenue rights of Malwa (Madhya Pradesh) and Gujrat.
On 16 September 1711, Bhandari Khivsi, envy of Raja Jai Sinh, met Azim-ush-Shan, the Mughal prince, and told him that the Rajas are willing to go to Sadhaura for action against Banda Singh, but they don’t have money to support such a big army which will participate in this expedition. If they get some more revenue, then they will gladly participate in the battle. Bhandari Khivsi assure the prince that the Rajas were fully loyal to the emperor. Bhandari also warned the Rajas that if someone makes a complaint to the emperor about their understanding with Banda Singh, then the emperor will become very angry with the Rajas.167
This shows that the rulers of Jaipur and Jodhpur had just petty interest; their wish was to get revenue rights of some states so that they have some more income. They had exchanged several Great Sikh General: Banda Singh Bahadur 52
messages with Banda Singh, and, the latter had tried to inspire them to achieve total freedom, but, the Rajas were not interested in freedom; they loved to remain slaves just for petty monetary gains. Had they joined Banda Singh, or had they launched their own action against the Mughals, the Mughal rule could have ended in near future at that time.
On 24 September 1711, prince Azim-ush-Shan sent nishan and siropao to Raja Jai Sinh, and in this message the prince had also written a letter to the Raja that on reaching Sadhaura he could immediately be allowed to proceed to Deccan168 (to exercise his authority for revenue rights).
Finally, the Rajas bowed their heads to the emperor’s order and reached Sadhaura on 7 October 1711. Mohammed Amin Khan too had left for Lohgarh on 5 October 1711. When Banda Singh came to know about the betrayal of Raja Jai Sinh and the arrival of such a mammoth army, he decided not to waste his power here and went to Kullu. Raja Jaipur and Mohammed Amin Khan, however, did not chase him.
On the other hand, the Rajas had proved their loyalty to the emperor, and, the latter too kept his word and granted revenue rights of Eastern India to Ajit Sinh of Jodhpur and of the Deccan to Jai Sinh of Jaipur.169
The Rajas kill the Sikh envoys
During this period, Raja Ajit Sinh (Jodhpur) and Raja Jai Sinh Swai (Jaipur-Amber), who were accompanying the emperor in his expedition against the Sikhs, were present in the Lahore zone. On 30 November 1711, some Sikh envoys delivered them a letter from Banda Singh, requesting them to join the Sikhs’ struggle against the Mughals to get their country freed from the Mughals. Instead of considering the Sikh request, these Hindu rulers asked their soldiers to kill the Sikh envoys, and, they immediately wrote a joint letter to Bahadur Shah, narrating these killings, and, also expressing their loyalty to the Mughal emperor.170
The Rajas Left Sadhaura
The Rajas of Jaipur and Jodhpur had reached Sadhaura on 7 September 1711. As Banda Singh had already left the zone, they had no assignment; but they remained there for another two months. After this, they decided to return to their States. They sent messages to the emperor and left Sadhura. On 7 December 1711, the emperor sent a message to the Rajas to stay there for some more time because Banda Singh might return to Lohgarh; at this the Rajas spent another week and then left Sadhaura.171
On 19 December 1711, Bhandari Khivsi, the envoy of the Rajas, was given an order for the Rajas asking them not to leave Sadhaura till Hoshdar Khan’s army reaches there and takes position, but the envoy told the emperor that the Rajas might already had left. On this, Mahabat Khan said that it was not good on the part of your masters to disobey the royal order. After this Mahabat Khan went to prince Azim-ush-Shan and told him that the Rajas have left Sadhaura. The prince remarked that if the Rajas have left without waiting for the second order, then it is really bad. To disobey the royal order is not in their interest. He told Mahabat Khan to write another order asking the Rajas to leave 1000 horsemen each of their deployment at Sadhaura; and, if they have already left, they should send 1000 soldiers each to Sadhaura.172
To sum up, we can say that the rajas of Jaipur and Jodhpur played a very clever role. They did succeed in obtaining benefit of revenue rights of Eastern India and Deccan, but, they did nothing against Banda Singh. They did go to Sadhura but as Banda Singh had already left the place; hence they did not fight against the Sikh army. Great Sikh General: Banda Singh Bahadur 53
Banda Singh’s Actions After Leaving Lohgarh
Banda Singh Subjugates Hill States
After leaving Lohgarh Banda Singh did not take rest. Having discussed the situation with the senior leaders, Banda Singh decided that for the time being they should not launch any action in the Punjab; so, they decided to move towards the hills. Their first action was an attack on Bilaspur, the capital of the Kehlur State. Ajmer Chand, the ruler of that State had attacked Guru Gobind Singh at Anandpur Sahib and Nirmohgarh several times between 1700 and 1705; he had also instigated and even paid to the Mughal army to attack the Guru. It was he who was responsible for Guru’s exit from Anandpur Sahib in December 1705. In fact, most of the calamity of the Sikhs was a result of Ajmer Chand’s actions. So, like Wazir Khan, he too deserved severe punishment.
Before attacking Bilaspur, Banda Singh sent a message to Ajmer Chand to accept subordination of the Sikhs; but Ajmer Chand was too haughty to bother about this; instead, he contacted the Governors of Kangra and Jammu. They sent some soldiers and ammunition to help him. Further, Ajmer Chand fortified his capital. When Banda Singh came to know about the Ajmer Chand’s preparations he (Banda Singh) decided to teach him a lesson. The Bilaspur city, then173, was surrounded by a lake on one side and high hills on the other sides; but, still, it was not stronger than Sadhaura, Sarhind, and Samana etc., which had fallen to the Sikhs; secondly, the Sikhs were not mercenaries; they had been fighting for the sake of their Guru and righteousness.
When the Sikh army reached near Bilaspur, the hill soldiers attacked them with guns and arrows from the tops of the hills, but, the Sikhs braved all this, and, gave a befitting reply. Soon, the Bilaspur soldiers realized that they were no match to the brave Sikhs, hence they decided to surrender. Thirteen hundred hill soldiers had died in this battle. Instead of cremating them, they were buried in a big ditch. Some Sikhs too lost their lives in this battle.
Some scholars question the decision of Banda Singh in accepting the apology of Ajmer Chand and forgiving him; they assert that the crimes and sins of Ajmer Chand were no less than that of Wazir Khan, and, he deserved death as the minimum punishment. Some others believe that though Ajmer Chand had attacked Anandpur to get the city vacated, he was not responsible for the killing of any member of Guru Family; whereas Wazir Khan had killed two younger sons and the mother of Guru Gobind Singh.
Robe of Honour For the Ruler of Mandi
After defeating Kehlur State, Banda Singh sent messages to the other hill States asking them to declare their loyalty for the Sikhs and send their tributes; all the hill rulers, one by one, surrendered. Raja Sidh Sen of Mandi was the first to surrender; in fact, this State had been a part of the Sikh world since the time of Guru Nanak. When Banda Singh visited Mandi he was given a royal welcome; in return, he presented a robe of honour to the ruler of Mandi and assured him complete assistance in the situation of a crisis in his state.
Similarly, the rulers of Haripur and Guler too immediately accept the subordination of Banda Singh. The Nahan ruler was already helping the Sikhs, and, it was due to his sympathy with the Sikhs that Bahadur Shah had arrested him. (Later, Nahan ruler had changed sides and became an associate of the Mughals).
‘Arrest’ of Banda Singh at Kullu Great Sikh General: Banda Singh Bahadur 54
Kullu was the next target of Banda Singh. According to a popular story, he was hoodwinked and arrested by Raja Maan Sinh of Kullu who put him into an iron cage with an intention of presenting him before Bahadur Shah. There are two popular narrations as to how did he achieve freedom. According to one view, when the ruler of Mandi came to know about Banda Singh’s arrest, he sent his army to attack Kullu; but before it could reach there, the Sikh army had got Banda Singh released already. And, according to another story, Banda Singh had magical power and he, along with his cage, flew from Kullu.174 There is no mention of any such arrest or any such event in the Persian sources or the Mughal records. It was such important news that it must have been celebrated by the Mughals (even if it was not a success). The records ‘Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Mualla‘ don’t refer it even slightly or indirectly).
Marriage of Banda Singh at Chamba
After vanquishing Kullu, Banda Singh compelled Jaswan Siba and Nurpur to pay him tribute. His next major action was an attack on Chamba. Raja Udey Sinh of Chamba did not oppose him and accepted him as his ‘master’. Udey Sinh was so impressed by the charismatic personality of Banda Singh that he requested him to marry his daughter. (When Banda Singh was arrested in December 1715 at Gurdas Nangal, this Rajput wife Sushil Kaur was with him. She had given birth to Ajay Singh, who was butchered before the eyes of Banda Singh on the 9th of June 1716, at Delhi).
Jammu and Jalandhar Chiefs Killed by the Sikhs
Banda Singh left Lohgarh on 1st December 1710. By March 1711, he had again re-organized the Sikh army; he spent some days at Riasi (Kashmir) and planned for further action. In the first week of March 1711, he reached near Raipur, a border town of Jammu province. The Sikh army rested on the hills between Raipur and Rasulpur. During those days, Shamas Khan, the former Faujdar of Sultanpur Lodhi too was on a visit to his uncle Bayzid Khan (Faujdar of Jammu). When they received the information that the Sikh army was moving into the territory of Jammu province, they decided to attack it. They were in high spirits and hoped to defeat the Sikhs because they were proud for having defeated the Sikhs at Rahon and Sarhind in 1710; and, with this in their mind they led their army and set out in search of the Sikhs. Soon they reached the place where the Sikhs were taking a rest and made a sudden attack. The Sikhs had not expected an attack and hence they were not prepared for this; so, they did not waste their power for a combat and fled the place. Soon, the Sikhs found a new shelter and a better strategic place. On the other hand, Shamas Khan and Bayzid Khan decided to chase the Sikhs in the hills because they were well familiar with that area. When they had gone deep into the hills, the Sikhs found that Shamas Khan and Bayzid Khan were not having much force with them; so, they made a sudden attack and put the chasers on defence. In this battle, Shamas Khan was killed and Bayzid Khan175 was badly wounded (he too died after three days). Their dead bodies were taken to Kasur for burial. In this battle too, the Sikhs captured a large number of weapons and horses. News of this incident reached the emperor on the 23rd of April 1711, when he was near Rupar.176
Bahadur Shah was so much serious about his campaign against the Sikhs that he began encouraging and alluring the generals, officials, chowdhrys (village aristocracy) and others to participate in war against the Sikhs. He began distributing awards, robes of honour, mansabs and jagirs to those who would make even minor contributing in war against the Sikhs. On the 20th of March, he granted robes of honour to the Hindu feudal Churamani Jatt and Kishan Sinh Naroka and asked them to join Mahabat Khan in hunting down the Sikhs. On the 2nd of April, he Great Sikh General: Banda Singh Bahadur 55
appointed Saif Khan as the chief of Sultanpur Lodhi and increased his mansab by six hundred horses. He gave the charge of Lakkhi Jungle area to Sultan Khan and also increased his mansab to fourteen hundred horsemen; he was also given a grant of rupees eight hundred thousand daams (i.e. two hundred thousand rupees) to fight against the Sikhs.177
On the 6th of April 1711, Bahadur Shah received intelligence that the Sikh army, led by Banda Singh, was moving towards Lahore; Bahadur Shah ordered Mahabat Khan to rush after the Sikhs. He (Mahabat Khan) led an army of fourteen thousand soldiers to chase the Sikhs. Almost at the same time, Bahadur Shah was informed that the number of the Sikh soldiers swelled to twenty-five thousands.
On the 7th of April 1711, when Bahadur Shah reached near Banur, he was told that ‘the Sikhs had taken shelter near Beas river, about 40-45 km from Lahore, and they have built a new fort too. The Sikhs have established their police posts in a belt of about 25 km long and 10 km wide area around river Beas and the landowners are fully co-operating with them.’ 178
On the 15th of April, Bahadur Shah was told that the Bilaspur ruler had become a friend of the Sikhs and he has assured the Sikhs that if the Mughal forces chased the Sikhs, he shall grant them safe heaven and would stop the Mughals from entering his territory.179
The Sikhs Occupy Batala and Kalanaur
In March 1711, after the killings of the army chiefs of Jammu and Sultanpur, the Sikhs marched towards Kalanaur and Batala. Batala was a major trade centre and Kalanaur too was a town of the rich and the affluent. When the elite Muslims heard about the Banda Singh’s march towards Batala, they took away their valuables and fled to Lahore along with their families.
During those days, two prominent Muslim personalities, Sayyad Mohammed Fazal Qadri and Sheikh Ahmed (also known as Sheikh-Ul-Hind), had their residence in Batala. Sayyad Mohammed Fazal Qadri, who had established a big Muslim religious institute in the town, was not in favour of fighting against the Sikh army because it would have harmed the activities of his institute; but, on the other hand Sheikh Ahmed wanted to give a fight to Banda Singh.
Banda Singh reached village Achal, about 6 km, from Batala, on one evening and rested there for a few hours. The next morning, before it was dawn, the Sikh soldiers reached Hathi gate, the main entrance of the city of Batala. Sheikh Ahmed, along with a big force of soldiers as well as some ordinary young Muslims, in the name of holy war, was already present outside the walls of the city. A fierce battle was fought between both armies, but within a couple of hours Sheikh Ahmed was killed and all his followers fled from the field. After this, the Sikhs broke open the gate of the city and entered it. The Sikh army plundered the treasury, the government offices, the houses of the government officials and other affluent pro-government men. The Sikh soldiers also plundered the house of the corrupt and unjust Qazi Abdul Haq and later burnt the whole street to ashes. Banda Singh established a Sikh post in the city and appointed new officials to the government positions.
After capturing Batala, the Sikh army marched to Kalanaur. When the Sikhs reached near the town, Kalanaur’s chief Sohrab Khan and Kanungo Santokh Rai realized that they would not be able to face them and fled from the town without fighting. Ankh Rai, the brother of Santokh Rai, fought for a short while and he too fled from the battlefield. After the occupation of the town by the Sikhs, most of the Muslim elite too fled to Lahore.
After capturing the town, Banda Singh appointed Sikhs as officials. He did not disturb any ordinary residence of the town and declared: ‘My war is against injustice and cruelty. No innocent or common person shall have any problem.’ This declaration gave a sigh of relief to the Great Sikh General: Banda Singh Bahadur 56
people and they began sympathizing and co-operating with the Sikhs. Banda Singh also offered the Muslims jobs in his army. He assured them that they will have full freedom to practice their religion (Namaz and Azaan) during their duties. Within a few days about five thousand Muslims joined the army of Banda Singh.
On the other hand, on the 25th of April 1711, Bahadur Shah appointed Ashraf Khan as army-chief of Hariana (now a part of district Hoshiarpur) and ordered him to chase Banda Singh. The same day, he also appointed Aatish Khan as the in charge of cannons, and, sent him to cis-Satluj area, on an expedition against the Sikhs.180
On the 28th of April 1711, Bahadur Shah reached Rupar and he stopped here for some time before crossing Satluj river. Here, he received a report about the condition of Kalanaur from Bhagwati Das news reporter. It said:
“On the 19th (of Islamic month, i.e. 26.4.1711), the Nanak-worshipper (Banda Singh) was encamping in Kalanaur town. He (Banda Singh) has given a word that he won’t create any problem for the Muslims. As a result, whosoever Muslim joins him, he fixes his daily wages and salary and also takes care of that person. He has given permission for Khutba (religious sermons) and Namaz (religious prayers). As a result five thousand Muslims have joined the army of that rebel (Banda Singh). Having got right to Azaan and Namaaz, Muslims are feeling comfortable in the army of these rebels.”181 [The non-Italic words are mine – Author].
Although the emperor was getting the news of the losses of the Sikhs but he was still very much scared. On the 13th of May 1711, he got information from Kesho Rao that the Sikhs had established permanent posts between the area of Raavi and Beas rivers, and they have killed a very large number of Pathan generals and feudal.
Bahadur Shah was very much distressed for the loss of his generals. In such a situation, he went on encouraging and rewarding army generals, feudals and all others who would render him any help against the Sikhs. During this month (May 1711) he presented robes of honour to Kirpal Dev of Jammu, Daya Dhamman of Nurpur, Udit Sinh Zamindar, Saadat Khan of Malerkotla, Zamindars of Talwara and 11 others; most of them were the Hindu rulers and feudals. Bahadur Shah sent robes for them through Sayyad Azmatullah Khan and also asked them to do more efforts for the arrest of Banda Singh.
On the 28th of April 1711, Bahadur Shah received reports that the Sikhs were present near Fatehbad (6 km from river Beas). On the other hand, having received information about the Sikhs, the chief of Fatehbad and Isa Khan (who was, later, appointed deputy chief) attacked them resulting in heavy losses on both sides.182
On the 5th of May 1711, Bahadur Shah applauded the services rendered by Mohammed Amin Khan and presented him a robe of honour. He was given command of nine thousand soldiers to chase the Sikhs.183 On the 9th of May, Bahadur Shah received reports that Banda Singh was on the eastern side of river Beas, but when he got the news of the advance of the royal army, he crossed even river Satluj and moved towards Lakkhi Jungle area.184
On the 14th of May 1711, Bahadur Shah dispatched Mughal Begh Khan, Durlab Khan, Abdul Samad Khan and Inayat Khan (all the four Zamindars of Talwan) on an expedition against the Sikhs. He also ordered Inam Wali Shah to join Mohammed Amin Khan’s crusade against the Sikhs.185 On the 15th of May 1711, Bahadur Shah sent Abdus Samad Khan (father of Zakaria Khan) too for chasing the Sikhs.186
On the 18th of May 1711, Bhagwan Das news-reporter sent news that Banda Singh was present in village Alaab, 7 kos (i.e. About 22 km) from Beas river. When the royal forces tried to Great Sikh General: Banda Singh Bahadur 57
construct an improvised bridge of boats, the Sikhs showered a volley of arrows on them, hence they could not succeed in crossing the river.
On the 19th of May 1711, Bahadur Shah issued orders to supply 10 guns, 300 arrows, 50 mounds (about 1800 kg) gun powder, seven rifles and two thousand soldiers to Mohammed Amin Khan. He (Bahadur Shah) also sent him an amount of one hundred thousand rupees too.187 Bahadur Shah also allowed Daulat Begh Khan, Saleh Khan and Fatehulla Khan, to join Mohammed Amin Khan. The same day Sarbrah Khan, Islam Khan Bahadur, Kulich Mohammed Khan, Ajnabi Khan Bahadur, Bakhshi-Ul-Mulk and Mirza Shah Niwaz Khan too were sent to chase the Sikhs.
Insanity & Death of Emperor Bahadur Shah
Bahadur Shah Decides to Stay in Lahore
Bahadur Shah reached Lahore in the evening of the 1st of August 1711. As he was accompanied by a very large force he decided to put up his camps in the territory of Alowal village, instead of the fort of Lahore. The eldest prince Azim-us-Shan put up his camps in village Awan. He created a defense of the carts of treasury and ammunition around his own tent. The second prince Muazz-ud-Din put up his camp near Parwezabad and prince Rafi-us-Shan near the Dharmu Bagh area. Mohammed Jahan Shah chose the plains of Shamir Khush. The eldest prince had 31 thousand soldiers and the rest three had 11 thousand soldiers each.188
By this time the Muslim residents of Lahore had been living under the fear of the Sikhs. Earlier, the Muslim priests had made an attempt to fight a holy war to quell the Sikh rebellion, but they were badly defeated. A very large number of their leaders lost their lives during their battle against the Sikhs. This created an atmosphere of awe and terror and an average Muslim dreaded even the simple mention of the possibility of a Sikh attack. But, now, as a huge royal army of about one hundred thousand soldiers, under the command of the emperor himself, had reached Lahore, these Muslim clergy heaved a sigh of relief. One day, Sayyad Inayatullah, Sayyad Ataullah, Mohammed Taqi etc., the leaders of the Muslim holy war, went to have an audience with the emperor and assured him of their complete help in his crusade against the Sikhs. Bahadur Shah had already got information about their woes; he consoled them and assured that he himself would be staying in Lahore and they should feel fully safe there. Having got assurance from the emperor, these Muslim clergy res-assumed their mission against the Sikhs and their sympathizers. Several Sikhs, even though they had nothing to do with the Sikh army, were killed by these clergy. Several Sikh sympathizers Hindus too were hacked to death.
In Lahore, Bahadur Shah regularly received the latest information about Banda Singh and the Sikh army. On the 6th of August 1711, he got information that Banda Singh had reached near the bank of the river Beas and was likely to cross to Majha zone. At that time Mohammed Amin Khan was present in Kalanaur. Bahadur Shah sent a message to Khan to cross the river and attack the Sikh column. On the 11th of August, Bahadur Shah was told that before Khan could reach near the Sikh positions, Banda Singh and his six thousand companions had already escaped to the hills. Great Sikh General: Banda Singh Bahadur 58
Now, Bahadur Shah began an action against the ordinary (non-soldier) Sikhs and their families and relatives too a very large number of Sikhs were arrested and killed; several Sikh houses were plundered. Those Muslims whose relatives had been killed during their ‘holy war’ against the Sikhs played crucial role in getting the Sikhs traced, arrested and killed. Similarly, several Muslims joined this crusade with an intension to get awards and/or appreciation of the rulers. In order to prove their loyalty to the Muslims, even the Hindus of Lahore and other areas got several Sikhs arrested.
Bahadur Shah had issued a general order for the massacre of the Sikhs. This situation was misused by some fanatic Muslims against the Hindus too; some of them took revenge from them for their personal grudge against them and got them arrested by branding them the supporters/ sympathizers of the Sikhs. Some Muslim clergy began creating trouble for the Hindus by opposing even their religious ceremonies and rituals. One day, some Hindus were moving in a procession to a local Hindu temple in Lahore, to perform a ritual of worship of a mythical Hindu goddess, for the health of a Hindu boy (who had been attacked by small pox) who was the son of Shiv Sinh, an employee of Khan Khana.189 The Hindus were also accompanied by a musical band. On seeing this, Virdi Begh, a fanatic Muslim, created a hue and cry that the Hindus, by exhibition of such un-Islamic show, were preaching Kufar (profanity).
Virdi Begh was successful in instigating simple-minded Muslims and they joined him to oppose the Hindus; thousands of Muslims began attacking the Hindus; several of them Hindus) were punched and plundered; a few Hindus lost their lives too; and coward Hindus suffered all this without any protest. The plight of the Hindus was reported to Bachan Sinh Kachhwaha and Badan Sinh Bundela (two Hindu generals) by a generous Muslim general who had come to Lahore, as a part of the army which had joined Bahadur Shah in his campaign against the Sikhs. These Hindu generals approached the emperor and got issued an order for him to stop attacks on the Hindus.
Though the attacks on the Hindus were stopped, but the Sikhs still continued to be the targets of the Muslim fanatics; now, the fanatics Muslims began another propaganda that the Lahore riots had been caused by the Sikhs who had long beards. Bahadur Shah knew that the Sikhs did not cut/trim their beards so he issued an order asking the Hindus to shave their beards, so that they might not be mistaken as Sikhs. The Hindus obeyed this order and most of them shaved their beards the very next day. But, Yaar Mohammed Khan Kalandari, the Faujdar of the Delhi province gives another story; according to him, the Hindus had not shaved their beards willingly, in fact, the royal order for shaving their beards was forcibly implemented:
“…royal order commanded that the beards of all the Hindus of the royal army should be shaved and an order be conveyed to all the provinces that no ‘bedeen’ (profane, i.e. non-Muslim) shall keep long beard and if such a person (non-Muslim) is found (with beard) his beard should be plucked. Hence, this order was proclaimed in all the royal provinces. In the royal camp, this order was implemented in such a manner that the monster- looking chiefs used to wander in the streets and the bazaars of the town, carrying basins of dirty water. They would insult anyone and shave his beard, snatch his turban and even take off his clothes. The Hindu employees of the emperor and the princes would appear before them only after shaving their beards…” (The non-Italic text is mine- Author).
On the 23rd of August 1711, the emperor sent two hundred thousand rupees to Mohammed Amin Khan as an advance grant for his expedition against the Sikhs.
On the 27th of August 1711, Bahadur Shah got information that Banda Singh had crossed Raavi and Beas rivers and was moving towards Rupar from where he intended to go to Lohgarh in order to establish himself in that fort. Great Sikh General: Banda Singh Bahadur 59
On the 14th of September, Bahadur Shah got news that Banda Singh had already crossed Satluj river along with four thousand Sikh soldiers on the 7th of September 1711. The emperor sent a message to Mohammed Amin Khan to march towards Keeratpur. The emperor also dispatched two thousand additional soldiers to join Mohammed Amin; but due to flooding in the river Mohammed Amin had to wait on the bank of the river, which he finally crossed on the 5th of October 1713. When Banda Singh got this news, he rushed towards the hills and entered the territory of Kullu State.
On the 2nd of November 1711, Bahadur Shah appointed Hoshiar Khan (son of Iradat Khan) as the army chief for Jalandhar-Doab and despatched him on an expedition against the Sikhs. On the 5th of November, the emperor received a letter from Mohammed Amin Khan in which he had written: ‘the Sikhs attack our camps at night, please send five thousand horsemen to chase the Sikhs’; the very next day, Bahadur Shah ordered five thousand soldiers and three hundred trained gunmen to march towards Rupar, under the command of Hoshiar Khan, the army-chief of Jalandhar.190
On the 12th of November 1711 Zain-ud-Din Ahmad Khan, the new Governor of Sarhind, along with one thousand of his best-trained soldiers, too joined Mohammed Amin Khan, in the expedition against the Sikhs. On the 14th of November, the emperor received reports that royal soldiers had fought a four-hour long, fierce battle against the Sikhs near Hari Jungle; several royal soldiers had lost their lives in this battle.
Killing of Forty Sikhs (Vanjaras and others)
As mentioned earlier, in December 1710, the Mughal emperor had issued an order for the annihilation of the Sikhs. The Muslim officials, clergy and feudals, and even the Hindu elite too, acted to translate this order into action. In the execution of this order, the chief of Multan arrested forty Sikhs (most of them Vanjaras and Bhatts) from different parts of the province and sent them to Lahore to be presented before the emperor. On the 11th of October 1711, the emperor ordered that they should be converted to Islam, and, if they refuse they should be buried alive; but, none of them agreed to renounce his faith; hence they were buried alive near the camp of the emperor, in the village of Alowal.191 These Sikhs included: Sahij Singh Chauhan, Dogar Singh, Hira Singh, Dyal Singh, Keso Singh Bhatt, Desa Singh Bhatt, Narbud Singh Bhatt, Tara Singh Bhatt, Sewa Singh Bhatt, Deva Singh Bhatt, Jetha Singh Chauhan, Jetha Singh Parmar, Hari Singh, Rup Singh, Parsan Singh Rathore, Anup Singh, Kehar Singh, Channan Singh, Dharam Singh etc.192
Battle of Bilaspur
In December 1711, the Sikh army entered the territory of Bilaspur State; Banda Singh was not among them. Mohammed Amin Khan got information about the presence of the Sikhs and he led a big force towards Bilaspur. On the 27th of December, they reached near the river Barsana and put up their camps on the bank of the river.
The next day, the Sikhs made a sudden attack on them; a fierce battle of guns and arrows was fought between the Sikhs and the royal forces. Several Mughals and about 500 Sikhs were killed in this battle. These included Keso Singh (son of Chitar Singh) and Bagh Singh (son of Udey Singh), both the grandsons of Bhai Mani Singh. After the sunset, the Sikhs crossed the river and moved towards Bilaspur.
In this battle, both the parties suffered almost equal losses but the Mughal messengers and reporters informed the emperor that they (the Mughals) had won the battle; Mohammed Great Sikh General: Banda Singh Bahadur 60
Amin Khan got heads of the 500 Sikhs severed from their dead-bodies so that the same may be presented before the emperor in order to earn his appreciations. On the 12th of January, Bahadur Shah inspected these severed heads and ordered that they should be exhibited in the open so that it might create terror among the sympathisers of the Sikhs.
On the 18th of January 1712, the emperor ordered the erection of minarets of these heads; the same day he ordered mujra (dance of the prostitutes) to celebrate ‘victory’ over the Sikhs. Bahadur Shah, on the advice of the astrologers, donated a horse, a wild ox, a slave and a few embroidered and golden articles for charity. He also gave awards to the officials involved in the above mentioned battle. But, in spite of this, Bahadur Shah was still frightened and was living under the awe of the Sikh army. All this made him sick (and finally confined to bed).193
On the 22nd of January 1712, the emperor was told that Banda Singh was on his way from Keeratpur to Bilaspur. The informers of the Mughal court told that they had seen him in village of Bassi Afghana, about 25 km from Keeratpur. Bahadur Shah was further told that the ruler of Bilaspur had given safe haven to the Sikhs. He was also informed that the Mughal general Firoz Jang Khan had burnt the villages of Keeratpur and Kalyanpur to ashes, for their residents’ ‘crime’ of helping the Sikh army. The emperor was, in addition, told that Firoz Jang Khan had stationed himself at the top of a strategic hill near the village of Nirmoh (about 5 km from Keeratpur) and was monitoring expedition against the Sikhs.194
Killing of Hatim Khan
During these days, the Hindu rulers of Jodhpur and Jaipur too had left for their States. On the 25th of December 1711, Banda Singh had received information about their return journey. When they were gone, Bahadur Shah thought of honouring them for their assistance in his expedition against the Sikhs; so he ordered grant of robes of honour and issuance of letters mentioning increase in their mansabs, to four and three and half thousands, respectively, for both the rulers. Prince Azimushan sent a very senior office Hatim Khan to go after the rulers and personally deliver the robes and the letters of authority to them. Hatim Khan met the Hindu rulers when they had almost reached near the Rajput zone and delivered the royal letters and presents. When he (Hatim Khan) was on his return journey to Lahore to report it back to the emperor, the Sikhs seized him near Jhajjar town and killed him; Bahadur Shah received the report of his death on the first of February1712.195
In January 1712, Banda Singh was present in Bilaspur State. A band of Sikh soldiers attacked the army of Hoshiar Khan at Jindbari (which was one of the major parganas at that time), about 14 km from Anandpur Sahib. Several Mughal soldiers lost their lives in the Sikhs’ action.
On the 23rd of January 1712, Bahadur Shah despatched Firoz Khan, the Faujdar of Jammu province, against the Sikhs.196 Already, Mohammed Amin Khan and Hoshiar Khan were chasing the Sikhs with a big force. Mohammed Amin Khan, with a force of twenty thousand soldiers, had established his camps at village Bhilowal and Hoshiar Khan’s camps were at Jaijon (then a major town); besides, there were Mughal camps at Jhajjar and Jindbari too. All these generals, with forces at four camps, were keeping an eye on Banda Singh’s activates, who was, then, staying at Bilaspur, but, the Mughal forces did not move towards Bilaspur; they were waiting for Banda Singh’s descent into the planes. Thus, it was a period without any success for the Mughals; in spite of this, Bahadur Shah bestowed an award of Ghazi-ud-Din Khan Bahadur for Mohammed Amin Khan. Great Sikh General: Banda Singh Bahadur 61
Not only Mohammed Amin Khan but other ten senior and dozens of junior generals of the Mughal army were engaged in operations against the Sikhs. They had fought several battles against the Sikhs, in which both sides had suffered heavy losses.
Bahadur Shah had spent hundreds of thousands of rupees and used a large quantity of ammunition and arms to quell the Sikh rebellion but had not been able to achieve any major success. Eliminating Banda Singh and crushing the Sikhs, was a matter of life and death for him. Whereas, earlier, he had succeeded in defeating and killing all his brothers; he had suppressed rebellion in Deccan; he had compelled the Hindu Rajput rulers to submit to his authority; and all these enemies of the king had large armies, arsenals and a lot of sources of wealth, power and man-force; whereas, the Sikhs were small in number, they did not have money, horses, ammunition, forts etc, but Banda Singh was still out of his reach. When Bahadur Shah had launched action against the Sikhs, he knew well about the number, their strength and position; hence, he had a feeling that he would annihilate the Sikhs in a very short time; but he was shocked at his miscalculation.
Bahadur Shah’s euphoria and his hopes were soon belied; he could not even reach near Banda Singh, leave alone killing or capturing him. Thousands of Sikhs had been killed in dozens of battles and a large number of skirmishes, but, in spite of this, their number had not diminished as yet; almost all the major leaders of the Sikhs were still in action. All this made Bahadur Shah despondent and almost psychic. He began mumbling and murmuring about the Sikhs in half insanity. Occasionally, he would utter the name of Banda Singh and get frightened. Bahadur Shah’s insanity went on deteriorating. Soon, he went fully out of his wits.
Now, he began making strange statements and issuing queer orders. One day someone complained that the jogis and ascetics, who roam around the army camps, had probably been sending information to Banda Singh; Bahadur Shah immediately ordered that all the ascetics should be exiled from Lahore and if, still, any ascetic was found in or around the town, he should be immediately put to sword (Bahadur Shah had issued an alike order, earlier, on the 28th of October 1711 too).
Bahadur Shah’s Death
During those days, Bahadur Shah had issued an order: ‘if a Sikh is found anywhere, he should immediately be put to death’; he had issued orders to the Hindus to shave their beards and heads in order to save their lives; he had killed several Sikhs in and around Lahore; but, all this could not finish off the Sikhs; their terror was ever present in his mind; this made Bahadur Shah totally mad.
Now, he began behaving in a strange manner; he would behave as an angry man, make strange statements, utter queer words and issue foolish and mad orders. In fact, Banda Singh and Sikh factors had begun affecting him right from the 30th of November 1710, when he (Banda Singh) had escaped from the siege of mammoth Mughal army at Lohgarh. Reacting to Banda Singh’s escape, he misbehaved even towards his most loyal man Munaim Khan Khan Khanan, by indirectly calling him a dog. He had granted earlier this Munaim Khan the titles of Khan Khana Bahadur, Jafar Jang, Wafadar and Wazir-i-Aalah, and, had presented him several robes of honour; Khan Khana could not bear this insult and fell ill (and died).197 Bahadur Shah’s second strange command was that of the 22nd of August 1711, when he ordered to chain and imprison Ghazi Khan (the former Governor of Sarhind), and, his further declaration that if any one tried to seek mercy for Ghazi Khan would also be imprisoned immediately. Bahadur Shah, lately, had made several such decisions and had issued queer orders. Great Sikh General: Banda Singh Bahadur 62
Soon, Bahadur Shah was confined to bed; by January 1712, he had become totally insane; he issued his last order on the 12th of February 1712, asking the army to kill all the dogs of the city of Lahore; in fact, he used to call the Sikhs sagg (Persian word for dog) and by issuing such an order perhaps he meant ‘kill all the Sikhs’; such was the fear of the Sikhs in his mind. However, his order was translated into action and within two days all the dogs had been killed and only those escaped which had fled the town.
For the next two weeks Bahadur Shah’s illness went on increasing; on the 25th of February 1712 he held his court for the last time. But even in this ceremonial gathering he did not say anything. For the next three days, he did not leave his bed; he had spleen and swelling on his face and forehead; three haqims (physicians) attended on him all this time but there was no change in his condition; he died on the night between the 27th and the 28th of February 1712.
Bahadur Shah’s dead-body was wrapped in a coffin and it was decided that it should be buried at Delhi. The body was given in the custody of Maulvi Muradullah, Abdul Qadir and Mehfooz Khan. But, it could not be taken to Delhi due to war of succession among the sons of Bahadur Shah. Finally, after a period of 43 days, on the 12th of April 1712, the dead- body of the emperor was taken to Delhi under the escort of his widow Mehar Parvar and one Mohammed Khan.198 It reached Delhi on the 16th of May, and, after decay and ‘insult’ of 67 days, it was buried in the compound of a mosque built by Aurangzeb, near the mausoleum of Bakhtiar Kaki, close to Qutub Minar.
Bloody Battle For Succession
After the death of Bahadur Shah, all the generals of the royal army, including Mohammed Amin Khan, who had been engaged in expedition against the Sikhs, returned to Lahore. This gave some relief to the Sikhs.
At Lahore, all the four sons of Bahadur Shah fought a bloody battle for the throne of Delhi. On the 3rd of March 1712, a fierce battle was fought between the forces of Jahandar Shah and Azimushan on the banks of river Raavi.199 The first royal casualty of this battle was prince Azimushan (father of Farukhsiyar) who was killed by Abdus Samad Khan (father of Zakaria Khan, later the Governor of Lahore). Abdus Samad Khan was fully loyal to prince Jahandar Shah. When Azimushan was dead, Abdus Samad Khan carried his dead-body and threw it in front of Jahandar Shah.
The second battle was fought between the armies of Jahandar Shah on one hand and the armies of Rafiushan (Rafi-ul-Qadir) and Jahan Shah (Khuzishta Akhtar) on the other hand. At first, Jahan Shah had an upper hand; his companions Rustam Dil Khan, Jani Khan and Mukhlis Khan defeated the forces of Jahandar Shah and they also arrested Azz-ud-Din (son of Jahandar Shah). The next day, when Jahan Shah, accompanied by his son Farkhanda Akhtar, was going to his camp, Abdus Samad Khan fired a ball from cannon and killed both of them. After this, the companions of Jahan Shah surrendered and also released Azz-Ud-Din (son of Jahandar Shah).
After the death of Azimushan and Jahan Shah, now, Jahandar Shah and Rafiushan fought against each other. In the wee hours of the next morning, Rafiushan made a forceful attack on the army of Jahandar Shah. But, the newly recruited soldiers of Rafiushan could not face the well-trained soldiers of Jahandar Shah and began fleeing the battle-field. When Rafiushan saw this, he himself came forward to encourage his soldiers and manage the battle; soon, he too was killed. Thus, now three of the four sons of Bahadur Shah were dead. Even after this, the enmity between the princes did not come to an end; Jahandar Shah or his companions did not bother even for the dead bodies of his brothers. The dead bodies of the princes remained unattended on the tavi (hot Great Sikh General: Banda Singh Bahadur 63
sand burning like a tava, i.e. hot plate for baking loaves) of river Raavi for three days and on the fourth day Jahandar Shah ordered the burial of the dead-bodies.200
After finishing his brothers and nephews, Jahandar Shah’s first action was to punish his enemies i.e. the officers, generals, helpers and collaborators of his dead brothers. Jahandar Shah also decided to honour his loyal companions. Amir-ul-Umraa Bahadur Kokaltash Khan, Khwaja Hassan Khan, Shakar-ulla-Khan and some other umraa had been the most faithful to Jahandar Shah; he bestowed liberal gifts upon them and provided them high offices in his government.
On the 20th of March 1712, he ordered execution of Mohammed Rustam Khan (Ghaznafar Khan alias Ghazi Khan, the former Governor of Sarhind) and Mukhlis Khan (both of them were the associates of the prince Khuzishta Akhtar);201 Besides, Hamid-Ud-Din Khan Bahadur Aalamgiri, Sarfraz Khan Bahadur (Behroz Khan) and his sons, Saif-ulla-Khan, Rehman Yaar Khan, Musharaff Khan gurj-bardar and Fakirullah Khan were also given death sentences. Seventeen persons, including Hamid-Ud-Din Khan, Mahabat Khan (son of Khan Khana), Ahtiman Khan and his son Lutfullah Khan (deputy of Khuzishta Akhtar), Rehman Yaar Khan, Attaullah Khan, Fatehullah Khan, Mohtam Khan, Rai Raiyan, Jani Khan, Fidvi Khan, Abdul Karir Khan, Aqidat Khan (son of Amir Khan), Mohammed Ali Khan etc were immediately arrested and imprisoned in Lahore fort. Properties of all these seventeen persons were confiscated. But, the very next day, Jahandar Shah announced amnesty for Lutfullah Khan, Rai Raiyan and Jani Khan. On the 21st of March 1712, Jahandar Shah ordered that Mukhlis Khan and Hakim Moitmad-Ul-Mulk be executed by cutting limb-by-limb.202 The punishment was to be carried out at Delhi. On the 23rd of March 1712, Jahandar Shah formally sat on the throne (in Lahore fort) and held his court.
Banda Singh’s Return to Sadhaura and Lohgarh
When Banda Singh received the news of the death of Bahadur Shah, he was at Rajauri. Considering this as a useful opportunity, he decided to return to the Punjab. Islam Khan, the Governor of Lahore, tried to block his way but failed. Banda Singh reached Sadhaura and Lohgarh in the early days of March 1712. He had four to five thousand soldiers with him.203After a few days, a deputy of Sarhind attacked Lohgarh but was defeated badly. In spite of his defeat he did not return to Sarhind and established his camp in between Sadhura and Sarhind. On one night a group of Sikhs put siege to his camp, entered his tent and chopped off his head.
When the Sikhs received information about Banda Singh’s return to Lohgarh, they began reaching there. Not only between Sadhaura and Lohgarh, there lived many Vanjaras and the other Sikhs in many villages in this zone. All the young men flocked to Sadhaura and Lohgarh to join Banda Singh’s army. When this news reached Mohammed Amin Khan he ordered his soldiers to march towards Sadhaura.204
By that time the Mughal emperor Bahadur Shah died, and Mohammed Amin Khan had to return to Lahore. Due to war of succession to Mughal Empire, the expedition against the Sikhs had come to a halt.
In the battle of succession, Mohammed Amin Khan did not side with any one of the princes and remained totally neutral. When the new emperor Jahandar Shah became free from battle (as all his brothers had been killed and there was no one to challenge him), Then Mohammed Amin Khan realized that Jahandar Shah was in full control of the Empire, on 21 March 1712, he presented himself in Jahandar Shah’s court and expressed his complete loyalty for the new head Great Sikh General: Banda Singh Bahadur 64
of the Empire.205 Jahandar Shah increased his mansab206 to seven thousand zaat and seventh thousand cavalry; out of which five thousand was do-aspa (double horse). At that time, this was the highest mansab of the Mughals. He was also given the title of “Chain Muhammed, Mohammed Amin Khan, and Firoz Jang”. The same day, Jahandar Shah told Mohammed Amin Khan to go on expedition against the Sikhs, and, also granted him command of nine thousand soldiers and asked Muaraff Khan too to join him. On 29 March, the new emperor sanctioned a force of 9000 soldiers, to be led by Mohammed Amin Khan, for expedition against the Sikhs. On 5April Mohammed Amin Khan met Jahandar Shah and requested to sanction ten thousand soldiers. On 9 April Mohammed Amin Khan sent Muaraff Khan in expedition against Banda Singh.207
On the 23rd of April 1712, Jahandar Shah permitted Mohammed Amin Khan to enrol two thousand new infantry soldiers (at the salary of rupees four per month) and fifteen hundred cavalry (at the salary of twenty-five rupees per month) to fight against the Sikhs.
On 5 April 1712 Mohammed Amin Khan visited the emperor in his prayer room and demanded ten thousand soldiers for expedition against Banda Singh. On 9 April 1712, the emperor Mohammed Amin Khan told Muarraf Khan to move towards Sadhaura. He gave him a good number of soldiers as well as a lot of ammunition.
On 23 April 1712 Mohammed Amin Khan again met the emperor and told him that he has prepared two thousand soldiers for expedition against the Sikhs. He demanded another two thousand cavalry and three thousand foot soldiers. At this the emperor allowed him to enrol fifteen hundred cavalry at a salary of Rs 25 per month and two thousand foot soldiers at a salary of Rs 4 per month.
In the early days of May 1712, Jahandar Shah (the new Mughal emperor) left Lahore for Delhi. He reached Sultanpur Lodhi on the 7th of May 1712. Having rested for a day, he left for Delhi via Sarhind. He had made stop-overs at Dakhani Saran (near Nakodar), Nurmahal, Phillaur, Sunet (Ludhiana), Doraha and Khera; he reached Sarhind on the 20th of May 1712. Here, he received reports that Banda Singh was present in Lohgarh. People told him that the soldiers of Banda Singh’s army had committed oppression and atrocities on them during the reign of Bahadur Shah (in 1710). When the emperor would return to Akbarabad (Agra), the rebels would wander in the district of Sarhind; thus there would be no security for the people there. If due care was paid to them, they would show firmness in staying on; otherwise they would like to move away from that place along with the emperor. The emperor told them that they should rest assured that due attention would be paid to their security.208 On 22 May, the emperor ordered Zain-Ud-Din Ahmed Khan, the Faujdar of Sarhind, to lead an army of eight thousand soldiers to Lohgarh to crush the Sikhs.209
On 29 May, the emperor was in Thanesar (Kurukshetra). Here the noble persons of the town told him that when Banda Singh attacked this town, most of the vagabonds, who had joined the Sikhs, supplied all sorts of provisions to them. They had pulled down most of the mosques, mausoleums and mansions. They were still present in the town. When the emperor is gone to Akbarabad, they would settle score with the people. At this the emperor became angry and ordered his attended Rai Mann to accompany Sarbrah Khan Kotwal along with a contingent of soldiers. Those who call themselves Nanak-worshippers (Sikhs) be captured and produced before him. If they embraced Islam well and good, otherwise they should be murdered, so that they were no more a source of trouble. Seventeen persons were made captives. Fourteen of them chose to be Muslims. Three persons who were servants of Chowdhry of Thanesar did not accept to be Muslim. At this the emperor presented robes of honour to those who accepted to be Great Sikh General: Banda Singh Bahadur 65
Muslims, and for the three ‘rebels’ he issued orders that they should be killed and their bodies should be cut into pieces and be hung in the vicinity of the minar (tower on the highway near the city. The imperial orders were complies with.210
The emperor reached Delhi on 8 June 1712. He entered the Red Fort on 11 June and sat on the throne. On 12 June he was told that Banda Singh has established his police post at Sarhind.211
On the 13th of June 1712, he (Jahandar Shah) was told that the hill chief Jagat Chand of Kumaon had played remarkable role in the expedition against Banda Singh; but Fateh Shah of Gharhwal212 had helped Banda Singh; at this the emperor ordered that Jagat Chand of Kumaon be sent an order of appreciation, a valuable robe of honour and a sword studded with pearls. The emperor also issued orders that Fateh Shah should be punished for his rebellious act.
On the 12th of July Zain-ud-Din Ahmed Khan, the Faujdar of Sarhind, was also given the charge of the office of Diwan (chief administrator of revenues) of the army of Mohammed Amin Khan, and, his nephew Abu-ul-Qasim was appointed deputy Faujdar of Sarhind.213 On the 24th of July, the emperor appointed new army chiefs: Jalal Khan of Jalalabad (who had given a tough fighting to the Sikhs), Mohammed Amin of Rajauri and Mohammed Baqa of Fatehabad.214
Second Attack on Sadhaura fort by the Mughal army
In August 1712, Banda Singh Bahadur was present in Lohgarh. When Mohammed Amin Khan got this information, he began his march towards Lohgarh. Before reaching the foothills of the Lohgarh fort, he had to fight at more than 50 fortresses and trenches.
On the 1st of September 1712, Jahandar Shah received letter from Mohammed Amin Khan informing him that “the Sikhs have returned to Sadhaura and established themselves in the fort there. The Mughal army has surrounded the fort. The Sikhs come out of the fortress and fight against the Mughal soldiers. Both the sides have been suffering heavy losses.” On the 17th of August Banda Singh too came to Sadhaura. His army was attacked by the Mughal soldiers. During this battle, the Mughal army suffered heavy losses. Mohammed Amin Khan requested the emperor to send two cannons so that they may break open the walls of the fort at Sadhaura.215 On the 8th of September, the emperor ordered despatch of two cannons to Sadhaura. Well, even cannons could not break the walls of the fort of Sadhaura. The Mughal siege of the fort continued for about six months. On the other hand, the Sikhs inside the fort did not have enough food and ammunition; so, when their food stocks were fully exhausted, on one dark night of winter, the Sikhs came out of the fort, broke though the siege of the Mughal army and fled to Lohgarh and Nahan.
In the last days of September 1712, some Sikhs went from Sadhaura to the territory of the Nahan State. The hill soldiers informed General Firoz Jang Khan about the hideouts of the Sikhs; besides they made a sudden attack on the Sikhs. By that time the ruler of Nahan had become loyal to the Mughal emperor. As these Sikhs did not know that the Nahan ruler had a traitor, so they suffered heavy losses. After this the Sikhs left Nahan territory. After some time Firoz Jang Khan’s soldiers too reached there but by that time the Sikhs had already moved forward.216
In the early days of October 1712, the Sikhs attacked Chhat (near Banur) and killed a large number of government officials and qazis. The deputy of the Governor of Sarhind was also present there. Instead of fighting, he ran away and reached Sarhind and informed the Governor. The Governor too was scared of the Sikhs so he did not attack the Sikhs; hence, the Sikhs established their control in the area between Sarhind and Lohgarh.217 So, within eight months of the death of Bahadur Shah, the Sikhs were now again de facto masters of area between Lohgarh-Sadhaura and Sarhind. Great Sikh General: Banda Singh Bahadur 66
Third Mughal Expedition Against the Sikhs
Murder of Jahandar Shah And Farukhsiyar Became New emperor
Although Jahandar Shah had killed all his brothers and nephews before wearing the crown, one of his nephews, Farukhsiyar (son of Azimushan), was still alive; at that time he was at Patna. On 27 March 1712, he declared himself as new emperor. Sayyad Hussain Ali Khan was the deputy Governor of Bihar at that time. When Farukhsiyar declared himself as the ’emperor’, Hussain Ali Khan was not present at Patna. Farukhsiyar’s mother went to the mother of Hussain Ali Khan and requested her to impress upon her son to help Farukhsiyar in capturing Delhi. She (Farukhsiyar’s mother) reminded Hussain Ali’s mother that it was her husband (i.e. Farukhsiyar’s father, Azimushan) who had played major role in getting high offices for Hussain Ali Khan and his brother Sayyad Abdullah Khan (Kutub-ul-Mulk). When Hussain Ali Khan’s mother did not make any promise for helping Farukhsiyar, she (Farukhsiyar’s mother) began wailing. This created sympathy in the mind of Hussain Ali Khan’s mother and she agreed to help her.218
After some days Hussain Ali Khan too reached Patna. Farukhsiyar and his mother visited him and said, “Either arrest me and send me as a prisoner to Jahandar Shah, or help me in getting the reigns of the Mughal Empire. As and when I get control of Delhi, I shall give the two highest offices to you and your brother, i.e. the office of chief minister and the first noble (Amir-ul-Umra). This way, you will be the real rulers of the Mughal Empire.”219
Although at first Hussain Ali Khan was a bit reluctant but when his mother told him that she had given a word to the mother of Farukhsiyar, he agreed to help Farukhsiyar. Later, Abdullah Khan, who was then the deputy chief of Allahabad, too agreed to join hands with Farukhsiyar. He was angry with Jahandar Shah because the latter had expressed doubts about his loyalty. When Jahandar Shah came to know about this, he tried to win him back, and, increased Sayyad Abdullah Khan’s mansab from four to six thousands. But, by that time, he had already joined Farukhsiyar’s camp. Jahandar Shah tried to please other officials too; he promoted Mohammed Amin Khan (later, died on 27.1.1721) as Second Bakhshi and Afrasiyab Khan (later, died on 21.8.1718) as Third Bakhshi.220
On the other hand, at Delhi, when Jahandar Shah, on the 20th of October 1712, had received information that his nephew Farukhsiyar had declared himself as the new emperor, he (Jahandar) had despatched a big army, under the command of his son Azz-ud-Din, to quell his rebellion.221
Now, Sayyad brothers, Hussain Ali Khan and Abdullah Khan, openly declared their support for Farukhsiyar and they led an army to capture Delhi. They reached Shamugarh (near Agra) on the 17th of November 1712. When this news reached Delhi, some generals of the army of Jahandar Shah decided to shifted their loyalties; they quietly left Delhi and went to Shamugarh to join Farukhsiyar’s camp. Now, Jahandar Shah did not have enough forces to challenge an attack by the forces of Farukhsiyar; he recruited twenty-two thousand new soldiers and began marching towards Agra.
By this time, Farukhsiyar had forty to fifty thousand soldiers and heavy artillery. On the 31st of December, when the rain stopped, Farukhsiyar ordered his army to make a fierce attack. Jahandar Shah’s general Kokaltash was killed within a very short time and Rustam-i-Hind was seriously wounded. By the evening, Jahandar Shah too had fled from the battlefield. Now, only Great Sikh General: Banda Singh Bahadur 67
Zulfiqar Khan was leading the battle. He too could not continue for long and fled to Delhi. Now, there was none to stop Farukhsiyar’s army from reaching Delhi.
In Delhi, Jahandar Shah and his girlfriend took shelter in the bungalow (it was a fort-like mansion) of Asad Khan. Soon Zulfiqar Khan too reached there and he too took refuge with Asad Khan. When Farukhsiyar reached Delhi Asad Khan approached Farukhsiyar and told him about Jahandar Shah’s whereabouts. He sent Saif Khan to kill Jahandar Shah and Zulfiqar Khan and bring their severed heads into his presence. Thus, by the evening of the 18th of January 1713, one more Mughal emperor was dead and another had occupied the Delhi throne.
New Mughal Expedition Against Banda Singh Bahadur
Having gained complete control of the State affairs, Farukhsiyar first began punishing his enemies. After this, he paid attention to the Sikhs. In the third week of January, Mohammed Amin Khan, who had been in the charge of an expedition against the Sikhs for about two years, appeared in the court of Farukhsiyar, expressed his faith in the new emperor and declared his loyalty to the throne.
Mohammed Amin Khan had not sided with anyone during the two wars of succession (March 1712 at Lahore, and, October 1712 to January 1713, at Patna, Agra and Delhi), hence none had any grudge against him. On the 13th of February 1713, Farukhsiyar appointed Mohammed Amin Khan as Second Bakhshi.
Farukhsiyar Forgave Abdus Samad Khan and Sent Him After Banda Singh Bahadur
Abdus Samad Khan was a loyal companion of Jahandar Shah. It was he who had killed Azimushan (the father of Farukhsiyar), and, on the 3rd of March 1712. Jahandar Shah had awarded him for this act by granting him a mansab of six thousand, by then the highest mansab. Thus, Abdus Samad Khan was the ‘enemy number one’ of Farukhsiyar. On the other hand Abdus Samad Khan was also the father of Zakaria Khan (who was the son-in-law of Mohammed Amin Khan).
On the 26th of January 1713, Mohammed Amin Khan visited Farukhsiyar and told him that Abdus Samad Khan wanted to apologize for his crimes and sins and promises to remain loyal to him forever. As Farukhsiyar had full faith in Mohammed Amin Khan, he agreed to forgive Abdus Samad Khan and told him (Mohammed Amin Khan) to ask him (Abdus Samad Khan) to present himself before him (the emperor), the following day. The next day, Abdus Samad Khan visited the emperor and submitted an unqualified apology and prayed for forgiveness; Farukhsiyar treated him with mercy and also presented him a robe of honour.222
On 11 February 1713, Farukhsiyar appointed Abdus Samad Khan as the Governor of Jammu and gave him instructions to take action against the Sikhs. On 12 February, he was appointed Faujdar of Doaba also. On 14 February Farukhsiyar promised to appoint Abdus Samad Khan as the Governor of Lahore too; the emperor told him that he shall have to get the forts of Sadhura and Lohgarh freed from the Sikhs. Abdus Samad Khan immediately set out for action against the Sikhs.
Now, Farukhsiyar began appointing new officials. He appointed Zabardast Khan (grandson of Amir-ul-Umra Ali Mardan Khan, Shah Jahani) as the Governor of Lahore (replacing Inayatullah Khan). On the 26th of February, he appointed Iradatmand Khan as the Governor of Eimanabad, Ahmad Khan as the Governor of Gujrat and Saadat Khan as the Governor of Kashmir. Saadat Khan was also given mansab of six thousand soldiers. Farukhsiyar decided to befriend the rulers of Jaipur and Jodhpur as well. On the 2nd of March 1713, Farukhsiyar wrote letters to Rajput Great Sikh General: Banda Singh Bahadur 68
rajas Ajit Sinh (of Jodhpur) and Jai Sinh Sawai (Jaipur/Amber) granting each of them mansab of six thousand soldiers and five thousand horse.223
In fact, Ajit Sinh had offered to marry his daughter Raj Inder Kanwar to Farukhsiyar. On the 6th of July Sayyad Hussain Ali brought this girl from Jodhpur to the Sarai of Ali Vardi Khan. She reached Delhi on the 13th of September. On the 27th of September, she embraced Islam. After this, the ceremony of betrothal was performed. When this marriage ceremony was held, Farukhsiyar was suffering from piles, so the marriage could not be consummated for two months.224 Farukhsiyar was treated by William Hamilton, an English doctor (to reward the services given by the doctor, Farukhsiyar granted the English right to exemption from custom duty in Bengal).225
Farukhsiyar was so much angry with Jahandar Shah that he issued an order proclaiming that “references to Jahandar’s rule should be erased from history and the period of my (Farukhsiyar’s) reign should be considered from the date of my proclamation of emperorship in Patna on 29th of Safar, 1124 Hijri/Hegira (i.e. The 27th of March 1712 C.E.).”
Farukhsiyar Receives Reports About the Sikhs
On 10 March 1713, Farukhsiyar was told that the rebels (Sikhs) “had raised their heads in rebellion in the villages and Parganas of chakla of Sarhind. They had laid waste the imperial territory. The Faujdar was not able to punish them. Instead the troopers of the Faujdar attacked the villages and took away their grains and their buffaloes. On this account the people of the said chakla are fleeing from there.”226
Farukhsiyar was told that Banda Singh has come out of the caves of the hills (which are out of the territory of government of Hindustan) and, he has strengthened the fort of Lohgarh and has also occupied the land and the towns around it. His soldiers come out at night and attack, plunder and kill the Muslim. They move up from 20 to 30 kos (i.e. 60 to 90 kilometres). Hearing this, the emperor got so much frightened and scared that it cannot be narrated in words. At this time Qutbul Mulk Sayyad Hassan Ali Abdulla Khan, Amir-ul-Umra Sayyad Hussain Ali Khan, Hamid Khan, Samsam-ud-Daula and some other senior courtiers were also present there. Now, Farukhsiyar decided to send Abdus Samad Khan (the Governor of Lahore) for expedition against Banda Singh.227On 21 March 1713, Farukhsiyar asked Amir-ul-Umra Sayyad Hussain Ali Khan, to write a letter to Abdus Samad Khan asking him to contact Zain-ud-Din Khan (Faujdar of Sarhind) and make a joint attack on Banda Singh.228
In his letter to Abdus Samad Khan, the emperor called Him “helper of the government, great personality of the great empire, leader of the leaders, national leader of the great nobles, perfect wise person and beautiful faced” and asked him to immediately leave for expelling the Sikhs from Lohgarh. The emperor also stated that he was dispatching seven thousand cavalry and ten leaders (generals)229 under the command of Inam Khan for this expedition. In the same letter, Abdus Samad Khan was requested to work with counsel of and in co-operation with each other (i.e. Sarhind Faujdar and the 13 generals) and the salary for the soldiers was to be given by the Faujdar of Sarhind.
Banda Singh attacks Nahan
. In March 1713, Banda Singh was present in Lohgarh fort. Here, he got information that Bhup Parkash (the ruler of Nahan) had been released by the Mughal emperor Farukhsiyar because the former had agreed to collaborate with the Mughals in their campaign against the Sikhs. Banda Singh had also received information that Bhup Parkash actually had begun taking Great Sikh General: Banda Singh Bahadur 69
action against the Sikhs. On this, Banda Singh decided to punish Bhup Parkash. He led an army of 5 to 6 thousand soldiers to Nahan. When Bhup Parkash got the news of Banda Singh’s march, he fled Nahan and took refuge in high hills.230 Banda Singh set up his camp at Nahan. After a couple of days, the rich and the affluent residents of Nahan approached Banda Singh and offered to pay a heavy ransom; Banda Singh accepted the money and left Nahan after about a week. From Nahan, Banda Singh went to Lohgarh. Here, Banda Singh got the intelligence of a possible Mughal attack on Sadhura, so he sent one thousand soldiers to defend Sadhaura fort.231
Third Mughal Attack on Sadhaura Fort
Now, Banda Singh had received the reports of the plans of the Mughal army to attack Sadhaura; hence he strengthened both the forts. With this the Sikh soldiers also took control of all the areas between Lohgarh and Sarhind. Zain-ud-Din, the Faujdar of Sarhind, tried to save his territory from the attacks of the Sikhs but he could not succeed. His power reigned supreme only in his fort.
By April 1713, seven thousand of Mughal soldiers had reached near Sadhaura, but, their generals believed that this force won’t be enough to fight against the Sikhs. They wrote to the emperor to send still more forces.232
Having made full preparation, Abdus Samad Khan (the Governor of Jammu), Zain-ud-Din Ahmed Khan (the Governor of Sarhind) and general Inam Khan led a very big force to Sadhaura, on 22 June 1713, and put siege to the fort. They set up trenches around the city.233 According to Irvine, the fort of Sadhaura had high and thick walls,234 hence the guns and the cannons of the Mughals were unable to damage them.
Abdus Samad Khan encamped on one side, Zain –ud-Din Khan on the second side and the third was guarded by another section of the Mughal army.235 According to Muhammed Qasim Aurangabadi Sadhaura had countless number of buildings and these were made of baked bricks. Banda Singh Bahadur had destroyed this area. He had carried away the wooden planks and wood (which were taken from the demolished building) and fixed them into the fort to strengthen it. He had thought that those with saving it from a cannon and gun fire, and the walls of the fort would remain safe.236
On the 22nd of June 1713, the very first night, a large number of Sikhs came out of the fort and fell upon the Mughal soldiers. It was followed by a pitched battle. A good number of soldiers were killed on both sides; among the Sikh casualties included Albel Singh and Mohar Singh (sons of Bhai Udey Singh) and Saina Singh (son of Bhai Chitar Singh), all the three were grandsons of Bhai Mani Singh. The Mughal casualties included Baqa Begh Khan (brother of Inam Khan) and several others. According to Muhammad Qasim Aurangabadi 152 Sikhs were killed in this battle. Muhammed Qasim Aurangabadi mentions the scene of another battle, which is almost like the battle of, 22 June 713 (but he says this battle was fought at Lohgarh, which is not true; attack on Lohgarh was made on 13 November 1713).237
On the 15th of July, the Mughal army brought 700 wooden ladders to climb the walls of the fort, but could not succeed due to vigil by the Sikh soldiers. In spite of this, neither the Sikhs nor the Mughals gave up the battle.
Muhammad Qasim Aurangabadi says that one day the brave soldiers of the Mughal army, ignoring the strong position of the Sadhaura fort, attacked it. At that time the Sikhs came out of the fort and made a fierce attack on the Mughal soldiers. The Sikhs fell upon the Mughal army; the battle continued for about three hours. The Mughal soldiers too fought bravely. In this battle 691 Sikhs were killed. He does not give the number of the casualty of the Mughal soldiers, but, Great Sikh General: Banda Singh Bahadur 70
mentions that Mir Bazurg, the brother of Janish Khan, Mirza Abdulla Bakhshi and Sayyad Hashim Khan (a close associate of Abdus Samad Khan) were killed.238
However, after the shelling of several days, the Mughal army succeeded in putting the Sikhs on the defensive. By this time, the Mughal army occupied the area around the fort and took positions at a distance of about 35-40 metres of the fort. Now, they (the Mughals) have dug a wide trench around the fort in order to stop the Sikhs from coming out of the fort. By that time they had brought one big cannon too; this cannon was being used to throw shells on one wall of the fort, which led to serious damage to any portion of the wall. Now, the Sikhs realised that, sooner or later, the Mughals will succeed in breaking the wall of the fort unless this cannon was silenced; hence, on the night of 31 July 1713, when it was raining heavily and the Mughal soldiers had taken shelter in their tents, some daring Sikh soldiers came out of the fort and began pulling the cannon towards the fort. The Sikh soldiers succeeded in pulling the cannon up to the trench, but here their ropes got broken and the cannon fell into the moat, creating a loud thud. Hearing the sound, several Mughal soldiers came out of their tents and found their cannon missing. Now they looked here and there and finally found it in the moat. The army officials paid fifty rupees each to one hundred soldiers and got it pulled out after a great labour.239
After the failure of the cannon-mission, the Sikhs realized that they won’t be able to hold long; moreover, they did not have a lot of food and ammunition and the number of the Mughal soldiers were very large; so, they decided to begin guerrilla war.
According to Muhammed Qasim Aurangabadi not a day passed when the Sikhs did not come out of the fort and attack the Mughal soldiers with swords. One day, at midnight, the Sikhs came out of the fort and attacked on the trenches of Abdus Samad Khan. It caused disarray in the camp of Abdus Samad Khan. Firing of cannons and guns, and the sound of rockets and bullets was like thunder and lightning. Some Sikhs made a strong attack with their swords as well. At first the Mughal soldiers were losing the battle, but then Sayyad Kashim Khan and Mir Baba Khan and their sons, brothers and companions reached there and fought bravely. In this battle 200 Sikhs were killed (the author does not tell the number of the casualty of the Mughals, but as per the description, the number must be very high).240
The Mughal army had surrounded the fort from three sides, only one side was open, and the Sikhs used to come out from this side. There, they would graze their horses, buffalos and oxen. They would even carry grass, etc. into the fort. When the Mughal soldiers saw them, they would turn their eyes away; they did not have enough courage to challenge the Sikhs. On the other hand, the Sikhs would often challenge and attack the Mughal soldiers. Thus, every day 5-7 soldiers were being killed. In the beginning of August, new units of the army, under the command of Isa Khan, reached there and they blocked the fourth side of the fort. They were posted so near the fort that with this the Sikhs got confined within the fort. Now, the Mughal soldiers began marching around the fort, on all the sides.241
The siege of Sadhaura continued for another two months; finally, the Sikhs decided to vacate the fort. On one night they came out of the fort and fled towards Lohgarh. The Sikhs were given a hot chase by the Mughal army; during these skirmishes several Sikhs lost their lives.
According to Muhammed Qasim Aurangabadi the siege of Sadhaura fort continued for seven and a half months, but this is not true. The Mughal army reached Sadhaura on 22 June and they occupied it in the third week of September; hence the siege continued for about three months.
How many Sikhs were killed in this battle: In March 1713, there were only 1000 Sikhs in the fort. According to Muhammed Qasim Aurangabadi, 691 Sikhs were killed in one day, 152 on another day and 200 in the third battle242. So, according to this account 1043 Sikhs were killed in Great Sikh General: Banda Singh Bahadur 71
these three days alone. On 31 July 1713, when it was raining very heavily, 500 Sikhs on horses and 500 on feet, entered the fort.243 Fighting continued still another 2 months. During these battles too several Sikhs too were killed. If these figures are correct, then, out of a force of 2000, only 2-3 hundred Sikhs could escape by breaking a portion of any wall of the fort. But, according to a report, Abdus Samad Khan got severed the heads of the 600 dead Sikhs killed in the battle of Sadhura and dispatched them to the emperor to win his appreciations.244 On the 27th of September the emperor inspected these heads and sent a special robe of honour to the Abdus Samad Khan.
Having captured the fort of Sadhaura Abdus Samad Khan decided to demolish it, so that the Sikhs may not be able to have this fort as their defensive post. All the soldiers were given the duty to demolish and transport its rocks and bricks and other materials to far areas, so that the Sikhs may not be able to repair or re-build it.245Demolition of the fort and transportation of its debris took several days. After this, Abdus Samad Khan decided to move towards Lohgarh.
Martyrdom of Bhai Fateh Singh
When the battle of Sadhaura was going on, Bhai Fateh Singh was in Jammu-Kashmir area. In the second week of August 1713, Bhai Fateh Singh was present in Baloh (in Kashmir). Suddenly, the ruler of Kashmir on one side and the ruler of Baloh on the other side surrounded the Sikh army. The Sikhs tried to seek refuge in the nearby jungle, but the number of the Mughal soldiers was so high that they (Sikhs) could not save themselves. All the one thousand Sikhs and an equal number of the Mughals died in this battle. Bhai Fateh Singh was also one of those who lost their lives. His head was severe and dispatched to Mohammed Ali Khan (deputy Governor of Kashmir) who further sent the news of the Mughal victory to Farukhsiyar. Farukhsiyar praised the Mughal soldiers and increased the mansab of Mohammed Ali Khan by five hundred.246
Third Mughal Attack On Lohgarh
Banda Singh Bahadur knew that after capturing the fort of Sadhaura, the Mughal army shall surely attack Lohgarh; so, he dispatched every good, except weapons, to Paonta Sahib (12 Kos, i.e. about 45 kilometers from Lohgarh).247
Having captured Sadhaura, Abdus Samad Khan wanted to attack Lohgarh, but his companions told him that there was no hope of winning this battle; hence he postponed the decision. This delay gave opportunity to Banda Singh Bahadur and he further strengthened Lohgarh fort. He strengthened the walls, and, built bastions and trenches.
On 21 August 1713, an advance unit of the Mughal army went towards Lohgarh. This party came under the attack of the Sikh soldiers. From among the soldiers of this unit at least 40 were killed, 20 were wounded and 35 were arrested by the Sikhs. The rest of them left everything there and ran empty-handed and saved their lives. Besides, the Sikhs captured about 100 horses, 30 camels, 40 buffalos and 200 other animals. Almost during the same days, the death of Mohkam Sinh, a general of the Mughals, too disheartened the Mughal soldiers, and the companions of Banda Singh became more daring and bold.248
On 29 August 1713, about 200 Mughal soldiers were patrolling in between Sadhaura and Lohgarh. When they saw just a small number of Sikhs, most of them ran away, but their leader Jamandar Baloch Khan was killed by the Sikhs. Beside him, four more Mughal nobles were also Great Sikh General: Banda Singh Bahadur 72
killed. The Sikhs chopped off their heads and took them into the hills of Lohgarh. These losses disheartened the Mughal army and they decided to postpone an immediate attack on Lohgarh.249
On 12 October 1713, the emperor was told that Banda Singh was present in Lohgarh fort and he was further strengthening it. The moat of the fort was under preparation and Banda Singh intended to fight.250 It was an indication to the Mughal generals that they should not make a hasty attack on Lohgarh, otherwise they shall have to suffer heavy losses.
According to Irvine, from the first ridge up to the wall of Lohgarh fort, the Sikhs had built fifty-two defensive posts, arranged in such a manner that each protected the other, thus exposing an assailant to a deadly fire throughout his advance. The fort was in more than a dozen hills, and, all around were bowers of trees, stones and ditches and gorges everywhere. It seemed that even angels with wings or birds cannot reach there, then how could a man or a horse reach there. It was a really difficult venture.251
Having waited for some days more, Abdus Samad Khan began moving to Lohgarh. He covered this distance in 14 days. When he reached near the fort, he pitched his tents there, but he did not launch an attack. After some days Zain-ud-Din Ahmad Khan (Faujdar of Sarhind) and Zakaria Khan (son of Abdus Samad Khan) too reached there.
On 13 November 1713, these three armies began a very heavy artillery attack on Lohgarh fort. For the next four days guns and cannons bombarded all the hills of the fort. It was so heavy bombardment that (to quote an idiom used by Muhammed Qasim Aurangabadi) ‘even the wings of the gods might have been burnt’.252 Besides, Banda Singh, who could watch the movement of the enemy from the tops of the hills, had seen that a mammoth army had surrounded the fort from three sides.
Those soldiers who were in the front trenches and first layer of the hills fought bravely, but the firing made them helpless; hence many of them were killed and a quiet number was captured as well. The Mughal attack continued for many days, but there was no fighting from the Sikhs’ side. This made the Mughal army understand that the Sikhs in the upper trenches and the hills had disappeared; they had escaped through high hills. Banda Singh and senior Sikh general escaped without giving a fight. It seems that only one thousand Sikhs were involved in the battle. Abdus Samad Khan, once again, failed to arrest or kill Banda Singh Bahadur. So, the Mughals lost this battle too. Their purpose was not to capture Lohgarh fort; they were there to arrest or kill Banda Singh Bahadur; and they failed in this mission. Even by fleeing the scene Banda Singh had virtually defeated the Mughals.
Why Did Banda Singh Leave Lohgarh in 1713?
One may ask that it was neither failure of food supplies, nor in ammunition, then why did Banda Singh leave Lohgarh without giving a big fight? The answer is Banda Singh had a long term strategy. His purpose was not to achieve a small gain of winning the battle of Lohgarh. He wanted to keep the Mughal army constantly engaged in the battlefield and thus exhaust it, drain its treasury in paying salary for the soldiers and spending on provisions and ammunition, create constant fear in the mind of the emperor and the Mughal aristocracy, and create an atmosphere of chaos for the officials of the Mughal regime.
When he left Lohgarh on 30 November 1710, it was the same reason. He could have fought for several months. He left Lohgarh and the Mughal generals and the soldiers remained in trouble for so many days; the regime spent a lot of money for this expedition, the emperor could not pay attention to other activities. The awe and chaos created by Great Sikh General: Banda Singh Bahadur 73
Banda Singh made the emperor insane. This was the beginning of the destruction of the Mughal Empire. Even for the second time, in September 1712, he left Lohgarh without giving a fight. At that time too, along with Mohammed Amin Khan, hundreds of generals and thousands of Mughal soldiers, the emperor had also engaged the Rajas of Jaipur and Jodhpur. This time too, the royal treasury spent a lot of money, and, it had to surrender revenue rights of the East and Gujrat to the rulers of Jaipur and Jodhpur, thus losing a considerable part of the royal income. The third time (in November 1713) too, the Governors of Lahore and Multan and the Faujdar of Sarhind and thousands of the soldiers of the Mughals spent many months to capture Sadhura and Lohgarh but they could not arrest or kill Banda Singh Bahadur. This time too they lost the battle. Had Banda Singh Bahadur not made the mistake of confining himself in Gurdas Nangal, in March 1715, the results would have been much different; he could have ended the Mughal Empire (at least in the Punjab), by 1720. Had the Rajput rulers of Udaipur, Jaipur and Jodhpur declared rebellion against the Mughals, then this would have resulted in the end of the Mughal Empire in the whole of South Asia. Banda Singh’s battle was not over with his arrest and execution. The Sikh struggle of post-Banda Singh period, which ended the Mughal rule in the ‘Greater Punjab’, was continuation of the Banda Singh’s expedition.”
Having captured the lower part of Lohgarh fort, the soldiers went up towards some stages of the fort. There they found precious clothes, including silk and other precious clothes, gold and silver, utensils, spices like cardamom and cloves, animals (buffaloes and cows, etc.), slaves and womenfolk etc.; many soldiers plundered whatever they found there.253
This was the last battle of Lohgarh fort. The battle of Lohgarh continued for three years (November 1710 to November 1713). During this period three major battles were fought. In the first battle, fought in November 1710, mammoth Mughal army of more than one hundred thousand soldiers led by the Mughal emperor, his four princes and hundreds of Mughal generals and some Hindu rulers as well (some believe that the number of these soldiers was between two and three hundred thousand). The second battle was fought in September 1712. It was led by Mohammed Amin Khan, chief general of the Mughal army. The third battle was fought in October-November 1713. It was led by Abdus Samad Khan (Governor Lahore), Zain-ud-Din Ahmad Khan (Faujdar Sarhind), Inam Khan and Zakaria Khan (later Governor Lahore). After this third battle Banda Singh had gone to Jammu but still thousands of Sikh soldiers were present in Lohgarh Sadhura zone. They continued attacking the Mughal posts and plundering the Mughal aristocrats and ministers. The emperor continued receiving news about such attacks254 till Banda Singh was arrested and executed. The Lohgarh fort was occupied by the Mughal army much after the execution of Banda Singh. After this the task of its demolition was taken up by the Mughals.
According to a report on 29 November 1713, about 900 Sikhs were killed in this battle.255 Abdus Samad Khan severed the heads of the dead Sikhs and sent his son Zakaria Khan to present these before Farukhsiyar.
Zakaria Khan reached Delhi on the 29th of November 1713. Farukhsiyar inspected these heads and ordered that those (heads) should be hanged on spears and exhibited in the Chandni Chowk in Delhi. On the 3rd of December, Farukhsiyar presented a special robe of honour, an aigrette and an insignia to Zakaria Khan; Farukhsiyar also increased the mansab of Abdus Samad Khan from two and a half thousand to three thousand foot-soldiers and one thousand horses;256 besides, a ceremonial nagara (drum) was also presented to him. Great Sikh General: Banda Singh Bahadur 74
Abdus Samad Khan Honored as ‘Great Victorous’
Like Bahadur Shah and Jahandar Shah, Farukhsiyar too considered the Sikh issue as the most important and always gave it special consideration; due to this he had a special regard for Mohammed Amin Khan and Abdus Samad Khan who had been leading campaigns against the Sikhs. In the last week of February 1714, the emperor received message that Abdus Samad Khan would visit him on the 24th of February; he asked his ministers and advisors as to ‘how a great victorious general should be greeted in the emperor’s court?’ He sought details as to which officers had welcomed and escorted Asad Khan to the court of the then emperors after the victory of Jinji and Khan Jahan Bahadur after the victory of Bengal.257
Having received information, Farukhsiyar gave instructions to his courtiers to grant a befitting welcome to Abdus Samad Khan; he asked Mir Jumla to welcome Abdus Samad Khan at the gate of Diwan-i-Khas and escort him to his (emperor’s) presence. When Abdus Samad Khan presented himself before the emperor, he (emperor) patted his back and presented him an aigrette with his own hands.258
On the 3rd of March 1714, Isa Khan Manjh too presented himself before the emperor. The emperor rewarded him also for his campaign against the Sikhs by permanently granting him the Faujdari (chief of law and order) and jagir (estate) of the Lakhi Jungle (most of the present Malwa of the Punjab) area. His mansab too was increased by nineteen hundred soldiers.259 The emperor rewarded other officials too.
The Last Battles of Banda Singh
Having left Lohgarh, Banda Singh is said to have gone to Chamba. But, according to an entry of Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Mulla dated 11 December 1713, Banda Singh had reached Jallapur (district Muradabad, Uttar Pradesh) and the emperor had sent a message to the Faujdar of Muradabad to take action against him. But, it does not seem true; firstly, there is no village named Jallapur in Muradabad district; there is a village named Jalalpur Khalsa in Dilari tehsil of Muradabad district, but this is about 300 kilometres from Lohgarh. Secondly, according to another entry of Akhbarat-I-Darbar-I-Mulla, on 14 December 1713, the emperor issued order to send Hamid Khan to Muradabad and punish the rebels, and, on the same day the emperor Khan Bahadur Muzzafar Jung to go to Lohgarh to chastise Banda Singh. It seems that it might be a band of the Sikh soldiers, which was active in Muradabad which officials wrongly guessed as Banda Singh himself.
On 1 March 1714, the emperor was told that the Sikh soldiers had plundered the area of Sarhind. Zain-ud-Din Khan, the Faujdar of Sarhind had sent his soldiers to chase them; and, after a battle the Sikh soldiers left that area.260
On 11 March 1714, the emperor received a letter from Ifsandyar of Jammu which said that the accounts keeper of the ruler of Chamba and the vakils of the Raja of Nurpur have told deputy Faujdar Abdul Azim that Banda Singh was staying in village Vaan and was planning to go to Batala via Bahilwal. The emperor was told that deputy Faujdar Abdul Azim did not have enough number of soldiers, so he cannot fight against Banda Singh; and, moreover, no hill ruler has helped him to take action against Banda Singh.261
During this period, the Mughal emperor received information that Iradatmand Khan, the army-chief of Eimanabad has made a secret agreement with the Sikhs; the Sikhs would attack the Great Sikh General: Banda Singh Bahadur 75
affluent and elite in the areas between Kabul-Kashmir and Lahore-Gujrat zones and share the plundered money and goods with Iradatmand Khan. The emperor was also told that the Khan was also embezzling revenues and preparing fake records; hearing this, the emperor wrote a letter to the Governor of Lahore to suggest some person to be appointed as chief of Eimanabad.262
Sikh Soldiers in Lohgarh, Baddi, Pinjaur And Morni hills
Although, the Mughals had demolished the fort at Sadhura but the Mughals failed to capture Lohgarh fort; and thousands of the Sikh soldiers were still present in Lohgarh, Raipur Rani, Toka, Chowki village near Nada Sahib, Baddi, Pinjaur and Morni hills, and, they used to attack an area up to Sarhind. Vanjaras Sikhs were moving out of the area upto Ropar and Pinjor.
In the second week of April 1714, five thousand Sikh soldiers set up their camps near the village of Mehluk; they forcibly harvested the crops of the Mughal and Pathan feudal. When Sharaf-ud-Din, Bakhshi of the Faujdar of Sarhind received this news, he led a large number of soldiers against the Sikhs. The Sikhs gave them a tough fight. Several of the Sarhind soldiers were killed. The next day, he came again along with seven hundred foot soldiers and one thousand horsemen. It was followed by a pitched battle with swords and arrows, which continued for three pahirs (about 9 hours), resulting in heavy casualties on both sides. When it became dark, the Sikh soldiers returned to hills.263
As per information sent to the emperor, on 30 April 1714, there were about five thousand Sikh soldiers, staying in the hills near Ropar. Zain-ud-Din Ahmed Khan, the Faujdar of Sarhind, sent two thousand soldiers under the command of his nephew Mir Abu Mukarram to attack the Sikhs. When the Sikhs found that the number of the Mughal soldiers was less than their own, they came down from the hills. When Mir Abu Mukarram received news of the Sikhs arrival at Ropar, he too reached there. This was followed by a pitched battle. Both sides exchanged gunfire, arrows and swords. This battle continued for two pahir (about 6 hours) and ended when it was dark, and the Sikhs returned to the hills. Hundreds of the Mughal seeders and 300 Sikhs were killed in this battle. Zain-ud-Din Ahmed Khan severed heads of the three hundred dead Sikhs and dispatched them to Delhi to show the same to the emperor and get rewarded for that.264
In the third week of May 1714, another battle was fought between the Sikhs and the Mughal army. On 29 May, the emperor was told that on one day five thousand Sikh cavalry and seven thousand infantry had come down from Shivalik hills and were present in Bawasa265 village. At that time Zain-ud-Din Ahmed Khan, the Faujdar of Sarhind, was also present in that area. He had a big force with him. Having received this information, the Mughal army surrounded them. Soon, a very large number of more Mughal soldiers too joined them; besides the local chiefs also sent several soldiers. According to this report, then the Mughal army too was about five thousand Sikh cavalry and seven thousand infantry. When the Sikhs came to know about the strength of the Mughal army, they decided not to fight against such a huge army; hence, they continued guerrilla battle till they fled towards the high hills; in these skirmishes at least thirty Mughal soldiers were killed and fifty was injured, and many Sikhs too, lost their lives.266
Alike news was reported to the emperor on 12 June also. According to this report, on 13 may 1714, a big force of the Sikhs soldiers had entered village Manakpur and other villages of Dahona267 pargana. They planned to take away their animals. The zamindar (chief) of the said village and the men of thana (police post) fought against the Sikhs. The Sikhs fought with arrows and swords. In the meanwhile the army of Zain-ud-Din Ahmed Khan, Faujdar of Sarhind, appeared. In this battle, 11 soldiers of Mughal cavalry and forty soldiers of their infantry were Great Sikh General: Banda Singh Bahadur 76
killed. Many Sikhs too were killed.268 On 3rd July it was reported that Vanjaras were staying at around Nurpur and supplying the Sikhs with food grains, arrows and rifles. 269 There was a ceaseless fight between the Mughals and Sikh forces. 270 The obnoxious smell of dead human bodies and animals made it a very fouls many place. The Mughal Emperor, he lost his mind when he came to know about this.271
We have important news regarding the role of Vanjaras in the fourth year of Farrukhsiyyar’s rule. News from the chakla from the Kangra was submitted to the Emperor that most of the Vanjaras who were Nanak-worshippers were staying in the taaluqas if Heer Chand and Daya Dhamma and the zamindars of the khalsamahal (imperial lands). They acted as spies for the Sikhs rebels and provided them with food grains, arrows and rifles. If captured, they should be punished and in this way the movement of the rebels and the supply of food grains for them would be restricted. The Emperor issued the necessary orders272. In the wake of Banda Singh’s flight to the hills the imperialist had to encounter stiff resistance from the Vanjaras. Later it was reported that the Vanjaras ravaged a number of villages there.
Baj Singh Separates Himself From Banda Singh
Some writers (Ratan Singh Bhangu and Giani Gian Singh) have mentioned that Banda Singh and Binod Singh had developed differences with each other in the fortress of Gurdas Nangal sometime in April-December 1715, and, Binod Singh had left the fortress; but this is not true; there is no authentic source to prove it.273 However, there is clear evidence that once Baj Singh did go away from Banda Singh. According to a report, sent to the emperor by Anand Rao reporter, Baj Singh, along with 14 to 15 thousand soldiers, parted from Banda Singh and established his camp at Makhowal (Anandpur). He had the support of the ruler of Bilaspur. Baj Singh attacked several villages and plundered the mansions of the rich and the affluent Mughal and Pathans of the area. In spite of the presence of the royal forces in nearby camps274, he would take away money, weapons and cattle.275 It seems that Baj Singh had parted from Banda Singh not due to any differences, but in order to confuse or at least divide the Mughal army into two expeditions.
In the third week of July 1714, the Sikh soldiers put up their camps in Ardun, Mehluk, and Malkiaat villages (in the lower Shivalik hills). When the Mughal army got this news, they attacked the Sikh camp; seventy Sikhs and a large number of Mughal soldiers were killed in these skirmishes. In the third week of August 1714, Baj Singh’s army was again attacked by the Governor of Sarhind. Instead of fighting, the Sikhs preferred to move towards the hills.
It is possible that these attacks were led by Baj Singh. There is no further mention of Baj Singh’s army in any source except that he was killed along with Banda Singh, in Delhi, on 9 June 1716. To say that the record of the Mughal times (Akhbarat-I-Darbar-I-Mualla) might have misspelled or wrongly mentioned Binod Singh as Baj Singh is not true. Moreover, Baj Singh has been shown to fight all the time against the Mughal army. It proves that Baj Singh did not part from Banda Singh due to any differences; rather the Sikh generals themselves divided the Sikh army into two groups as a part of military strategy. So, it is wrong that Baj Singh left Banda Singh due to ‘differences’ and he joined hands with the Mughals and Binod Singh’s name does not appear in any Mughal record, source or concern (as referred to, about Binod Singh, in Ratan Singh Bhangu’s Prachin Panth Parkash). Great Sikh General: Banda Singh Bahadur 77
Banda Singh in Uttrakhand / Kumaon Hills
In the beginning of August 1714, Banda Singh was present in the hills of the present Uttrakhand zone. According to the report of 10 August, the ruler of Srinagar was collaborating with Banda Singh. According to this report, Banda Singh had gone to Bareilly and Moradabad in accordance with the agreement with the Vanjaras.276 Hearing this, Baj Bahadur Chand, the ruler of Kumaon, sent his army to attack the Sikhs. This battle continued for three days, leading to a few losses on both sides. Baj Bahadur dispatched heads of 19 Sikhs killed in these skirmishes, to the Mughal emperor; and the Raja wished that the emperor would reward him with a royal letter, a robe of honour and a turban-decoration, and the emperor fulfilled his wish.277 A report on 12 August mentions the number of the Sikhs killed at twenty.278
Banda Singh Again Returns To The Punjab
In the middle of August 1714, Banda Singh again returned from the Hindustan to the plains of the Punjab plains. According to Irvine, on 16 August 1714,279 a seven thousand strong force of the Sikhs attacked Ropar. Khwaja Mukarram, the deputy of Zain-ud-Din Ahmed Khan gave a tough fight to the Sikhs; as a result the Sikhs had to flee towards the high hills; two hundred Sikhs were killed in this battle.280
In December 1714, he put up his camps near Pinjore and Lakhat villages. On 5 December 1714, Banda Singh Bahadur reached Amboh near Pinjore281. At that time his wife Sahib Kaur and his son Ranjit Singh were also with him. As he was planning to launch an attack on Batala and Kalanaur, he decided to send his family to some safer place. He went to the village of Dhotay-da-Tanda, also known as Tanda Dhota, (near Riasi in Jammu zone) and left his family in the care of Bhai Mehar Singh Dhoota; he also handed over Guru Granth Sahib282 and Guru Gobind Singh’s Kirpan283 to his wife and asked her to take care of the relics. After this he began his march towards Gurdaspur.284
On 5 February 1715, the emperor was told that the Sikh soldiers were encamped at village Lakhat (3 koh, i.e. about 10 kilometre from Sarhind). When Faujdar Khidmat Talab Khan285 received information, he sent his Bakhshi with five thousand gunmen and arrow-shooters to chase the Sikhs. He also wrote to the hill rulers asking them not to allow the rebels enter their territories.286
In the third week of March 1715, the Sikh had gone from Sarhind to the hills towards Suket and Mandi. Their number was seven thousand cavalry and eight thousand infantry. They had the support of the ruler of Kehlur (Bilaspur) State. During this period, when the Sikh army was in Dun area, they had to fight a battle against the Mughal army led by Ramzani Begh, amil (an employee) of Fatah-Ulla-Khan. In this battle the Mughals suffered heavy losses.287
During this period, the Mughal emperor received information that Iradatmand Khan, the army-chief of Eimanabad has made a secret agreement with the Sikhs; the Sikhs would attack the affluent and elite in the areas between Kabul-Kashmir and Lahore-Gujrat zones and share the plundered money and goods with Iradatmand Khan. The emperor was also told that the Khan was also embezzling revenues and preparing fake records; hearing this, the emperor wrote a letter to the Governor of Lahore to suggest some person to be appointed as chief of Eimanabad.288 The same information was given to the emperor on 8 March 1714 too. It means that had continued for about one year. It is also possible that one paper might have been placed on two dates. Great Sikh General: Banda Singh Bahadur 78
Banda Singh Again in the Punjab
At the end of February 1715, Banda Singh himself came down to the foothills and has entered the Punjab; he attacked the Mughal posts and cantonments and took away money, weapons and food. When the emperor got the news, he sent mace-bearers (special messengers) to Abdus Samad Khan to take action.289
In the early days of March 1715, Banda Singh attacked Kalanaur, defeated Sohrab Khan and occupied the town. Batala and Raipur were the next to fall. The Faujdar of Lahore or the officials of the area around Batala-Kalanaur did not come to challenge Banda Singh.290
At that time, Abdus Samad Khan, the Governor of Lahore, was not present in the province and had gone to quell the rebellion of the Hussain Khan Kheshgi. (In the beginning of 1715, Hussain Khan Kheshgi had raised rebellion against the Mughal regime. Abdus Samad Khan himself led an army against Kheshgi. This battle continued for a couple of months. Finally, Kheshgi was killed. The emperor granted the title of Said-ud-Daula (meaning: sword of the state) to Abdus Samad Khan).291
Battle of Gurdas Nangal and
Arrest of Banda Singh Bahadur
On 14 March 1715, the emperor received the news of the fall of Kalanaur and Batala. This frightened and angered the emperor. The next day he sent a large army, under the command of Qamar-ud-Din (son of Mohammed Amin Khan, and father of Mir Mannu), to attack the Sikhs. Qamar-ud-Din left Delhi on 15 March. The emperor also despatched Afrasiyab Khan Bahadur Khan-i-Dauran, Raja Udip Sinh (Raja of Orchha), Raja Gopal Sinh Bhadauria, Pirthi Chand and 300 swar mansabdars (those who had right to employ soldiers with horses, i.e. cavalry) to chase the Sikhs; besides, the emperor ordered twelve thousand five hundred and fifty horsemen of his personal command to join crusade against the Sikhs.292
Siege of Gurdas Nangal
On the 19th of March 1715, the emperor got news that the Banda Singh’s army was present in Majha area, at a distance of about forty Koh (about one hundred and twenty-five km) from Lahore; and, all the government officials as well as other prominent persons had fled the area for fear of Banda Singh, and, the Sikhs had appointed their own officials in that area. When this news reached Abdus Samad Khan, he ordered all his soldiers to march towards that area which the Sikhs had occupied, hoping that Banda Singh too might be present there.
At that time, Banda Singh was present at the fortress of Kot Mirza Jaan and was fortifying it. Kot Mirza Jaan was a village between Batala and Kalanaur; Karam Singh Historian believes that “Banda Singh chose this place from military strategy point of view; he (Banda Singh) knew that had he chosen to fight near Batala and Kalanaur, then, in case of losing the battle against the Mughal army, the residents of these two towns would have blocked his way from escaping; and if the Mughals were defeated, the fleeing Mughal army would have found refuge in these towns; so, he was looking for a safer defensive post like that of the fortress of Kot Mirza Jaan. Karam Singh believes that Banda Singh expected more possibility of defeat than victory. That is why he began repairing this fortress. Banda Singh had repaired a major part of the inside of the fortress but the outer walls and the moat were still not ready. Great Sikh General: Banda Singh Bahadur 79
It seemsthat Karam Singh Historian had not rightly assessed the situation. Mirza Jaan village (in between Bijliwal and Akarpura) is eight and a half kilometres from Batala, and, the distance from Kalanaur to Mirza Jan is fifteen kilometres. All the villages around Mirza Jaan i.e. Akarpura, Muridke, Kala Afghana and Fatehgarh Churian on one side, and, Satkoha and Dhariwal on the other side were totally Muslim villages. They were not supposed to help Banda Singh. But, the reality is that all the Muslims of the Punjab were afraid of Banda Singh, hence, there was least possibility that any civilian would try to block the passage of Banda Singh.
Now, when he received the news of the march of a huge Mughal army, under the command of Arif Khan, he decided to leave that area for a safer place from where he could fight against the invading army. Banda Singh marched towards Gurdas Nangal and took refuge in the fortress-type mansion of Duni Chand Darwesh (later known as Gurdas Nangal Di Garhi), at Gurdas Nangal village, about six km from present town of Gurdaspur. Soon, the Mughal army too reached there and surrounded the fortress from all the sides.
At that time Banda Singh had not more than five thousand soldiers with him. This mansion was not big enough to give place to more than a thousand persons; the rest had no choice but to try to flee by cutting the Mughal siege. So, about four thousand Sikhs began running for safety; but, due to the siege by the thousands of Mughal soldiers, most of them were slain, and only a small number of them were able to save their lives. According to Muhammed Qasim Aurangabadi293 two thousand Sikhs were killed and a few hundred were captured too; two thousands heads of the dead Sikhs were severed and dispatched for exhibition before the emperor. About one thousand Sikhs, who had been arrested there or elsewhere, were handcuffed and chained. They too were taken to Delhi to be paraded before the emperor.294
Now, as Banda Singh had shut himself in the fortress of Gurdas Nangal; and thousands of troops, led by Abdus Samad Khan, had surrounded the fortress from all sides. On the 30th of March 1715, the emperor sent his messenger to Azz Khan, the deputy Governor of Sarhind, asking him to march towards Gurdas Nangal to help Abdus Samad Khan. In the meanwhile, the emperor got news that Daulat Khan Muin (of Sultanpur) too had already reached Goindwal on the 20th of March, along with his 500 soldiers and had taken control of the shores of the river Beas; the emperor assigned his duty to stop and arrest/kill the Sikhs if they tried to escape through that side.295
On the 10th of April 1715, the emperor got (wrong) news from Jammu that Banda Singh and his wife and son have been arrested; in fact, the truth was that they were among those who had been surrounded by the Mughal army at Gurdas Nangal.296
By this time, Abdus Samad Khan too had returned to Lahore. When he came to know that the Muslim armies have surrounded Banda Singh at Gurdas Nangal, he did not rest and reached Gurdaspur with twelve thousand cavalry, and the same number of foot-soldiers and a very large number of cannons. He covered this distance of 40 kos (about 125 kilometres) within three days. In between, he attacked Batala and Kalanaur and freed these towns from the Sikhs. On all these fronts, he had to face tough fighting by the Sikhs. The Sikhs fought with arrows and matchlocks.297
By this time, the number of the Mughal army surrounding Gurdas Nangal had grown to more than fifty thousand. Abdus Samad Khan himself was commanding this huge Mughal army. Saif-ud-Din Ahmed Khan (Faujdar of Gujrat), Iradatmand Khan (Faujdar of Eimanabad), Nur Mohammed Khan (Faujdar of Aurangabad and Pasrur), Sheikh Mohammed Dayam (Faujdar of Batala), Sohrab Khan (Faujdar of Kalanaur), Hamir Chand Katoch (Raja of Kangra), Hari Dev Great Sikh General: Banda Singh Bahadur 80
(son of Raja Dharuv Dev Jasrotia) and Arif Begh (deputy chief of Lahore) too had joined Abdus Samad Khan. The Mughals had dug trenches all around the fortress of Gurdas Nangal.298
On the north side of the fortress Zakaria Khan (then Governor Jammu) and Zain-ud-Din Ahmed Khan (Governor Sarhind) were leading operations, and, on the south side the command was with the Faujdars of Patti, Eimanabad, Batala, Kalanaur, Aurangabad-Pasrur, Gujrat as well as the Rajput rulers of Kangra and Jasrota. 299
The number of the Mughal and Hindu hill soldiers was more than fifty times than that of the Sikhs in the fortress; the Sikhs were fighting battle for survival; they did not have any food inside the fortress. For a few days, some of them would come out of the fortress and fall upon the nearby villages in order to plunder food and cattle. In the second week of April 1715, some Mughal units proceeded forward to stop the Sikhs from coming out of the fortress so that they (Sikhs) should not be able to get food; this resulted into losses on both the sides. Several Sikhs and Mughal soldiers were killed in these skirmishes. One day, when a Sikh group came out of the fortress to fetch wood for fuel, the army of Dharuv Dev Jasrotia attacked them; as a result, most of the Sikhs were killed and the rest ran to the fortress to save their lives. Now, this side too was blocked; the Mughal gun and arrow-shooting experts were stationed all around the fortress and if any Sikh tried to come out of the fortress to fetch food or anything else, he would become a victim of these arrows and the guns shots. Several attempts were made by the Sikhs and hundreds of them were killed.
But, in spite of being a mammoth force, the Mughal army did not try to enter the fortress. In fact they were afraid that the Sikhs had several guns and cannons, and, in the early days of the siege of the fortress, they had also collected a lot of iron from the nearby villages (for making guns). The Mughals got the news that the Sikhs had made three new cannons with this iron and also had a large amount of gun-powder. Abdus Samad Khan reported all this to the emperor; the emperor got this news on 23 April 1715. On 28 April, the emperor received a request from Abdus Samad Khan asking for a big cannon to blow up the walls of Gurdas Nangal; the emperor immediately ordered despatch of a very powerful cannon.300
More than one and a half month had passed but the Sikhs did not surrender nor did they make any attempt to flee from the fortress. On the 14th of May, the emperor asked Issa Khan Manjh (chief of Lakkhi Jungle) also to lead his army to Gurdas Nangal. On the 21st of May the emperor asked Safvi Khan to issue orders to all the mansabdars and jagirdars of the Lahore province to join Abdus Samad Khan along with their soldiers; and, properties of those who do not abide will be confiscated.301 There was not even a single person whom the emperor did not issue orders to join campaign against the Sikhs; by the end of May, 24 thousand soldiers of Abdus Samad Khan, 5 thousand soldiers from Sarhind, 10 thousand soldiers from Lahore, 5 thousand soldiers from Jammu and about 20 thousand soldiers of the Faujdars of different areas of the Punjab as well several mansabdars and jagirdars had put a siege to Gurdas Nangal. On the other hand, thousands of soldiers, led by Qamar-ud-Din, were also ready to leave Delhi for Gurdas Nangal within a few days.
Now, the Mughal army engaged one thousand wood cutters and an equal number of carpenters to clear the jungle around the fortress. A very large number of trees were cut down. Two thousand carts pulled by camels were brought to remove the wood. When all the area around the fortress was cleared of all the vegetation etc, the Mughal army dug trenches all around the fortress so that the Sikhs should not escape.302
It was now the middle of June and the Sikhs had been inside the fortress for the past two and a half months. Mohammed Qasim, the writer of Ibratnama, who was present in the camp of Great Sikh General: Banda Singh Bahadur 81
Arif Begh Khan (the deputy Governor of Lahore), writes: “The Sikhs in groups of 40s and 50s would come out of the fortress with the purpose of getting food and water for themselves as well as for their horses. The Mughal soldiers would try to stop them, but the firing of guns as well as arrows shot from inside the fortress would kill a large number of Mughal soldiers. Those Mughal soldiers who succeeded in reaching near the Sikhs were cut by their swords.” Mohammed Qasim further writes that the Mughal soldiers used to make prayer saying: “O Allah! Let Banda Singh somehow escape from here, so that we may be able to save our lives.” 303
Khafi Khan refers to the awe and fear among the Mughal soldiers, writes: “When some cat or dog would come out of the fortress, the royal persons would kill it with an arrow or gun fearing that this might be some act of magic.” (The Mughals feared that, as Banda Singh knew magic, he might have disguised himself as a cat or dog).
When the news of the prolonged siege reached Delhi, the emperor wrote an angry letter to Abdus Samad Khan for not being able to capture Banda Singh even after a siege of more than two months; he ordered Qamar-Ud-Din to immediately lead his forces to Gurdas Nangal. Within a few days he (Qamar-Ud-Din) reached there and established his camp on the eastern side of the fortress.
Now, the Sikhs were in a major crisis; due to such a big force surrounding them, they became helpless and hopeless too; they were not able to come out of the fortress even to get food of water for themselves and fodder for their horses; and, whenever they tried to come out, they would come under the attack of the guns and arrows; most of them would die and the rest had to run into the fortress for their safety. A couple of hundred Sikhs died during these attempts too. Now, their number inside the fortress was not more than five hundred.
In the first week of June 1715, Abdus Samad Khan announced that whosoever brought the head of a Sikh would get ten rupees (it was two and a half month’s salary of a soldier); this encouraged some Mughal soldiers to try their luck; they began taking risks and a few of them succeeded too while others lost their lives.
On 3 July, the emperor was told that most of the Vanjaras, 304who were Nanak-worshipper (i.e. Sikhs), were staying in the territory of Raja Daya Dhamma305 and Raja Heer Chand306 (i.e. Kangra and Nurpur areas. They acted as spies of Banda Singh. They provide the rebels with food-grain, arrows and rifles. The emperor was requested to issue orders to the hill rulers asking them not to allow Vanjaras in their territories. If captured, they should be punished. In this way the movement of the rebels and the food-grain for them would be restricted.307
During this expedition against Banda Singh, Hamir Chand Kamboj (Katoch), the Daya Dhamma (Nurpur), Ram Sinh Jamwal, Deb Chand Dehnuval had come to Abdus Samad Khan along with their armies, and participated in expeditions against Banda Singh. Similarly, Udey Sinh (Sibia) and Dalip Sinh (Loka) had sent their armies, led by their army chiefs. But, Madha Sen (Mandi), Man Sinh (Kullu) and Heeraj Pal308 (Malabar) neither joined the expedition against Banda Singh, nor did they send their armies. These three were friendly to Banda Singh. The emperor asked Itmad-Ul-Daula (Bakhshi ul Mulk) to write to the Governor of Lahore to take action against them.309
State of Banda Singh and the Sikhs Inside the Fortress: In July 1715, the monsoon stopped major action by the Mughals, but they did not lift their siege. On the other hand, the Sikhs too did not try to avail the rainy season for trying to make an attempt to escape by breaking the siege. Though the number of the Mughal soldiers was very high still there could be the possibility of escape by some Sikhs; the Sikhs did nothing but remained inactive during the whole Chumasa (four months), i.e. first extreme heat and then the rains, whereas they knew that Great Sikh General: Banda Singh Bahadur 82
they won’t be able to get food and even water, and, there was no possibility of the lifting of the siege.
Inside the fortress, as the Sikhs did not have food, they ate all the grass and even dry leaves of the trees. Several of them became victims of loose motions and other diseases. Some Sikhs crushed the stems of the trees into powder and cooked it for food; some had cut the flesh from their thighs and cooked it in order to save themselves from starvation.
The Sikhs did not try to break the siege even when winter began. They had two options: 1. Try to break the siege and embrace martyrdom and possibly escape of a few of them; or 2. Remain inside the fortress, die of hunger or get captured and then face death. Thus, Banda Singh simply waited for eight full months and finally the day came when the calamity was to happen.
Capture of Banda Singh and his companions
In the first week of December, not a single Sikh tried to come out of the fortress; nor was any face or weapon appearing from the tops of the walls; at this, the Mughals began thinking that either the remaining Sikhs had fled from the fortress or all of them had died; they, however, did not yet dare move towards the gates of the fortress. Finally, on the morning of the 7th of December 1715, the Mughal general sent a few dare devil soldiers towards the gate of the fortress. They reached near the gate without any opposition. This confirmed their apprehensions that the Sikhs had either disappeared or died. Now, the herds of the Mughal army ran towards the gate of the fortress, broke the gate open and entered the fortress.
There were none to resist them; inside, they found about three to four hundred Sikhs who were very weak from hunger and almost dead; the Mughal soldiers immediately tied them, and, if any one of them showed even a little movement, he was immediately cut with sword; about half of the Sikhs were put to the sword. There was a pool of blood around the dead bodies of the Sikh soldiers.
But, on the other hand, Mohammed Qasim (in Ibratnama) gives a different story: “Due to stinking smell and starvation, the Sikhs offered themselves for arrest on this condition that they won’t be killed.” The same has been claimed by Mirza Mohammed; he writes: “the Sikhs offered a big sum of money (as bribe) to Mohammed Amin Khan if he would allow them passage to flee; but when the Khan did not agree, they offered themselves for arrest, on the condition that they won’t be killed but shall be presented before the emperor and they would accept whatever punishment the emperor grants them.”310
Both these stories are later concoctions. Any Sikh showing his head out of the gate of the fortress or above the walls was sure to get an arrow or a bullet attack; hence no question of their surrender. Secondly, the Sikhs had no money which they could have offered to Abdus Samad Khan (the Sikhs had only 600 rupees and 23 muhars.311 Thirdly, had the Sikhs offered to surrender, they would have either come out with their hand up or with a white flag or any other form of surrender. Fourthly, had the Mughals accepted the Sikhs’ offer, they would not have killed more than half of the Sikhs, even after their surrender? Fifthly, how could the Sikhs have offered to agree to the decision of the emperor about their fate after their arrest, especially from that emperor who wanted to annihilate them? Hence, this is just propaganda of the Mughal. The truth is that the Sikhs in the fortress had become so week due to hunger that they were unable to make any movement, and, when there was no movement for several days, the Mughal army attacked and captured the feeble and half-dead Sikhs there.
Muhammed Qasim Aurangabadi has given the true account of the arrest of Banda Singh and the Sikhs. He says that when there was no movement within the fortress for so many days, the Great Sikh General: Banda Singh Bahadur 83
Mughal soldiers climbed the ladders, scaled the walls, and entered the fortress. Inside the fortress, due to hunger and other difficulties, the limbs of the Sikhs had become powerless to act or even to make any movement; hence they had lost strength to fight because they did to have power to even hold swords. So much so that they could not even speak any word. Thus, to say that Banda Singh and the Sikhs surrendered is baseless.
Banda Singh was Immediately Fettered
As soon as the Mughals identified Banda Singh (who himself was almost unconscious), they immediately fettered him; other too were tied with ropes. All the Sikh prisoners were taken to Lahore under heavy army escort. At Lahore, they were paraded through the streets of the city; the local Muslim residents threw bricks, stones and other articles on them; this hurt several Sikh prisoners. When the prisoners’ procession was passing near the residence of Bayzid Khan (former chief of Jammu), his mother threw a big stone at them, killing one of them.312 So, after this, the Governor of Lahore ordered covering of the faces of the prisoners with sacks.
After the procession, these Sikh prisoners were kept in shackles, under strict surveillance of the Mughal army. Their feet too had been fettered, and, their wastes had been tied with ropes; they were further tied in batches of 2s and 3s, and then they were again tied down on the carts. Finally, it was decided to despatch them to Delhi via Sarhind under heavy army guards. The news of these arrests had reached the emperor on the 12th of December 1715.
The number of the Sikhs arrested from Gurdas Nangal was less than 300; several Sikhs arrested from other places were also added to this group. Similarly, the Mughal army had killed only a couple of hundred of Sikhs during capture of Gurdas Nangal, and, their heads had been severed. During this period hundreds of more Sikhs had been killed elsewhere; the severed heads of all these Sikhs were also added to the total of the heads being despatched to Delhi. By the time the arrested Sikhs and severed heads of the Sikhs killed reached Delhi, their number had risen from 300 arrested from Gurdas Nangal to more than 700; and the number of the severed heads, which was about 200 at Gurdas Nangal, 700 at Lahore, now had risen to more than 2000 when it reached Delhi; all this was done to show the emperor and the people of Delhi that Abdus Samad Khan had made great achievements.313
From Gurdas Nangal, the Mughal forces had captured 1000 swords, 278 shields, 173 bows and a small number of arrows, 180 guns, 114 daggers, 217 swords with gaatra (the Sikh sword-belt), a few ornaments of gold, 23 mohars and about 600 rupees only, and, all this was, later, deposited in the royal treasury at Delhi. It is amazing that the Sikhs had fought against a heavily armoured mammoth Mughal army, with just such a small number of weapons, for about eight months.
Farukhsiyar Celebrated the Arrest of Banda Singh
When Farukhsiyar received the news of the arrest of Banda Singh and his companions on the 12th of December 1715, he made prayers (namaaz) twice. He announced the news of the Banda Singh’s arrest in Delhi at the beat of the drum; he sent four sacks filled with coins (money) to be showered from elephants, so that the public should pick up the money and celebrate the victory of the Mughal army over the Sikhs.314
Zakaria Khan (son of Abdus Samad Khan, the Governor of Lahore, and son-in-law of Mohammed Amin Khan) himself led the procession bringing Banda Singh, his wife Sushil Kaur and 4’1/2 years old son Ajay Singh, along with more than 700 other Sikh prisoners and two thousand severed heads of the Sikhs; severed heads of the Sikhs had been heaped in carts; the Great Sikh General: Banda Singh Bahadur 84
prisoner Sikhs had been tied in 2s and 3s and were ‘laden’ on camels. Banda Singh, who was in fetters, had been put in a big cage; this cage had been placed on an elephant and a Mughal soldier, carrying an unsheathed sword, was standing behind this cage, due to fear that Banda Singh might not break the cage with his ‘magical power’ and fly away.315
The procession of the Sikh prisoners first reached the village of Agarabad, in the outskirts of Delhi, on the 27th of February 1716. On the 29th of February, before imprisoning them in the Salimgarh Fort (a fort built by Salim Shah Sur in 1540s, on the back side of the Lal Qila, built by Shah Jahan in the 1620s; Salimgarh Fort was used for keeping the prisoners); these prisoners were paraded through the streets of Delhi.316
The Scene of Procession of the Sikh Prisoners
This procession of the Sikh prisoners began from Agarabad and after covering about ten km route it reached the Lal Qila. It was led by a musical band, followed by the carts laden with severed heads of some two thousand Sikhs. These heads had been filled with chaff and were hanged on the tops of bamboo sticks. The hair of these heads had been left flowing so that people may know that they were the heads of the Sikhs; these included some heads of the Sikh females as well and due to their long hair they too looked like male Sikhs.
Next to these severed heads, one soldier was carrying a dead cat at the top of a long bamboo stick. It signified that in the houses of the Sikhs not only human folk, but even any animal was not left alive.
It was followed by Banda Singh; who had been put in a big cage that had been placed on an elephant; to ridicule Banda Singh, he had been dressed as a bridegroom; he was made to wear a royal cloak embroidered with pomegranate flowers and a red colored golden brocade turban. A heavy wooden case, carrying 3-4 kg soil had been placed on his head, and, due to this heavy weight he was sitting in a reclining posture leaning towards one side. Though he had been chained and was put in a cage, still, a soldier carrying an unsheathed sword was standing by in an ever-ready position to attack Banda Singh, in case the latter tried to flee by using his ‘magical’ power.
The last in the procession were 740 Sikh prisoners whose faces had been blackened; their hands had been tightly tied and clamped by their necks. To insult and make fun of them, cartoon-styled paper caps had been put on their heads and sheep skin had been wrapped about their bodies.
The procession was being escorted by Mohammed Amin Khan, his son Qamar-ud-Din and son-in-law Zakaria Khan, who was riding on horses with haughty pride, like winners of some great trophy.
This procession entered the walled city of Delhi through Lahori Gate.317 Almost the whole of Delhi had come to see this. There was perhaps no male resident of Delhi who had not seen this procession; hence, due to this crowd of hundreds of thousands, there was suffocation and it was difficult to breathe properly. People were passing remarks on, making insulting signs and showering abuse on the Sikhs; some of them were created shrieking/hooting sounds, clapping and even dancing as if they themselves had achieved the most precious victory in the history.
But, on the other hand, there was no sign of remorse or despondency on the faces of the Sikhs; they did not look like defeated and fallen soldiers. They were chanting hymns and repeating ‘Vahguru’ (the name of God); they were behaving in a manner as if nothing had happened to them.318 Great Sikh General: Banda Singh Bahadur 85
When Banda Singh was presented before Farukhsiyar, the latter asked him ‘What type of death would you choose for yourself?’’319Banda Singh replied ‘The same type as the emperor would opt for himself.’320
Muhammed Qasim Aurangabadi says that when Farukhsiyar looked at the faces of the Sikhs he got frightened. He said that their faces are filled with scary and thunderous look. Had they survived some more time, it would have become very difficult task to uproot them.321
On the 7th of March, Mumtaz Khan Akhtar Beghi presented 16 horses to Farukhsiyar. These had been sent by Abdus Samad Khan; out of these 16 horses and mares, 3 horses and 6 mares had belonged to Banda Singh himself.
Execution of the Sikh Prisoners
On 5 March 1716, the emperor ordered Sarbrah Khan, the police chief of Delhi, to execute all the Sikh prisoners322 except the seventeen senior leaders of the Sikh army. For the next seven days, one hundred Sikhs were executed every day; they had, of course, been given the option to save their lives in case they embraced Islam; but, not a single Sikh chose to renounce his faith in order to save his life; all of them chanted ‘Waheguru! Waheguru!!’ while they were being beheaded; what to say about their saving their lives, they used to address the executioner as ‘Mukta‘ (deliverer, i.e. one who liberates from this world).323 These executions were carried out in front of the kotwali (police station) at the Chandni Chowk, the then downtown and a hub of Delhi.324
John Sermon and Edwards, Stephen, the Delhi representatives of the British Governor at Fort William (Calcutta), in a letter written on March 10, 1716, have given an eyewitness account of these executions:
“The great Rebel Guru who has been for these past 20 years so troublesome to the Subaship of Lahore, is at length taken with all his family and attendance by Abd-Us-Samad Cawn, the Suba of that province. Some days ago, they entered the city laden with fetters, his whole attendance, which were left alive, being about seven hundred and eighty, all severally mounted on camels which were sent out of the city for that purpose, besides about two thousand head struck upon poles, being those who died by the sword in battle. He was carried into the presence of the King, and from thence to a close prison. He, at present, has his life prolonged with most of his mutsuddys, in hope to get an account of his treasure in the several parts of his kingdom and of those who assisted him, when afterwards he will be executed; for the rest there are 100 each day beheaded. It is not a little remarkable with what patience they undergo their fate, and to the last it has not been found that one apostatized from his new formed religion”. Sarup Das Bhalla (in Mahima Parkash) writes that Kahan Singh Trehan (a descendant of Guru Amar Das) too was one of the Sikh prisoners. According to Sarup Das, Kahan Singh was swapped with another Sikh so that he (Kahan Singh), being the descendant of a Guru, may be saved from execution.
This is just another concoction. First, it was impossible for a Sikh to reach there and get another one released. Secondly, it is un-Sikh like act to get a Sikh killed in order to save another. This is unhistorical too. Even Guru Gobind Singh did not try to save his sons in the battle of Chamkaur. He sent his sons to fight and die (on the 7th of December 1705); instead of his sons, he saved some Sikhs who escaped from the fortress of Chamkaur along with him on the night of 7th and 8th of December 1705.
More than seven hundred Sikh prisoners were executed by the 12th of March 1716. Their dead bodies were cut into pieces and these pieces were hung upside down from trees in different Great Sikh General: Banda Singh Bahadur 86
parts of the city of Shahjahanabad (Delhi). The flesh from these body parts was eaten by the vultures, but the skeletons and bones remained hanging. Wanton Muslim children used to hit these bones with bricks and stones in order to express their anger against the Sikhs.325
After the execution of these more than seven hundred Sikhs, Farukhsiyar handed over Banda Singh and other 18 Sikhs326 to Tikka Ram, to imprison them in Tripolia fort. Banda Singh’s wife Sushil Kaur (of Chamba) and his son Ajay Singh were sent into the custody of Darbar Khan Nazir.
Khafi Khan claims that some rich people offered a big amount of money to Mohammed Amin Khan to release Banda Singh but he refused to have even a dialogue on this issue. This too seems to be another concoction because at that time none could have dared to present oneself as an agent or even as a sympathizer of the Sikhs.
Banda Singh and his companions were tortured for the next three months; they too were offered life if they accepted to embrace Islam but none of them chose to do so. Finally, on the 9th of June, Farukhsiyar ordered the execution of Banda Singh and his companions. The emperor ordered Ibrahim-Ud-Din (Mir Aatish) and Sarbrah Khan (Kotwal) that Banda Singh should be first tortured and then killed.327 The order included cutting of his tongue, pulling out his eyes, pulling skin from his flesh and tearing flesh from his bones; and also killing his son before his eye. According to Khafi Khan, the emperor had ordered that Banda Singh should be forced to kill his own son with his own hands.
The execution was to be carried near the tomb of Khwaja Qutub-Ud-Din (near Qutub Minar) at Mehrauli. The order of the emperor was translated into action immediately and Banda Singh was at once taken to the site of execution.
At Mehrauli, Banda Singh was taken around the tomb of Khwaja Kutub-Ud-Din and then brought to the site of execution. Along with Banda Singh, his son and 26 more Sikhs too were brought there.328 These Sikhs were offered life if they chose to embrace Islam; but, not a single Sikh accepted this offer; rather they put their heads forward for getting beheaded: “Aan grftaaraanay beghum khud gardan payish jalladaan mi nihadand. Va vahguru goyaan jaan mi daadand” [Meaning: all of them put ahead their necks, for being beheaded, before the executioner and accepted martyrdom by uttering the name of Waheguru].329
Scene of the Execution of Banda Singh: To execute Banda Singh, he was brought out of the cage. His right hand was freed; he was given a dagger and asked to kill his son Ajay Singh, who was just four and a half years old. (Khafi Khan writes that he was seven-eight years old and Sohan Lal Suri makes him six years old)330. He became youngest martyr of the world. When Banda Singh did not move, the executioner himself killed the child, cut his stomach, pulled out his heart and tried to thrust it into Banda Singh’s mouth. Banda Singh kept his teeth clenched. After this, the executioner pulled his (Banda Singh’s) right eye out of the socket, followed by peeling of the left eyeball; next his left foot was chopped off, followed by the right foot; the next target was his hands. In spite of this Banda Singh did not even cry; now the executioner pulled his flesh with pincers and finally attacked his head with a hammer. By then, Banda Singh was dead, but even after this, the executioner chopped off his dead body into pieces.
Muhammed Qasim Aurangabadi says that when a Banda Singh’s son was hacked to pieces, he did not utter even a word with his tongue, and what to talk of shedding a tear from his eyes, he continue having a smile on his face.331
All this was carried out in the presence of Ibrahim-ud-Din (Mir Aatish) and Sarbrah Khan (Kotwal).332 The emperor had ordered that these parts of Banda Singh’s body should be Great Sikh General: Banda Singh Bahadur 87
hanged from the trees; but, as, by then, it had grown dark the government officials left the place. At midnight, Amar Singh Kamboj333 (of Khemkaran), who was present in that area, reached there in disguise and collected all the parts of the dead body of Banda Singh in the red turban (that Banda Singh was wearing)334 and took them to the village Dhotay-Da-Tanda (pargana Jammu) and presented them before Sahib Kaur, the wife of Banda Singh, who cremated it there.335
Giani Gian Singh writes that Banda Singh was dragged behind an elephant for one whole day and in the evening, considering him dead; his body was thrown on the banks of river Yamuna so that crows and dogs should eat his dead body; but, a Faqir, who was passing through that area, picked up his body and saved him. According to Giani Gian Singh, after his recovery, Banda Singh went to Kashmir and spent the rest of his life there. Giani Gian Singh writes that Banda Singh died a ‘natural’ death in 1741.336
The rest of the companions of Banda Singh were killed the next day (according to Sewa Singh337 they too were killed on the same day). These included Gulab Singh Bakhshi, Bhagwant Singh, Baj Singh, Kuir Singh, Sham Singh (four Bangeshari brothers), Nahar Singh, Sher Singh, Albel Singh (all the three were the sons of Baj Singh), Ram Singh Parmar (son of Bachitar Singh and grandson of Bhai Mani Singh), Aali Singh, Mali Singh (both from Salaudi village), Rai Singh Hazuri (a nephew of Bhai Mati Das) etc. For details, see: Guru De Sher by Dr Harjinder Singh Dilgeer.
Banda Singh And The Sikh Prisoners’ Statements
When Banda Singh was brought to Delhi, he made some statements which have been recorded by the Muslim writers of the day. According to Khafi Khan, when Mohammed Amin Khan asked him: “What compelled you to undertake this war?”, Banda Singh replied: “When faithlessness (in God) and sins cross the limits (on this earth) then the True God appoints a person like me which become the cause of punishing the deeds of that community. When He wants to destroy the world, He gives the command of the land to the tyrants.”338 Mohammed Harsi, in his book Ibratnama, writes: When someone would ask the Sikh prisoners ‘do you know that you shall be killed‘; they would boldly answer:
“bikushand maa azz kushtan kei mee tarsaym; chiraa baa shumaa een kadar janghaa mee kardaym! va maa mahaz b-sabab gursangi va fakkdani aazukaa ba-dasti shumaa uftaadaym! Va illa haqiqat bahadari-maa zayaadaa az aanchih deed aayad, maaloom shumaa mee shud!“
(Meaning: you will certainly kill; we are not afraid of dying. Had we been afraid of death, why would we have taken up such a big war against you? We have been captured by you because of hunger and shortage of food; otherwise you could have seen more of the truth of our braver than you have seen).
Declaration of a Captured Sikh Youth: ‘She is not my mother!’
During these executions, another miracle took place. The mother of a young Sikh boy approached the Prime Minister Sayyad Abdullah Khan, with the help of Diwan Ratan Chand and convinced the minister that her son was not a Sikh, and, she got a letter for the release of her son. After this, she, accompanied by her daughter-in-law (the Sikh youth’s wife), approached the executioner and told him to release her son. She told him: “My son is not a Sikh. He should be released. I have brought orders from the prime minister.” Hearing this, the Sikh boy cried: “Man Great Sikh General: Banda Singh Bahadur 88
namay daanam ke een maadar keesat; va een aroos az kujaa aavahdaa! va een chigoona sukhanha-ay mee goya! rafikaani man guzzashtand; va aknoon waqti maa az dast ravad! va een muhlat baa-issee aazaari maasat!!”
(Meaning: I do not know whose mother, she is, and where from she has brought this bride? And what type of words she is speaking! My companions have gone further, and now my time is passing out, and this time is painful for me).
According to the writer of Muntakhabul-Lubab this young man was a companion of Banda Singh, but the writer of Tarikh-I-Mohammed Shahi does not believe so; according to him this young man had been arrested from somewhere else; he had recently been married and being a Sikh he was arrested and added to the group of the companions of Banda Singh. His mother and wife had made a petition to the Faujdar. But, both these authors agree to the details of the arrival of motherhood with a royal letter and the boy’s refusal to recognize his mother.
Royal Rewards For Those Who Captured Banda Singh
As a reward for the arrest of Banda Singh, Farukhsiyar bestowed several gifts, on Abdus Samad Khan; his mansab was increased to six thousand. He was awarded a decorated palanquin, several elephants and horses, a large number of ornaments, a pearl-studded stripe (for turban), a decorated robe, a diamond necklace and grant of several Parganas.339
Demolition of Lohgarh
Who demolished Lohgarh and How Much Time Did it Take?
The Mughal emperor and the generals of the Mughal army were scared of Banda Singh Bahadur, Sadhaura and Lohgarh forts. But, Lohgarh fort was their bigger concern. The Vanjara Sikhs continued their struggle even after the martyrdom of Baba Banda Singh Bahadur, but were soon captured as they became leaderless. They had started demolition of the Sadhura fort in September 1713. But, Lohgarh fort was their bigger concern. They were always afraid that if they re-occupied this fort then again thousands of Mughal soldiers shall have to be engaged to combat the Sikh army for many years, and, it would mean loss of lives of thousands of Mughal soldiers, and a lot of money as well; and, still the Mughals shall never be able to keep it under their control for a long time. The Sikhs will come again and occupy it. So, following the advice of the army generals, the Mughal emperor ordered that this port should be totally demolished.
Chowdhry Musa-Ul-Khan340 (known more as Massa Ranghar) of Mandhiala village (13 kilometres from both Amritsar and Jhabal Kalan) was assigned this job. When Banda Singh Bahadur and all the senior generals of the Sikh army had been arrested (in December 1715) and executed (on 9 June 1716), the demolition of the fort was begun. For this purpose, hundreds of Mughal soldiers and thousands of laborers were engaged. They took up each one hill as a unit, and begun demolishing the walls, trenches, foundations and passages of each hill one by one. Ranghars, who had been brought to demolish the fort and carry massacre of the Sikhs, where, later, got settled in 85 villages in old district of Ambala.
At that time, the families of those persons, who were employees of Bhai Lakhi Rai Vanjara’s tanda (trade caravan), and the families of Sikligars (who used to manufacture weapons and ammunition for the Gurus and Banda Singh) had been living in these hills and in the villages in the foothills of the fort. This fort had been built by these Vanjaras and the Sikligars and their forefathers. Great Sikh General: Banda Singh Bahadur 89
It seems that the Mughals would not have only demolished the fort, but they would have even occupied these villages, one by one. They might have either killed or expelled the Vanjaras and the Sikligars and their families; and, some might have fled from their houses to save themselves from the atrocities of the Mughal soldiers. Those soldiers and the labor, which had been brought here, to demolish the fort, might have been given possession of the land and the houses belonging to the Vanjaras and the Sikligars. Before 1716, not a single Muslim used to live here. All this land belonged to Lakhi Rai Vanjara and all his employees (Vanjaras) were Sikhs.
It is believes that the demolition of the fort would have taken atleast twenty years. A fort, which was built in 60 to 70 years, at least half time was needed to totally demolish it. It seems that Massa Ranghar personally supervised demolition of the fort that is why he had built his palace here. The palace, in which Massa Rangarh lived, the ruins of which can be still be seen in Machhrauli village till today. Similarly, there is a village Mughalvali. Where workers, who were engaged in the task of demolition, might have been living here; hence, this might have come to be known as Mughalvali. Even now, all those Muslim families which live in this area are the descendants of those who had come here between 1716 and 1740.
Between Sadhaura and Lohgarh and in the foothills of the fort, there were more than 50 villages where Vanjara used to live. The land of these villages was the property of Lakhi Rai Vanjara; and it was inhabited by his employees. The Mughals had killed most of them and their lands given to those workers engaged in demolish of the fort. In spite of this, some Vanjaras still remained there in these villages. It is possible that these Vanjaras might have co-operated with the Mughals or surrendered to them. This too is possible that some Vanjaras returned to this place after 1740, when the fort had been almost demolished and Massa Ranghar had left this area for his native village in Amritsar district. Even nowadays, several Vanjaras and Sikligars are living in this area. They are Sikhs and they perform all their rituals as per Sikh traditions. Some of the villages in this area, and in nearby districts, are even known as Vanjaras villages. These include Ishargarh, Ismailabad, Lohara, Bir Saunti, Haripur Majri, Khaira, Simalvar, Nakhrojpur, Bhukri, Falshanda, Ladva, Raurhki, Mand Kheri, Dilli-Ka- Majra, Deviaspura, Navarsi (Kurukashetra); Bigarh (Fatehbad); Balsola, Nanakpura, Navan Nagar (Pinjaur-Nalagarh road), Sherpur, Bakkarvala, Kalesar, Sunder Bahadurpur, Naushehra, Bilaspur, Buria, Kunjal, Baruda (Yamuna Nagar); Mithapur, Sagrani, Khanpur, Ganauli (Ambala), Raipur Rani, Shahpur, Raurki, Chauki, Nada, Fatehpur, Raili,Kundi, Surajpur, Rajipur, Pinjaur, Prempura, Kiratpur, Maulavali, Karanpur, Karauli, Karaul Fateh Singh, Karul Maula (Panchkula) etc. Some villages in Karnal district too belong to Vanjaras, e.g. Sangoi, Bhara Gaon, Kavahi, Mehtamati, Neval, Tikri, Sugri, Chhapra, Daliyanpur etc. Besides these districts, several Vanjaras live in Charkhi Dadri, Bhiwani, Rohtak, Gurgaon, Kosali, Behri, Gohana, Mahendragarh, Narnaul, Sonepat, Panipat and Gharaunda too. In Himanchal Pradesh too there are several villages where Vanjaras are still living, e.g. Kearda, Patlion, Kishanpur, Thapal (in the old state of Nahan/Sirmaur, in Lohgarh zone), where Guru Har Rai Sahib spent about 13 years), Singpura, Bhatvali, Bannewali, Molokvali, Barotivala, Haripur, Fatehbad, Vikas Nagar, Salakhoi, Vikram Bagh etc. In Punjab too the Vanjaras inhabit in several villages, e.g. Tandi, Navan Gaon (Kharar tehsil); Masoli, Arauli, Dasovala, Lubangarh, Udiavala, Tanda (Machhiwara tehsil); Madwara (Ropar tehsil); Behat (Lidhiana). In Uttar Pradesh and Uttrakhand too Tanda villages are predominately inhabiated by Vanjaras community. All of them are Sikhs and perform their family ceremonies (birth, marriage and death rituals) according to Sikh religion.
Situation After the Demolish of Lohgarh Fort Great Sikh General: Banda Singh Bahadur 90
It has been said that Lakhi Rai Vanjara had a mansab of four thousand granted by Mughal emperor Shah Jahan (Athar Ali wrote a book ‘Mughal Nobility Under Aurangzeb’ which gives the names of more than one thousand mansabdars out of which dozens are Hindu Rajput, Maratha and other mansabdars as well but, it does not contain even a single name which belonged to the Sikh community). However, there is no doubt that Lakhi Rai Vanjara was a very rich person; perhaps he was the richest trader of his times. He uses to trade from Balkh, Bukhara, Yarkand, Samarkand (in the Central Asia) to Sri Lanka. He had at least three hundred thousand camels, elephants, horses, oxen, buffalos and mules. To maintain such an animal force, he must be having thousands, may be lakhs of employees, which were known as Vanjaras (employees of Vanjara).
After the execution of the Sikh soldiers, including all the sons, grandsons and great-grandsons of Lakhi Rai Vanjara, and the fall of Lohgarh fort, the thousands of persons associated with his trade caravans had become unemployed. Now, they began wandering from place to place in search of work.
Similarly, some of these, who used to manufacture weapons for Lakhi Rai, Guru Sahibs, Banda Singh, too had become jobless. The Mughals too did not give them jobs.
Those workers, who had been associated with trade, some of them got engaged in trade activities, i.e. they got engaged in door-to-door, village to village trade activities. They had experience of trade activities. They knew what good was needed at which place. As they did not have much capital, hence they could not begin large scale businesses. So, with petty capital, they began to sell some less expensive goods. They would travel from one village to another and fulfil the needs of the people of that area. They will enquire about the needs of the people and would try to arrange those things. Thus they became petty peddlers. Hundreds of Vanjaras engaged in such activities. As they would bring the goods needed by people, they became a necessity for the people, especially in the villages which were far away from the major road routes. As a result people would wait for them. Though, now, they did not trade in the form of large caravans, and did not move to long routes, but people still used to call them Vanjaras. Most of them were Rajputs and Khatris. With the passage of time, even idioms and proverbs became associated with the Vanjaras.
Like Vanjaras, the number of Sikligars associated with weapon manufacturing for Lakhi Rai, Guru Sahibs and Banda Singh too was very large hence they too had no chance to get job or assignment at one place. They too began wandering from place to place in the search for livelihood. Many of them travelled upto Kumaon, Rajputana and Martha lands with the hope of getting work of manufacturing of weapons. But, no Raja, Peshwa, Chowdhry or Zamindar made arrangements, of setting up industry of weapon manufacturing, for them. One of the reason was that the Sikligars were turban-wearing Sikhs (having uncut hair and beards). They refused to cut hair. In such a state they had to live in small tents, camps and huts, and, they earned their livelihood (basic needs) by manufacturing petty household things like knifes, swords, bowls, buckets etc. They would halt near a village or town and fulfil the needs of the local residents. When they would not get good number of customers, they would proceed to next areas. Thus, they lived the life of gypsies.
This is the reason that Vanjaras and Sikligar are found in Punjab, Haryana, Rajasthan, Maharashtra, Bihar, Jharkhand and even in some areas of Karnatka. Great Sikh General: Banda Singh Bahadur 91
Contribution of Banda Singh Bahadur
Banda Singh was not just a great general of army; he was a ‘miracle’ because he exercised wonders. He created a people-oriented revolution on the land of five rivers, known as the Punjab. He laid the foundation of freedom of not only of the Punjab but also of the whole sub-continent of South Asia from the seven hundred years’ old slavery of the foreign rulers. It was he who shook Empire of the Mughals. He was such a great military general who shattered the false belief that the Mughal empire was ever-powerful, permanent and unchallengeable. So long he was alive, three emperors, more than a dozen governors and more than two hundred small rulers, generals, police-chiefs, feudal, plus countless jehadis could not have a peaceful sleep, even for a day. More than one hundred thousand royal soldiers (more than two-third of total imperial army) were engaged in operations to defeat him.
During this struggle, thirty to forty thousand Sikhs died, but in spite of such a big number of casualties, the Sikhs continued their struggle for freedom. Even after the martyrdom of Banda Singh, the Mughals could not have a peaceful reign in the Punjab. The fall of the authority of the Mughal power, which had started in the Punjab, now began spreading to other areas too. With the passage of time, the Sikhs had become the decisive force not only in the Punjab but also in areas of Rajputana, the hills and even parts of the Hindustan (the present provinces of U.P., M.P. , Bihar etc, then, was known as Hindustan). All this was an extension due to achievements of Banda Singh.
On the other hand, if we analyse the circumstances in which Banda Singh launched his struggle to uproot Mughals, he deserves to be given still more credit. Ratan Singh Bhangu claims that Guru’s wives opposed him, Ajit Singh Palit collaborated with the Mughal and the so-called Tat Khalsa joined the Mughal side. In such circumstances, what Banda Singh achieved was remarkable; his period can well be called the most pro-people revolutionary period of the Sikh history, and, may be the world history.
Banda Singh wrote with his own blood the lesson of freedom but mentally slave, impotent and coward people could not learn it properly. It was only the Sikh nation which, at one time, learnt this lesson by heart, and, after making thousands of sacrifices they achieved their freedom and established nationhood of the Sikhs and the Punjabis, under the Sikh Misls.
Banda Singh taught the Sikhs the value of freedom; having known about the difference between a ruler and the ruled, the Sikh nation refused to accept slavery or even supremacy of the others. Banda Singh gave the Sikhs their own currency, their seal of sovereignty, and, provided the Sikhs with a new calendar of their own too. Banda Singh was the first person in the world history who brought an end to feudal system and introduced egalitarian system (though it was again finished by Maharaja Ranjit Singh).
Banda Singh also taught the Sikhs the lessons of power of organisation and leadership; he played as a hero and taught others to be so. He exhibited how one can brave the most savage torture and embrace martyrdom for one’s faith; perhaps, in the whole of history, none other general had to face such a torturous death.
He taught the real way of living like a true Sikh; he adhered to the Sikh values throughout his life; in a life span of just 45 years, he was a Sikh only for less than eight years; and all this time he lived as a true and a model Sikh; and he embraced death/martyrdom like a true Sikh.
He was a miracle on this earth; and he created a unique phenomenon in history. Great Sikh General: Banda Singh Bahadur 92
In the history of the Sikhs, Banda Singh’s name will shine with glory only next to the Gurus. All the achievements of the succeeding generations of the Sikhs owe their existence to Banda Singh’s contribution. It was he who, through his martyrdom, gave his blood for the transfusion, resuscitation and survival of the Sikh nation!
Banda Singh and Islam
Some Muslim writers have tried to portray Banda Singh as a cruel general or an anti-Islamic. It is a sheer misconception and a blatant lie. It is evident from the history that Banda Singh did not kill even a single innocent Muslim; he punished only the tyrants or those who fought against him. Remember, ordinary Muslims themselves were victims of the atrocities of the Muslim rulers (Sayyads, Pathans and Mughals) and other aristocracy. There are several references in history that ordinary Muslims rather supported Banda Singh; in Samana, Sadhaura, Buria, Kalanaur and several other areas the local Muslims helped Banda Singh and even joined his rank and file.
Secondly, whenever Banda Singh freed any territory, he did not demolish any Muslim religious place. This is evident from the scores of mosques, tombs and other such structures of those days which are still intact; one can see a large number of such old mosques and tombs at Samana, Fatehgarh Sahib (erstwhile old Sarhind city), Sadhaura and many other places. On the other hand, the Muslim rulers (Mughals and Afghan, both) had attacked, plundered and destroyed Darbar Sahib and other Sikh shrines several times and filled the sarovars (tanks) with debris, animal bones, filth and garbage.
An interesting entry in the Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Mualla dated 28th April 1711 refers to enrollment of five thousand Muslims in Banda Singh’s army at Kalanaur. According to this entry Banda Singh always used Ji (a suffix, which is addressed of respect) for all the Sikhs and Muslims alike and he never uttered even a single word against Islam or its religious leaders; (on the other hand the Mughal rules always used words of disdain for the Sikhs and usually referred to them as infidels, thieves, dogs etc.).
Banda Singh’s justice was alike for the Sikhs and the Muslims. Once, when a Sikh officer usurped the property of a Muslim, Banda Singh immediately punished that Sikh.341 Banda Singh had issued strict instructions against injustice. On the other hand, the Muslim rulers always committed atrocities on the Sikhs; they raised, many a times, jehad (holy war) against the Sikhs to wipe them out. Bahadur Shah had issued orders to kill all the Sikhs indiscriminately; one such order had been issued on the 10th of December 1710, and, repeated time and again. Thus, to call Banda Singh as anti-Islam is a grave injustice to Banda Singh and is rape of history.
Banda Singh and the Hindu Rulers And Feudal
It is remarkable to note that not a single Hindu Ruler participated in the Banda Singh’s war against injustice; no Hindu ruler or feudal joined his struggle for freedom, rather they opposed him. Whenever some Hindus joined the Banda Singh’s army, their purpose was to plunder only and whenever there was an occasion for a real battle, they (the Hindus) would flee from the battlefield. Besides, most of the Hindu rulers joined the Mughal forces in their ‘war against the Sikhs’. As a matter of fact, most of the Hindu rulers, along with their forces, fought against the Sikhs; rather they were always in the front lines in the battle fields or other expeditions of the Mughals. The Hindu rulers like Chhatarsal Bundela, Churamani Jatt,342 Gopal Sinh Bhadauria, Udit Sinh Bundela, Badan Sinh Bundela, Bachan Sinh Kachhwaha, Ajit Sinh Jodhpuria, Jai Sinh Swai, Amar Sinh Udaipuri, the rulers of Kangra and Jammu fought against Great Sikh General: Banda Singh Bahadur 93
the Sikhs in the front lines; and, later, even the ruler of Nahan had also joined the Mughal side. In September 1711, when some Sikh emissaries of Banda Singh went to meet the rulers of Jodhpur and Jaipur, they (the Hindu rulers), instead of helping them or even refusing to help them, got them (the Sikh envoys) killed!
It is remarkable to note that the success of the Sikhs would have been for the benefit of the Hindu rulers. They should have joined Banda Singh, but, instead, they fought for the continuation of their slavery. They, not only supported the emperor, but even joined the Muslim jihad against the Sikhs. During the siege of Lohgarh (November 1710) and Gurdas Nangal (1715), the Hindu rulers themselves fought in the front lines along with the Mughal soldiers. Had the Hindu rulers, especially of Rajputana, raised their rebellion, the Mughal forces would have been divided into two fronts and it could have ended the Mughal rule right in 1711-12, at least in Rajasthan and Punjab; and, probably, the Sikhs and the Rajputs would have ruled the whole of the South Asia.
Not only the Hindu rulers, but even ordinary Hindus did not join the Sikh forces; not a single Rajput or Punjabi Hindu joined the Sikh army; on the other hand, the Punjabi Hindus played right-hand, and even touts, of the Mughal regime, e.g. Sucha Nand, Lakhpat Rai, Jaspat Rai, Bhawani Das, Lachhmi Das343, Akal Das Niranjania, Dharam Das and several others; they played as puppets and protégés of the Mughals and also themselves perpetrated atrocities on the Sikhs.
EPILOGUE
Banda Singh’s Impact on Mughal Empire
There is no doubt the Mughals had captured Sadhura and Lohgarh, and, had demolished them. They had killed Banda Singh Bahadur and thousands of the Sikhs. But, this had also started the destruction of the mighty Mughal Empire. Just in a period of five years, Banda Singh had destroyed the Mughal Empire. The royal treasury had got drained. More than fifty thousand Mughal soldiers had been killed; many of them were prominent generals. Banda Singh had finished the awe of the Mughal ruler. Area of Jammu to Delhi and up to Saharanpur on the eastern side of Yamuna river had been devastated. Even after this, from the execution of Banda Singh (1716) and up to 1760, though the Sikhs were not in power, most of the Mughal wealth, power and attention remained centered on expedition against the Sikhs, which shook the foundations of the ‘mighty’ Mughal Empire.
Tat Khalsa & Bandai Khalsa:
A concocted story
Did Farukhsiyar use the wives of the Guru?
Ratan Singh Bhangu and Giani Gian Singh have said that Farukhsiyar compelled (Mata)344 Sunder Kaur and (Mata) Sahib Kaur (the wives/widows of Guru Gobind Singh) to Great Sikh General: Banda Singh Bahadur 94
write letters to the Sikhs asking them to reject Banda Singh. According to these writers, in September 1714, Farukhsiyar imprisoned/ interned these ladies and compelled them to ask/order Banda Singh to stop war against the Mughal regime. As wished by the Mughal emperor, the ladies tried to convince Banda Singh but he refused to accept their advice. At this, Farukhsiyar asked the ladies to write letters to the Sikhs asking them to dissociate themselves from Banda Singh. These sources further assert that when Banda Singh still did not bother, the ladies ‘excommunicated’ him; but, on the other hand, the Sikhs gave full co-operation to Banda Singh and did not bother for the letters of the ladies, because, the Sikhs had observed Ajit Singh Palit’s loyalty for and collaboration with the Mughals, and, (Mata) Sunder Kaur and (Mata) Sahib Kaur used to live with Ajit Singh Palit at Delhi. So, the Sikhs had no confusion about the credentials of Ajit Singh Palit as well as the two ladies; hence they sided with Banda Singh.
Truth about ‘dispute’ between Banda Singh and Binod Singh
Some writers have narrated the ‘dispute’ between Banda Singh and Binod Singh in long details. According to Ratan Singh Bhangu, Banda Singh and Binod Singh had developed differences right since the time of the occupation of Sarhind. He says that the Mughals arrested Ajit Singh Palit and then took him with them, and, he was granted the control of Guru-Da-Chakk (Amritsar). After this they (Mughals) got a letter written from the wife (Bhangu does not mention the name of the lady, however, it is widely believed that it should be Mata Sunder Kaur, the elder one) of Guru Gobind Singh to Banda Singh; this letter said: ‘you have taken the revenge of the murder of the Sahibzadas and have punished the hill rulers; so, now you should stop the war, accept Jagir (estate) and live a comfortable life’. According to Bhangu, Banda Singh did not bother for this letter; he rather reacted by saying: ‘accepting Jagir from the Mughals will be like committing suicide.; I was not struggling for taking any revenge (from the Mughals) nor I intend to rule, I am just carrying the order of Guru Gobind Singh to bring an end to tyranny.’
Ratan Singh Bhangu takes this crisis further to the following year: now, Mata (wife of Guru) writes letters to the Sikhs asking them to stop supporting Banda Singh; according to Ratan Singh she even curses Banda Singh. Here, he (Ratan Singh) shows Binod Singh breaking away from Banda Singh followed by a battle between forces of Binod Singh and Banda Singh at the village of Kohali where Banda Singh looses the battle. Ratan Singh further writes that after this Binod Singh faction (Bhangu calls them Tat Khalsa)345 had entered into a compromise with the Mughals. The latter granted them jagirs, jobs and other facilities. On the other hand, after his defeat at the hands of Binod Singh, Banda Singh moves towards Gurdaspur and the Tat Khalsa establishes its headquarters at Guru-Da-Chakk. Now, they (Tat Khalsa) become ‘touts’ of the Mughals, chase him (Banda Singh) and finally get him eliminated.
Another writer, Giani Gian Singh, blames the wife of the Guru for this division among the ranks of the Sikh nation:
Through mother the Turks created division in the Panth
It resulted into trouble for the Sikhs;
That they had to bear for forty years.346
According to Giani Gian Singh, Bhai Mani Singh and several others asked Mata not to do so:
Mani Singh, Sahib Chand, Nand Lal etc
Did ask: O mother don’t create division in the Panth.347
Giani Gian Singh and Ratan Singh Bhangu, both, assert that when the emperor came to know about the division in the Panth, he lighted lamps by burning ghee (clarified butter) in them: Great Sikh General: Banda Singh Bahadur 95
When Farkhes (Farukhsiyar) emperor came to know this.
He held a feast by lighting lamps with ghee.348
Ratan Singh Bhangu writing makes the emperor declare that the Mother ‘saved him’ by weaning Sikhs away from Banda Singh:
Shah (emperor) said ‘mother saved (me)
(She) made the Sikhs part from Banda Singh’.349
But, the Mughal and other contemporary sources do not even refer to any such phenomenon of dispute between Banda Singh and the wives of the Guru or even the mention of the name of any like Binod Singh; there are several references to Ajit Singh Palit’s collaboration with the Mughals, but there is not even the slightest direct or indirect reference to the mother/lady in any record.
Historian Hari Ram Gupta writes that the emperor had arrested both the wives of the Guru; but, he too has not quoted any primary or secondary source. 350
However, there is no doubt about the role of Ajit Singh Palit, who had become loyal to the Mughal regime; he had been visiting the royal court at Delhi to prove his loyalty; the Mughals too accepted him as their ‘man’ and off and on presented him with some gifts too. He visited the Mughal court even after the martyrdom of Banda Singh. On the 7th of August 1716, just three months after the execution of Banda Singh, he appeared before Farukhsiyar and got a present of a turban from the emperor.351
So far as the question of Binod Singh is concerned, there is no evidence in any source. The only reference available is that on the 9th of July 1714, Farukhsiyar received information that ‘Baj Singh (not Binod Singh) has parted from Banda Singh and a large number of soldiers also went with him’; here too Baj Singh has not been presented as joining, collaborating or conspiring with the Mughals; rather he has been shown as fighting against the Mughal army (it seems that Banda Singh might have sent him to open a second front in order to divide the Mughal forces into two parts); on the other hand, it has been claimed by Ratan Singh and Giani Gian Singh that Binod Singh parted from Banda Singh due to dispute over strategy regarding taking refuge in Gurdas Nangal fortress, when they were under siege of the Mughal army. This cannot be true as exit from the fortress of Gurdas Nangal was simply impossible because thousands of Mughal soldiers had surrounded the fortress from all the sides; hence none could have escaped the fortress without a compromise with the Mughals, which was unthinkable, and, if Binod Singh had left Banda Singh before entering in the fortress at Gurdas Nangal, before the siege, this could be possible; but, even this could not have led to enmity with Banda Singh or to collaboration with the Mughals. As mentioned earlier, there is not even slight reference to the fact that any Sikh, other than Ajit Singh Palit, had any association with the Mughals.
The first person to create the term Tal Khalsa was Sarup Das Bhalla, the author of Mehma Parkash. Ratan Singh Bhangu seems to have followed Sarup Das Bhalla, and, Giani Gian Singh added more gossips to the story of Ratan Singh Bhangu.
Ratan Singh Bhangu went to the extent to state that the Mughal emperor had given Kahan Singh Trehan, Miri Singh, Fateh Singh and Sham Singh Naurangwalia etc the command of a five hundred strong army; every horseman was given thirty rupees a month, infantry was paid fifteen rupees352 per month and the leaders were given one hundred and fifty rupees each month; some of the Tat Khalsa soldiers had their headquarters at Guru-Da-Chakk (Amritsar) and the Mughal regime used to pay them five thousand rupees per month (at another place he mentions the amount as five hundred rupees per day); besides, the regime had given then the grant of the pargana of Jhabal as well. Ratan Singh Bhangu writes that the Tat Khalsa had sent Great Sikh General: Banda Singh Bahadur 96
its army to save Lahore from an attack by Banda Singh. He further says that the Tat Khalsa army defeated him (Banda Singh) at Kohali and saved Lahore from the Sikhs’ wrath:353
Kahan Singh parted from Banda (Singh)
And had a deal with the Turks.
Rupees five hundred daily was fixed.
He had five hundred horsemen with him.
But, with the exception of Ratan Singh (Giani Gian Singh’s information is based mainly on Ratan Singh’s work), no Sikh or Muslim writer has made even a passing reference to any such phenomenon. Neither Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Mualla nor any other source has referred to the Tat Khalsa phenomenon. Kamvar Khan (Tazkiratut Salatin Chugatta), Mohammed Ahsan Ijaad (Farukhsiyar Nama), Khafi Khan (Muntakhabul Lubab), Mirza Mohammed Harsi (Ibratnama & Tarikh-i-Mohammedi), Chaturnman (Chahar Gulshan), Shiv Das (Munavar-ul-Kalam & Farukhsiyar Nama), Ghulam Hussain Khan (Siyarul Mutakhrin), Al-ud-Din (Ibratnama), Sohan Lal (Umdatut Twareekh), Bute Shah (Tarikh-i-Punjab), Khushwaqt Rai (Twareekh-i-Sikhan) have given detailed account of the history of this period but none of them have mentioned even the term Tat Khalsa or Binod Singh’s role.
‘Dispute’ of Tat and Bandai and Bhai Mani Singh
After the martyrdom of Banda Singh, the next three years was almost a period of black out for the Sikhs; no Sikh was supposed to be found in any city, including Guru-da-Chakk (Amritsar). In 1719, when Farukhsiyar, the Mughal emperor was blinded, and later killed, by the Sayyad Brothers, it was a period of uncertainlty in the Punjab too. The Governor of Lahore too stopped taking interest in expedition against the Sikhs. After a couple of months Mohammed Shah Rangila became the new emperor. He was least concerned with the Sikhs’ affairs. Now, the Sikhs again began visiting Guru-da-Chakk, and, by 1722, the town was again an abode of a few hundred Sikhs; besides a large number of Sikhs began visiting Amritsar after harvesting their crops in March and October.
There were no two groups among the Sikhs till 1722; hence there was no so-called Tat Khalsa or Bandai Khalsa upto 1722.354 In 1723, the Sikhs at Guru-Da-Chakk (Amritsar) were divided into two blocks. It was, in fact, a dispute between the group headed by Amar Singh Kamboj (referred to as Bandai) and Trehan family355 (referred to as Akal Purakhiay).356 According to the author of Shaheed Bilas, Amar Singh wanted Banda Singh Bahadur to be considered as the Eleventh Guru, whereas Sangat Singh and Miri Singh etc (the Akal Purkhiay) asserted that ‘it is the command of Guru Gobind Singh that only Guru Granth Sahib is to be accepted as Guru’.357 Both the groups had been trying to woo the Sikhs, and, it was feared that the Sikh religion might be divided into two different sects. When this was reported to Mata Sunder Kaur at Delhi, she sent a letter to Bhai Mani Singh asking him to solve the problem.358
On the 18th of October 1723, Bhai Mani Singh mediated a compromise between these groups, i.e. Amar Singh group (an old companion of Banda Singh and his associates Sangat Singh and Lahora Singh) on one side and Trehan group (Lahora Singh etc) on the other side. However, one thing is cystal clear that it was a local dispute and it had its origin in 1723, and it had nothing to do with the days of Banda Singh Bahadur.
It is further interesting to note how this dispute was solved. Bhai Mani Singh took two papers, wrote the names of the leaders of each group on them and dipped them in the tank of Darbar Sahib. The paper with the name of the Akal Purkhiay group appeared first. But, the other group still refused to surrender, hence it was decided that let there be a wrestling match between Great Sikh General: Banda Singh Bahadur 97
the wrestlers of both the groups. This competition too went in the favour of the Akal Purkhiay. Now, the Bandais finally accepted their defeat and became a part of the mainstream. Bhai Mani Singh got a svine slaughtered and cooked. Sangat Singh and his companions shared the meat. They also gave up wearing clothes of red colour and again adopted the Khalsa blue dress.
To sum up, the story of Mata Sunder Kaur’s collaboration with the Mughals and her letters against Banda Singh; as well as the ‘dispute’ between Banda Singh and the so-called Tat Khalsa, had been concocted much after the martyrdom of Banda Singh. The first person to propagate this was Sarup Das Bhalla (in Mehma Parkash). Ratan Singh Bhangu and Giani Gian Singh added new gossips to Sarup Das’s fiction.
Other allegations against Banda Singh
Ratan Singh Bhangu etc have also mentioned that Banda Singh was indicted for disobeying Guru’s instructions and and because of some other lapses. In fact, none of these allegations is true, and, some of these allegations are even against Sikh philosophy; for example: one allegation is that “The Guru had asked Banda Singh not to get married.” This is against the Sikh fundamentals; the Guru could never have asked him to live a life-style (i.e. not marrying) which is contrary to Sikh philosophy. The second allegation that he presented himself as Guru too is wrong; he never behaved himself as more than a general of the army. It is remarkable that he never presented himself or behaved even as a king or ruler or even as the chief of the Sikh Panth; he, rather, used to call himself as ‘ghulam of the Guru’ (literally: slave of the Guru). He captured Samana and appointed Fateh Singh as its Governor, and, he gave reigns of Sarhind to Baj Singh and Thanesar to Ram Singh; he did not sit on any ‘throne’ but stationed himself as a general, in Lohgarh fort, where he stocked and got manufactured arms and ammunition.
Banda Singh used to address even a common Sikh as Singh Ji as if he was addressing a senior (and not a junior); he never treated himself even as a boss; such was his humbleness, politeness, feeling of brotherhood which could not even be equalled by the Sikh leadership of the next generation (except that of Darbara Singh, Nawab Kapur Singh, Jassa Singh Ahluwalia, Jassa Singh Ramgarhia, Baghel Singh). Irvine, in his book Later Mughals wrote: “A Choohra (scavanger) or a Chamar (cobbler), which are considered lowly of the lowliest among the Hindus, had to just appear before the Guru (Banda Singh) and after sometime he would return to his village as a ruler (of his area).” [Non-Italics, in parenthesis, are mine – Author].
Before beginning any activity or launching any action he used to make prayer before Guru and God; similarly, he used to attribute all his victories and successes to God. This declaration was even inscribed on the coin issued by him:
Sikka zad bar har do aalam, tegh-i-Naanak wahib ast.
Fateh Gobind Singh shah-i-shahaan fazal-i-sacha sahib ast.
(Meaning: With the blessing of the True Lord, this coin is issued in the two worlds. Guru Nanak’s sword is the granter of everything. With the blessing of God, Guru Gobind Singh, the emperor of emperors has been victorious).
Similarly, his first declaration of victory said:
Azmat-i Naanak Guru ham zahiro ham batan ast.
Padshah din-o-dunian aap sacha sahib ast.
(Meaning: Inside and outside, all over, it is glory of Guru Nanak. The True Lord is the master of temporal and transcendental domains). Great Sikh General: Banda Singh Bahadur 98
These two wordings (statements) unequivocally affirm that Banda Singh considered the Sikh rule as the empire of Guru Nanak Sahib and Guru Gobind Singh, and not his own. Even in his seal, he owed all his victory, achievements and power to Guru Sahibs.
Degh-o-tegh-o-fateh-o-nusrat bedirang.
Yafat az Naanak – Guru Gobind Singh.
(Meaning: Wealth, power and all victory; have been achieved without any difficulty. With the blessing of Nanak – Guru Gobind Singh).
Nowhere did Banda Singh even wish to get acknowledged that “God had got it achieved through Banda Singh” as was done by Maharaja Ranjit Singh who, having spent a small amount (out of the rich treasure achieved through the sacrifices of the thousands of the Sikhs) for gold-plating Darbar Sahib, got his name cleverly inscribed on the main gate of Darbar Sahib. (It is remarkable to note that about half of the gold at Darbar Sahib had been donated by Bhangi Misl but their name does not appear anywhere). Besides, Ranjit Singh got himself addressed as Singh Sahib (literally: Master/Lord of the Singhs) and tried to give himself the status of almost a Guru.
Banda Singh was such a Sikh that he used to ask others also to: meditate upon the name of God, obey His will, be dedicated to the Guru and live the life as per Gurmat (i.e. as per Guru’s teachings). A letter, claimed to have been written by him to the Sikhs of Jaunpur, reads:
“It is the command of the True Lord (not Banda Singh) that Guru shall be the protector of all the Sikhs of Jaunpur. Meditate upon the name of the Guru. You are the Khalsa of the Timeless (God)…obey the Khalsa Rahit (code of conduct)… keep loving relations with each other. It is my command that God will help those who obey the Khalsa rahit (not Banda Singh’s).” [Non-Italics, in parenthesis, are mine, for explanantion – Author].
Banda Singh’s act of marrying (once or twice) was in no way an act against Sikh fundamentals (rather it was the right action); a Sikh is expected to live the life of a householder and he must not be a bairagi or udasi; this, however, does not mean that a Sikh cannot remain bachelor, and, if a Sikh wishes to live his life (like Bhai Gurdas) by not marrying, he may choose to do so; but, otherwise, instead of having extra-marital relations or having illicit affairs, marriage is the right choice for a Sikh.
Likewise, to say that Banda Singh ever wished himself to be treated as Guru is grave injustice to him; he never behaved as a Guru or alike; there is not even a slight reference to such an act by him. This too is wrong that he changed waheguruji ki/di fateh into fateh darshan; he did choose fateh darshan359 as war-cry. In fact, on the 10th of May 1710, when the Mughal army reached the battle field at Chappar Chiri, they began raising slogans/war-cry of allah hu akbar and as a squel to it Banda Singh and other Sikh generals coined an equally befitting war cry fateh darshan;360 the sound of this war cry resembled the Mughal war-cry and the echo of this war-cry had alike effect in the battle-field.361
The truth is that after having initiation and spending one full month with Guru Gobind Singh, Banda Singh had become a real, genuine and practicing Sikh; it is grave injustice to him, and to history, to level such an allegation against a person who had been having a big dera, a large number of followers and a grand life-style, but renounced all this to become a genuine and true Sikh. It is sheer ungratefulness to devalue such a great hero who made such a grand contribution to the Sikh nation and to the humanity. It is a grave sin against such a great general and martyr and against humanity. Moreover, he could live a luxurious life simply by embracing Islam. He refused to renounce his faith and accepted to brave the most heinous torture of history. Great Sikh General: Banda Singh Bahadur 99
If, still, he is to be labelled as a non-genuine Sikh, then there can’t be any better Sikh than him on this earth.
It seems that the so-called sahibzadas’ section (Sarup Das Bhalla), in order to establish themselves as the successors of the Gurus (or even to be considered as Gurus) and/or to establish their superiority, and, get undue respect (and offerings/donations) from the Sikh people (and/or to make the Sikhs forget their collaboration with the Mughals), did this injustice to Banda Singh in the name of so-called Tat Khalsa and Bandai Khalsa. This is rape of history and an act of ungratefulness.
The emperors, princes,
Hindu rulers/feudal, Muslim generals. jehadis who fought against the Sikhs
Emperors: Bahadur Shah, Jahandar Shah, Farukhsiyar.
Princes: Rafi-us-Shan, Azimushan, Jahan Shah, Khuzishta Akhtar, Azz-ud-Din.
Hindu Rulers/Generals/Officials: Sucha Nand (Sarhind); Raja Chet Sinh; Jagat Chand, Baj Bahadur Chand (Kumaon); Raja Anup Sinh, Chhatrsal Bundela, Churamani Jatt (later Raja of Bharatgarh), Raja Odip Sinh, Raja Gopal Sinh Bhadauria, Pirthi Chand, Udit Sinh Bundela, Badan Sinh Bundela, Ajit Sinh (Jodhpur), Bachan Sinh Kachhwaha and Raja Jai Sinh Swai (Amber, Jaipur), Raja Amar Sinh (Ajmer), Raja Hamir Chand Katoch (Kangra), Hari Dev (son of Raja Druv Dev Jasrotia), Raja Kirpal Dev and Raja Dahir Dev (Jammu), Raja Man Sinh (Kullu), Amil of Kaithal, Lal Kanwar Gujjar, grandson of Todar Mall (of Lahoru, Santokh Rai Kanungo (Kalanaur), Raja Daya Dhamma (Nurpur), Kishan Sinh (Naroka), Sanwal Das (Diwan of Ghazi Khan), Tikka Ram (Daroga Delhi). Raja Bhup Parkash (Nahan) who first helped Banda Singh, later, joined the Mughal camp.
Muslim Governors and Generals
Wazir Khan (Sarhind), Munaim Khan (Khan Khana) and his sons Mahabat Khan and Zaman Khan, Islam Bahadur (Mir Aatish), Hamid-ud-Khan (Gurj bardar), Sarfraz Khan Bahadur (Behroz Khan) and his son Saif-ulla-Khan, Ahitman Khan and his son Lutf-ulla-Khan, Mohammed Amin Khan (Governor Moradabad, later Second Bakhshi, i.e. deputy army chief) and his son Qamar-ud-Din Khan (later Prime minister), Zulfiqar Khan (Bakhshi-ul-Mulk), Kokaltash Khan Bahadur, Khawaza Hassan Khan, Shakrulla Khan, Ibrahim Khan (Mir Aatish), Sarbrah Khan (Kotwal Delhi), Sayyad Abdullah Khan (Governor Allahabad), his brother Sayyad Hussain Ali Khan and Sayyad Wajih-ud-Khan (of Bara), Rustam Dil Khan and his brother Sultan Kuli Khan, Abdus Samad Khan (Governor Jammu and Lahore) and his son Zakaria Khan (Governor Lahore), Chugatta Khan, Shah Niwaz Khan, Afrasiyab Khan, Shafshikan Khan, Firoz Khan Mewati (Governor Sarhind), Zain-ud-Din Ahmad Khan (Governor Sikanderabad, Merrut and later Sarhind), Mohammed Rustam Ghazi Khan (Governor Sarhind), Hakim Moitmad-ul-Mulk, Rehman Yar Khan, Ata Ulla Khan, Fateh Ulla Khan, Mohtam Khan, Rai Araian, Jani Khan, Fidvi Khan, Abdul Karir Khan, Aqidat Khan (son of Amir Khan), Mohammed Ali Khan (Bakhshi Jahandar Khan), Abu-ul-Qasim (deputy Governor Sarhind), Mohammed Baqa Great Sikh General: Banda Singh Bahadur 100
(Governor Fatehabad), Mohammed Amin (Faujdar Rajauri), Jalal Khan (army chief Rohtak), Saif-ud-Din Ahmed Khan (Faujdar Gujrat), Azhar Khan (Faujdar Wazirabad), Iradatmand Khan (Faujdar Eimanabad), Nur Mohammed Khan (Faujdar Aurangabad and Pasrur), Sheikh Mohammed Dayam (Faujdar Batala), Sohrab Khan (Faujdar Kalanaur), Arif Begh Khan (deputy Governor Lahore), Sultan Khan (Faujdar Jammu), Sadat Khan (Governor Kashmir), Mohammed Ali Khan (deputy Governor Kashmir), Jalal Khan (army chief Jalalabad), his son Dindar Khan, grandsons Ghulam Mohammed Baniara and Pir Mohammed Khan, his nephew Ghulam Mohammed Khan and general Sadat Khan; Mohammed Ali Khan (Faujdar Saharanpur) and his nephews Pir Khan and Jamal Khan, Qadam-ud-Din (Faujdar Kapuri), Usman Khan (chief Sadhaura), Sher Mohammed Khan (chief Malerkotla), his brother Khizar Khan and nephews Ali Khan and Mohammed Bakhsh; Nizamul Mulk Asad Khan (Delhi), Afzal Khan, Khan Bahadur Shamsher Khan, Abdullah Khan (generals of Delhi), Shamas Khan, (Faujdar Sultanpur), Bayizid Khan alias Kutub-ud-Din Kheshgi (Faujdar of Jammu), Isa Khan (son of Daulat Muin), Isa Khan Manjh, Uma Khan (Faujdar Kasur), Saif Khan (Faujdar Sultanpur), Usman Khan Karawal, Nusrat Khan, Sayyad Hassan Khan, Zorawar Khan, Ranbaz Khan, Sher Khan, Sheikh-ul-Hind Sheikh Ahmad (Batala), Sohrab Khan (Kalanaur), Inam Khan general, Sadat Khan (Kotla), Ashraf Khan (chief Hariana), Khawaja Sultan (mace-bearer), Sayyad Azmatulla Khan (Faujdar Rajauri), Hoshdar Khan (Faujdar Jalandhar Doab), Mughal Begh Khan, Durlab Khan, Abdul Samad Khan and Inayat Khan (generals from Talwan, Jalandhar), Inam Khan Walashahi, Mirza Shah Niwaz, Daulat Begh Khan, Saleh Khan, Fateh-ulla-Khan, Mohammed Aslam (Vakil Ghazi Khan), Firoz Jang Khan, Maulavi Muradulla, Abdul Qadar, Mehfooz Khan, Mohammed Khan, Abu-ul-Mulk, (nephew Zain Khan Governor Sarhind), Khwaja Mukarram (Faujdar Rupar), Shah-ud-Din (Bakhshi Sarhind), chief of Patti and several others whose complete names don’t appear in records.
Muslim Jehadis of Lahore etc
Pir Mohammed Taqi, Musa Begh, Shah Inayatulla, Mohammed Jaman Ranghar and Mulla Mir Mohammed.
Other Maulvais:
Maulvi Virdi Begh Lahore, Shah Mohammed Qazi Buria etc.
Places associated with Banda Singh Bahadur & his companion
Rajauri:
Most sources agree that Banda Singh Bahadur was born as Lachhman Dev, at Rajauri (Punchh) in Kashmir. This is the first place associated with Banda Singh. Here, a memorial should be established in his memeory.
Bisrampur: Great Sikh General: Banda Singh Bahadur 101
James Brown, in his work ‘Tracts’ mentioned that Banda Singh was born in Bisrampur village (Jalandhar district). No other source agrees with him and it might just be a hearsay. Anyhow, Master Mota Singh of Patara (a village nearby) had established a shrine to commemorate Banda Singh’s memory.
Nander:
Here, Banda Singh had spent several years there, and, he got initiation into Sikh faith and blessing from from Guru Gobind Singh. A shrine has come up at the site of his erstwhile dera.
Khanda/Sehri (Kharkhauda):
Banda Singh had made his first headquarters here in the jungle in between these two villages. He spent several weeks here to form and organise an army and to make military preparations before launching his war for freedom of Sikh Homeland. A tower commemorating Banda Singh should be established at that site.
Samana:
It was the first town freed by the Sikhs on the 26th of November 1709. But, so far no memorial has been established to commemorate this greatest event of history of the Sikh Homeland. This was the first victory against the foreign rule. A museum, depicting the history of the battle and the city, should be established here.
Lohgarh:
This was the first capital of independant Punjab. This village is on the border of Haryana and Himanchal Pradesh. Some devoted Sikhs have established a small shrine here but this is not enough, rather this is a great injustice to Banda Singh and the history of the Punjab, both. A grand museum depicting Banda Singh’s achievements should be set up. Besides a ‘light and sound’ programme, depicting the battle of the 30th of November 1710 should also be set up.
Sadhaura:
Here, hundreds of Sikhs sacrificed their lives. A park, a fine memorial, in the form of a tall tower, should be established near the ruins of the fort.
Chappar Chiri:
This place is as important as Waterloo. Here, the Sikhs wrote grand chapter of history with their blood. Thousands of Sikhs laid their lives here. A grand museum with at least a 50 feet high statue of Banda Singh, like the one of Genenral Nelson in Trafalgar Square, London, should be set up here. A ‘light and sound’ programme can also be set up.
Sarhind (now Fatehgarh Sahib):
It was here that the World’s history’s first egalitarian declaration was made on 27th of May 1710. A grand museum and statues of Banda Singh and Baj Singh (the first Governor of Sarhind), and a big-long replica of steel of the martyrs should be established here.
Riasi:
It was here that Banda Singh had spent some time. His wife Sahib Kaur, his son and his grandchildren lived here for about a century. A shrine has been established here.
Gurdas Nangal:
Here, Banda Singh and the Sikhs remained under an eight months’ long siege; and, about two thousand Sikhs embraced martyrdom here. A grand museum and a tall statue of Banda Singh, and a light-and-sound programme should be set up here.
Lal Qila:
Banda Singh and more than seven hundred Sikh prisoners were interened here for several days. A tower/pillar commemorating this event should be set up here.
Salimgarh: Great Sikh General: Banda Singh Bahadur 102
Banda Singh and his companions had been interened here for several days. A pillar commemorating this event should be set up here.
Chandni Chowk:
More than seven hundred Sikh prisoners had been executed here in March 1716. A pillar should be set up to commemorate the sacrifices of these martyrs.
Kutub Minar/Mehrauli:
It was here that Banda Singh Bahadur and his son had been butchered by the Mughal regime on the 9th of June 1716. The Sikhs have set up a Gurdwara but a fine tower and a ‘light and sound’ programme should be set up here.
Dhota Tanda (Jammu):
Banda Singh Bahadur’s body was cremated here.
Amingarh, Kunjpura, Kapuri, Thaska, Buria (in Haryana), Saharanpur (in UP), Bilaspur (in Himanchal), Ghuram, Rupar, Rahon, Kalanaur, Batala (in Punjab), Raipur-Rasulpur and Baloh (in Kashmir) are the places where a large number of Sikhs sacrificed their lives. Suitable pillars commemorating their sacrifices should be set up in these places.
There is a trend to establish a Gurdwara in the memory of an event and there are thousands and thousands of Gurdwaras all over the world. Instead suitable minars/towers, museums, statues, platforms and domes etc. should be set up so that future generations may know their history.
Banda Singh Bahadur
(A poem by Rabinder Nath Tagore)
In the prominent royal Mogul court of Delhi
King’s sleep will break-up hundred times daily
There was such a dreadful fright in his heart
In his consciousness painful sighs were brought
What fire scorched his heart no one knows
All of a sudden he was jumping in fiery blows
It appeared like red hot sky from the Delhi court Great Sikh General: Banda Singh Bahadur 103
King’s heart shaking, seeking Godly support
Rivers of blood were flowing on the five rivers’ land
Sikhs were facing persecutions for some ideal ground
Smeared in blood, they were saying thanks in gratitude
Patiently, regardless of comforts, they were in solitude
They crossed their way with the Moguls might
With faithful heart they remembered God in sight
Maiden decorated with mark of blood, their foreheads
What sort of people are Sikhs, with such eagerness
They move like moth, looking at burning all around
Without delay they line up ready to fight duty bound
They play jokes with death, and like lions they roar
Wherever they stare and rebuke, enemy is no more
Brave warriors jumped in fray with hand to hand attack
They quickly hawk assaulting caught the deadly foe
Like flying hawk assaulting a deadly poisonous snake
Squeezing them in his claws from tip to toe
Innumerable was the enemy army, Sikhs were very few
They were surrounded in chains and were put in queue
Clothes soaked in blood, bodies full of wounds and bruises
Intestines fall in tummy but they had faith and confidence
The enemy was battered by the dashing Banda Singh sage
Moguls fought back and tied him like brave lion in cage
Surrounded him from all the sides and imprisoned the hero’s chum
Then they moved towards Delhi, on the beat of kettle-drum
The Mogul army departed towards the Capital of Delhi city
They moved like hurricane, without stopping or any pity
Seven hundred Sikhs were imprisoned and curled-up in chains
It was a disgusting sight, an extraordinary incident, full of pains
On every pointed spear, the head of Sikh was hanging
Streams of blood dripping, the sight will give a panging
Sikh prisoners shackled in chains, shouted this voice of cry
O! our true saviour preserve thy honour, don’t let panth shy
Spectators gathered in the heart of Delhi’s Chandni Chowk
This caravan of Sikhs was quite out of strength and in shock
Outside they were dull and defeated, inside enjoying thrill
Greeting loudly the victory of Guru and obedient to His will
The onlookers revealed an extraordinary and peculiar tale
The prisoners started argument as no body wanted to fail
Everybody wanted to be first in their turn to meet the fate
All wanted to meet the Beloved, Gobind through life’s gate
The wheel of death started, the murderers were on assault
An applause was echoed, whenever the sword was at fault
The Sikhs were being butchered, going forward for sacrifice
It was game of seven days for seven hundred heroes nice
Chief Banda Singh was in the clutches of destiny or fate Great Sikh General: Banda Singh Bahadur 104
Next they brought forward to kill his little son ever so great
The Kazi passed on to Banda Singh the killer sword grand
He ordered him to cut his son’s head as it was royal command
Sons are symbols of worldliness for formality in social affairs
If someone rebukes them one feels like to pull his hairs
What sort of test in life, to kill one’s own son, was shaping
The thing one can’t even imagine, the same was happening
Banda first picked his son and loved and caressed him
Then he tried to explain the role and character of Sikhism;
Prince Fateh and Jujhar Singh were also children like you
Now in the test time and what they achieved you can also do
Greeting the victory loudly, the little son was revitalized
If life goes, the custom of Sikhism is, let it be sacrificed
For holder of righteousness definite victory will be at last
His love won’t be wasted; he meets the Beleoved very fast
The Kazi became angry as he could not bear the splendour
The executioner attacked the child and he started to flutter
Even then this strange trick of destiny could not succeed
Plump intestines jumping softly, the earth was red indeed
It is written in the history that Banda remained unmoved
In his mouth soft plump heart of slayed child was forced
In this hard probation Banda remained unshaken, steady
The history will cry when going through its own study
It was such a dreadful scene that onlookers could not spy
Snatching with pincers first they took out his both eyes
Iron bars were made red hot to burn his body limbs ready
The Sikh greeted the victory loudly and soul left the body
The Sky echoed with kettle-drum beat, banner flying like kite
Once a hero takes a battlefield, he is eager to show his might
A true warrior is one, who fights for sake of humble and meek
He might be cut into the pieces, but to leave battlefield will never seek
Bibliography
Though the Sikh religion is only five hundred years old but it is very arduous task to write history of the Sikhs because the Sikhs have not produced any authentic work so far. Yes, some books have been written, on different periods of their history, but, so far, none has been accepted as authentic or complete. There have been three trends of the writers of Sikh history:
Hence all these works were supposed to be partial or defective. But, still people of impartial mind and sharp intellect can separate grain from chaff and understand the truth of the Sikh history and philosophy.
The present work is about the life and contribution of Banda Singh Bahadur. Banda Singh Bahadur became the greatest hero of the history of the Sikhs, the Punjab and South Asia through his unparalleled deeds and sacrifices for eight years (1708 to 1716). Luckily, several Persian sources have preserved valuable material about this period. The Gurmukhi and Punjabi sources too have useful information but generally they too are either prejudiced or lop-sided.
Among the Gurmukhi and Punjabi sources, the best one are the Bhatt Vahis (literally: registers of the Bhatts; the Bhatts used to record the births, marriages, battles, deaths of their ‘clients’; hence, these are the genealogical account of prominent Sikh clans, mostly Rajput and Khatri, written by their family priests commonly called purohits; however, it is not proper to call them priests; they were a sort of record-keepers). As the Bhatt Vahis had been written by the priestly class, hence they had presented the material with exaggeration and might have concocted some stories also. But, their preservation of the record of dates, names of people and places is the most precious treasure of history of their times (and only this part of the Bhatt Vahis should be used). The next work is Gur Sobha written by Sainapati in 1711. This work covers the period between 1701 and 1709 only, hence no reference to Banda Singh.
The second stage of sources is the Gurbilas literature (biographies of the Gurus) which was composed in the second half of the eighteenth century or in the first half of the nineteenth century. They are replete with fiction and hagiographic material besides several concocted stories, thus distorting the history. Three such works are oftenly quoted: Gurbilas Patsahi 10 (1751) by Koer Singh, Gurbilas Patsahi Dasvin (1797) by Sukha Singh and Gurbilas Patsahi Chhevin (1835-40, and not in 1718 as mentioned in one stanza of this book) by some unknown author (by Gurmukh Singh and Darbara Singh as per Kahan Singh Nabha). All these three works present distorted history of the Guru period. These too do not have much material about Banda Singh’s role.
Kesar Singh Chhiber (great-grandson of Diwan Dargah Mall, minister of Gurus from 1644 to 1696) wrote Bansawlinama Dasan Patsahian Da in 1769. The second part of this book is based on author’s memoirs but still it gives some useful material about Banda Singh’s role.
In 1790, Sawrup Singh Kaushish wrote Guru Kian Sakhian, which was solely based on Bhatt Vahis. This book has very precious data of Guru-period and some information about Banda Singh too.
The next in this series are the works by Santokh Singh (Gur Partap Suraj Granth, 1839), Ratan Singh Bhangu (Prachin Panth Parkash, 1814/1840) and Giani Gian Singh (Panth Patkash 1890). Though, these books are chronological account of the Sikh history but all the three are replete with seriously distorted information. However, another work Shashi Bans Binod (1879) by Ganesha Singh Bedi has preserved some precious data of relations between the Gurus and the Bilaspur state. Ram Sukh Rao’s Fateh Singh Parbhakar and Jasa Singh Binod (written in the second half of the nineteenth century) too have some precious information.
But, the Persian sources are most valuable source of information about Banda Singh’s period. Though reference to the Gurus too can be found in Akbar Nama (Abu Fazal, 1601), and Tuzk-i-Jahangiri (1620s) but Dabistan-i-Mazahib (1645-46) by Zulfikar Ardastani (earlier mistaken as Muhsan Fani) has much detailed information about Sikhism (though it is an Great Sikh General: Banda Singh Bahadur 106
amalgam of right information and hearsay material). Sujan Rai Bhandari’s Khulastut Twareekh (1696) also has some references to Guru-period but it covers the period up to 1695-96 only.
Most precious Persian source narrating the Sikh situation is Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Mu’alla (literally: the news of the court of the emperor); this is in the form of the reports sent by the agents of Jaipur state (who used to be in the Delhi Darbar, as well as in the company the troups of the Mughal Emperors). From this source, one can read daily diary of the events of the period 1707 onwards (till 1750s). I have used this record extensively particularly the orders/activities of the Mughal emperors and other officials as source material.
Among some other treasures of information written mostly during this period or about this period, are as follows:
Tazkiratu Salatin-i-Chagatta (written by Mohammed Hadi Kamvar, in 1724) is an account of the period from 1707 to 1724. Kamvar was an official of Rafi-ul-Shan, son of Bahadur Shah, and always accompanied him. His duties included sending day-to-day information to the emperors. This book is in two volumes, the first volume covers the period up to 1707 and the second volume narrates the events up to 1724. Though Kamvar did not conceal his hatred for Banda Singh and the Sikhs, yet he has given a lot of useful information about Banda Singh Bahadur’s activities. He has given detailed account of the Mughal attack on Lohgarh and escape of Banda Singh, battle of Sadhaura, arrest of Raja of Nahan, killing of the chiefs of Jammu and Sultanpur by the Sikhs, siege of Gurdas Nangal, arrest and martyrdom of Banda Singh etc. No other account equals his detailed description of attack on Lohgarh in November 1710, in which he himself was an eye-witness cum participant.
Tareekh-i-Iradatkhani (by Iradat Khan, written between 1710s or 1720s) is an account of the first quarter of the eighteenth century. Iradat Khan, a former employee of prince Mohammed Aazam, had joined service with Khan Khana but after his death he retired from service and wrote this book. He too has given useful information about Banda Singh.
Ibratnama (written by Mohammed Qasimi, in 1723) is an eye-witness account of the first two decades of the eighteenth century. He has given precious account of the battle of Chappar Chiri, killing of the chiefs of Jammu and Sultanpur, siege of Gurdas Nangal and the arrest of Banda Singh. It was he who gave true picture of the state of the mind of the Mughal soldiers mentioning how they dreaded even the simple mention of Banda Singh.
Dastur-ul-Nisha (written by Yaar Mohammed, in 1720s) is the only Persian source which mentions that some Muslims embraced Sikh faith after the Sikhs’ victory of Sarhind.
Ibratnama (written by Mirza Mohammed Harsi, in 1720s) gives detailed account of the battles of Chappar Chiri, Rahon and Gurdas Nangal as well as martyrdom of Banda Singh and other Sikhs at Delhi in 1716. He has also given fine detail of the procession of the Sikh prisoners at Delhi, taken out on the 29th of February 1716. His book has also recorded the statement of some of the Sikh prisoners. Mohammed Harsi was an employee under prince Rafi-ul-Shan (son of Bahadur Shah) and had a mansab of fifty horsemen. He was a favourite of Bahadur Shah’s family; and he was chosen as escort to carry the dead body of the Emperor Bahadur Shah from Lahore to Delhi.
Shahnama (written by Mir Mohammed Ahsan Sajajd, in 1718) is an account of the reign of Farukhsiyar. The author was the first to mention the name of Chappar Chiri village where the battle for occupation of Sarhind was fought on the 12th of May 1710. He has given picturesque account of the killing of Wazir Khan in this battle. He was the first to give details of the first Sikh coin; hence this book is a valuable source of Sikh history. Great Sikh General: Banda Singh Bahadur 107
Munavar-ul-Kalam (written by Shiv Das, in 1722) mentions that Banda Singh had got initiation (Khanday di Pahul) from Guru Gobind Singh Sahib.
Fathatnama Sammadi (written by Ghulam Muhai-ud-Din, in 1723) is another precious work about this period of Sikh history. The author has given eye-witness account of the battle of Gurdas Nangal and arrest of Banda Singh and other Sikhs in December 1715.
Muntakhab-ul-Lubal (written by Khafi Khan, in 1731) has recorded the history up to 1730. Though this work lacks accuracy about the dates and even the chronology of events too is faulty, but it has given the story of newly wedded young Sikh boy who refuses to be released on the plea that he is not a Sikh. When his mother presents Kotwal’s letter to release him, he yells: ‘she is not my mother; I am a Sikh; let me join my martyr bretheren.’ Khafi Khan has also presented details of the procession of 29th February 1716 when Banda Singh and other Sikh prisoners were paraded in the streets of Delhi. It is he who had recorded the statement of Banda Singh about his reasons for declaration of war against the Mughal regime. He was the first to refer to the Sikhs’ coining of the slogan of fateh darshan.
Mirat-i-Wardat (written by Mohammed Sufi Warid, in 1734) has also given some detail of Banda Singh’s march from Nander to Kharkhauda, battle of Chppar Chiri, killing of Wazir Khan and some later events. This work is important because it gives details of the implementation of egalitarian system by Banda Singh after victory of Sarhind.
Tarikh-i-Mohamamedshahi (written by Khushal Chand) has referred to Banda Singh’s initiation into Sikh faith as well as the description of the execution of the newly wedded Sikh boy who refuses to save his life by declaring himself a Hindu and not a Sikh as his mother tried to present. His account almost resembles the account given by Khafi Khan.
Muasar-ul-Umraa (written by Shah Nawaz Khan Shamas-ud-Daula, completed in 1757-58) gives information about the officers of the Mughal Darbars, from the time of Akbar (1556) up to 1757 (i.e. a period of about two hundred years). Shah Niwaz had access to the record of the Mughal darbar; hence he has given precious details of the role of these officials. These officers include Governors, Faujdars, Diwans and other officers of Lahore and Sarhind too. From these details one gets a lot of information about their dealings with the Sikhs. This book was translated into English by Asiatic Society of Bengal, in 1888.
The English Sources:
The early English sources do not mention much about Banda Singh; the only information available from the English sources is a letter written by John Sermon and Edwards Stephen, on the 10th of March 1716, to the then British Governor at Fort William (Calcutta), which mentions the execution of seven hundred Sikhs at Delhi. This has been published by Dr Ganda Singh in the book Early European Account of the Sikhs. The English have referred to Banda Singh in other works too but all those books/reports were published either in the second half of the nineteenth century or in the first half of the twentieth century. Slight reference to this incident has also been given by C.R. Wilson too in Early Annals of English in Bengal. However, Irvine, in his work Later Mughals, has given a lot of useful information about Banda Singh.
The first proper biography of Banda Singh was written by Karam Singh Historian in 1915; he wrote two books: Banda Kaun Tha (in Urdu) and Banda Bahadur (in Punjabi); within two years he revised his first book; Karam Singh had used several Persian sources besides Punjabi sources. In 1930, Sohan Singh published his book Banda the Brave in English; Sohan Singh did not use Persian sources like Karam Singh but his was the very first English account of the great Sikh general, hence he was a given good response. In 1935, Dr Ganda Singh published Great Sikh General: Banda Singh Bahadur 108
1 Punjab became target of the Muslim invaders since 986 C.E. when Mehmood Ghaznavi attacked, plundered and almost made it as his colony. Though Anand Pal (died 1012) and his son Tarlochan Pal remained in formal possession of the Punjab, but he was at the mercy of the Ghaznavis. Tarlochan Pal, after his defeat in 1018, fled to Sarhind, and, in 1021 when Mehmood attacked Sarhind, he fled further to Kannauj. (Khulastut Twarikh, pp. 170-75). Tarlochan Pal died in 1022, thus bringing an end to the rule of Pal dynasty. In 1193, Mohammed Ghauri annexed the land of Punjab to the Ghazni throne. The first Muslim to rule the Punjab was Kutub-Din-Aibak, who was formally crowned as an emperor on the 14th of March 1206. He first chose Ghuram as his capital but later on moved to Lahore. (M. Baqir, Lahore Past and Present, p. 70, Tarikh-i-Mubarakshahi, translated by Bevridge, p. 23). On the other hand, Sind had been occupied by Mohammed Ibn Kasim in 712.
2 District Punchh, about 163 km from Jammu, at a height of 2800 ft from sea level.
3 Sawrup Singh Kaushish, Guru Kian Sakhian, 1790, edited by Giani Garja Singh and Piara Singh Padam, Sakhi no. 109.
4 Guru Kian Sakhian, Sakhi no. 110.
5 Mirza Askari (title Wazir Khan) had a mansab of 2000. His native village was Kunjpura (near Karnal). He was of an Iranian descent. His father and grandfather too had been in the service of the Mughal rulers. (M. Athar Ali, The Mughal Nobility Under Aurangzeb, p 249, reprint of first edition. Athar Ali quotes Mirat-i-Aftab Numa, p 594).
6 Here, the Guru stayed at the residence of Bhai Jetha Singh, the father-in-law of Sahibzada Ajit Singh; Mata Sunder Kaur, Tara Kaur and Hatthi Singh (son of Sahibzada Ajit Singh) too were present there. As per the Guru’s wish, widow Tara Kaur consented to remarry and she was married to a young Sikh boy (son of a goldsmith from Burhanpur). [It seems that though she married him but she did not consummate this marriage].
7Guru Kian Sakhian, Sakhi no. 110.
8 This incident has been reported by Swarup Singh Kaushish, in detail, in his book Guru Kian Sakhian, in Sakhi no. 110, pages 196-98, of 2003 edition.
9 This Parma Nand used to claim to be a descendant of Shaheed Bhai Mati Das. But, it is not true. Parma Nand was a descendant of Rai Singh Hazuri who embraced martyrdom along with Banda Singh Bahadur. But his grand children, under fear of prosecution renounced Sikhism and re-joined the Hindu fold. Parma Nand was sixth in direct line of Rai Singh Hazuri. The ‘lie’ of Parma Nand was further propagated by another Arya Samajist writer Hari Ram Gupta in his book ‘History of the Sikhs’, volume 2nd.
10 Some naive Sikhs printed thousands of copies of this book and distributed them free of cost.
11It is bad luck of these Hindu writers that, in spite of their propaganda, no true Sikh ever accepted to be, even indirectly, associated with Hinduism.
12e.g. Radha Krishan (Gosha-i-Punjab), Beni Parsad (Guru Gobind Singh), Raja Vikram Sinh (Guru Gobind Singh), Surinder Sharma (Guru Gobind Singh) etc.
13 Kesar Singh Chhiber, Bansawalinama Dasan Patsahian Da, 1769.
14 Ratan Singh Bhangu, Prachin Panth Prakash, 1808 (prose), 1841 (verse).
15 Giani Gian Singh, Shamshir Khalsa, 1880.
16 M’asrai Aalamgiri. He was given the new name Kuli Khan.
17 Guru Kian Sakhian, Sakhi no. 111.
18 It is about 40 km from Delhi, about 33 km from Rohtak and about 13 km from Kharkhauda.
his book on Banda Singh Bahadur, in Punjabi; Ganda Singh had based his book mostly on Karam Singh Historian, but he had added some new information as well. It was followed by Dr Hari Ram Gupta’s History of the Sikhs in which he gave a lot of material about Banda Singh; but, being an Arya Samajist, he could not do justice and his work became an amalgam of research and prejudice. After this, Mr Chandla’s book on Banda Singh (in English), published in 2006, and some more secondary works too appeared but none of these gave any new information or thesis. Almost all of them depended mostly on either Karam Singh and Ganda Singh or the Punjabi sources like Santokh Singh, Giani Gian Singh and Ratan Singh Bhangu, hence lop-sided and fruitless attempts.
Author:
[Dr. Harjinder Singh Dilgeer] Great Sikh General: Banda Singh Bahadur 109
19 Sayyads are the direct descendants of Ali, the son-in-law of Hazrat Mohammed, the founder of Islam, hence are given special respect by the Muslims.
20 See latest photos of some of these Muslim mausoleums, in the pictorial section of this book.
21 Khafi Khan, Muntkhab-ul-Lubab, 1722; vol 2, p. 652.
22 Ghuram, about 20 km from Sanaur, was an ancient town and had also, sometimes, been the capital of the Punjab. Kutub-ud-Din Aibak used this as capital before moving to Delhi. When Razia Sultana became emperess, she used this fort as a jail for royal prisoners. She kept even her rebel brother in this prison. (The story of associating this town with mythical Ram is a much later concoction).
23 It is about 28 km from Samana and 3 km from Patiala. Now it is a part of Greater Patiala.
24 Miran means belonging to the umraa. Miran is an adjective of Mir, and, like umraa, it too has its root in amir.
25 A hymn of Gurbaani (composed by Guru Nanak Sahib), popularly known as Babar Vani, depicts this incident.
26 A cow in India, according to the Hindus, is also considered humble and helpless deserving pity.
27 Burning of body is the greatest curse for a Muslim; it is like being condemned to hell.
28 As mentioned in an entry of Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Mualla, the records of Jaipur state. But this figure of 70 thousands seems to be an exaggeration or a mistake.
29 He met the same (rather worse) fate that he had given to Pir Budhu Shah. As you sow, so shall you reap. People still remember Pir Budhu Shah but no one (not event the Muslims) knows who was Usman Khan.
30 But, that mansion of Pir Budhu Shah does not exist now. A school has been set up at that site.
31 At the time of Guru Sahib, the colour of the Sikh flag was blue. See: Dr Harjinder Singh Dilgeer, Nanakshahi Calender, 2010, pp. 147-150.
32Muhammed Qasim Aurangabdi Ahwaal-ul-Khawakeen, pp 68-69.
33 Dabar means : high hills surrounded by forest and rivers.
34 In those days Satluj River used to flow by the towns of Machhiwara and Behlolpur which were very big towns in those days. Later, after 1750, the river changed its course, about 10 km away towards the right side.
35 Khafi Khan, Muntakhab-ul-Lubab, p 653.
36 This name is in fact a variation of the original name Chhappar Jhirhi (literally: pond and thick bower of trees and bushes).
37 Khafi Khan, op.cit., pp 652-53.
38 Elliot and Dowson, History of India as told by its Historians.
39 Elliot and Dowson, History of India as told by its Historians, vol VII, p. 414
40 Ibid.
41 Khafi Khan, op.cit., p 654.
42 Ibid.
43 Khafi Khan, Muntakhab-ul-Lubab., p. 653; Irvine, Later Mughals, vol. 1, p. 96; Elliot and Dowson, History of India As Told By Its Historians, vol.7, p.414).
44 Tarikh-i-Punjab, p 59.
45 History of the Punjab, p 274.
46 In his book Later Mughals.
47 An undated entry, entered after the report dated 13.2.1712.
48 Entry of Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Mualla, dated 20.5.1710.
49 It is interesting to note that Santokh Singh (in Gur Partap Suraj Granth) wrote that the battle of Sarhind was fought in 1707 when the Guru was still alive. According to him, on hearing the news, Guru became ‘happy’. Another writer, Giani Gian Singh, who borrowed information from Santokh Singh and Ratan Singh, too mentions the date of this battle as Jeth 1764 Bikrami (May 1707 C.E.).
50 Ibratnama, pp. 133-46 of the printed book; 26B to 35B of the manuscript at British Library, London.
51 Ibid.
52 The Sikhs’ flag was originally blue; saffron flag was adopted after 1830s in ignorance; and the Sikhs are still continuing this mistake. For details, read the book Nanakshahi Calender by Dr Harjinder Singh Dilgeer.
53 Tarikh-i-Iradatkhani, p 68.
54 Kamvar, Tazkiratus Salatin Chugatta, p 334.
55 Veer Haqiqat Singh, whom, a fanatic Hindu writer, Parma Nand, mentioned as Haqiqat Rai, was the son of this Shiv Ram Kapur’s sister. Haqiqat Singh embraced martyrdom along with his maternal uncle Arjan Singh Wadhawan, on the 18th January 1735, at Lahore.
56 It is an act of ungratefulness that the Malerkotla rulers have not raised any memorial for their saviour Kishan Chand.
57 Their graves still exist near mausoleum of Kale Shah on Saharanpur-Delhi road.
58 In Tarikh-i-Mohammed Shahi.
59 Khushwaqt Rai, Twareekh-i-Sikhan. Great Sikh General: Banda Singh Bahadur 110
60 Elliot and Dowson, History of India as told by its Historians, Vol 7, p. 419, Mohammed Latif, History of the Punjab, page 275.
61 Chamiari was a major town in those days, and, had a fort too.
62 Mohammed Qasim, Ibratnama, p. 22; Khushwaqt Rai, Tarikh-i-Sikhan.
63 Mohammed Qasim, op.cit.
64 An entry of Akhbarar-i-Darbar-i-Mu’alla, also Tazkira-i-Salatin Chugatta.
65 Palanquin was a symbol of privilege and aristocracy.
66 Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Mu’alla, entry of 25.2.1710
67 Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Mu’alla, entry of 23.4.1710
68 Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Mu’alla, entry of 5.5.1710
69 Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Mu’alla, entry of 10.5.1710
70 Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Mu’alla, entry of 12.5.1710
71 Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Mu’alla, entry of 12.5.1710
72 Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Mu’alla, entry of 20.5.1710
73 Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Mu’alla, entry of 24.5.1710
74 Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Mu’alla, entry of 27.5.1710
75 Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Mu’alla, entry of 28.5.1710
76 Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Mu’alla, entry of 5.6.1710
77 In Tazkira Salatin Chugatta
78 In Muntkhab-ul-Lubab.
79 Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Mu’alla, entry of 22.6.1710
80 Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Mu’alla, entry of 1.7.1710
81 Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Mu’alla, entry of 2.7.1710
82 Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Mu’alla, entry of 8.7.1710
83 Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Mu’alla, entry of 23.7.1710
84 Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Mu’alla, entry of 25.7.1710
85 Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Mu’alla, entry of 14.8.1710
86 Ibid.
87 Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Mu’alla, entry of 26.8.1710
88 Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Mu’alla, entry of 28.8.1710
89 Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Mu’alla, entry of 29.8.1710
90 Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Mu’alla, entry of 29.9.1710
91 Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Mu’alla, entry of 2.10.1710
92 Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Mu’alla, entry of 14.10.1710
93 Khafi Khan, Muntakhab-ul-Lubab, vol. II, p. 658.
94 Now, not even a single brick of this fort-like inn can be found there.
95 Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Mu’alla, entry of 15.101710
96 Khafi Khan, op.cit., pp 669-70, Kamvar Khan, op.cit., p. 352. Also Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Mu’alla, entry of 20.10.1710
97 At Fatehgarh Sahib (old Sarhind) ‘Gurdwara Shaheed Ganj’ has been built at the site of the cremation of these Sikhs.
98 Ganda Singh, Banda Singh Bahadur, p 188.
99 Muzaffar Alam; The Crisis of empire in Mughal North India, p. 169
100 Amarjit Singh (editor), Revisiting Banda Singh Bahadur and his times, Key Note by J.S. Grewal, p. XXXVI.
101 Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Mu’alla, entry of 16.11.1710.
102 Kamwar Khan, Tazkira Salatin Chgatta, p. 103 of translation by Ali Nadeem Rizvi.
103 Pancholi Jagjiwan Das’s letter to the ruler of Jaipur, dated 26 December 1710, Serial No 1, Arzdaashat No 195. 9 (quoted in Rajasthani Documents on Banda Singh Bahadur, edited by Dr. Balwant Singh Dhillon).
104 In Tazkira Salatin Chugatta
105 Muhammed Qasim Aurangabadi, Ahwaal-ul-Khawakeen, (edited by Dr. Balwant Singh Dhillon), pp 34-37.
106 Muzaffar Alam The Crisis of empire in Mughal North India, p 163.
107 Balwant Singh Dhillon, Rajasthani Documents on Banda Singh Bahadur, Vakil Rep No. 2, dated Jan. 19, 1711.
108 Khafi-Khan, quoted by Elliot and Dowson, History of India as told by its own Historians, Vol. VII .p.454.
109 Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Mu’alla, entry of 28-10-1711.
110 Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Mu’alla, entry of 15-10-1710
111Chhatarsal was in direct line of Raja Rudar Partap Dev. Rudar Partap’s grandson had murdered Abu Fazal, a minister of Akbar. Chhatarsal was the son of Champat Rai, fifth in direct line of Rudar Partap. In 1671, Chhatarsal, as a boy, was the chief of a small unit of just 25 horsemen. He worked hard and became a prominent fighter. Later, on the 21st of January 1714, Farrukhsiyar granted him a mansab of six thousand zaat and four thousand horsemen, a very high status for a non-Muslim. At the time of his death, he was the master of half of eastern Bundelkhand. Great Sikh General: Banda Singh Bahadur 111
112 Khafi Khan, op.cit, Vol II, pp 671-72.
113 Tazkira Salatin Chugatta, p. 153.
114 Irvine, Later Mughals, vol II, p. 111, Khafi Khan Vol I, p 671.
115 Khafi Khan, Vol II, p 669-70, Elliot & Dowson, Vol 7, p. 423-24, Tazkira Salatin Chugatta, p 153.
116 Elliot & Dowson, op.cit. Vol 7, p. 555-56.
117 Muhammed Qasim Aurangabadi, Ahwal-ul-Khawakeen, pp 40-43.
118 The two warriors who fought so bravely that they are quoted as the greatest fighters of the history/mythology.
119 Elliot & Dowson, op. cit, vol 7, p 423.
120 Khafi Khan, op.cit. Vol. II, pp. 669-670.
121Chhatarsal was in direct line of Raja Rudar Partap Dev. Rudar Partap’s grandson had murdered Abu Fazal, a minister of Akbar. Chhatarsal was the son of Champat Rai, fifth in direct line of Rudar Partap. In 1671, Chhatarsal, as a boy, was the chief of a small unit of just 25 horsemen. He worked hard and became a prominent fighter. Later, on the 21st of January 1714, Farrukhsiyar granted him a mansab of six thousand zaat and four thousand horsemen, a very high status for a non-Muslim. At the time of his death, he was the master of half of eastern Bundelkhand.
122 Khafi Khan, op.cit., Vol II, pp 671-72.
123 Tazkira Salatin Chugatta, p. 153.
124 Irvine, Later Mughals, vol II, p. 111, Khafi Khan. Op. cit, Vol I, p 671.
125Khafi Khan, op. cit, Vol II, p 669-70, Elliot & Dowson, History of India as told by its Historians, Vol 7, p. 423-24, Tazkira Salatin Chugatta, p 153.
126 Elliot & Dowson, op.cit. Vol 7, p. 555-56.
127 Khan Khanan took Bahadur Shah’s castigation to his heart and became despondent. This made him mentally sick and he was confined to bed. He, however, continued to move along with the emperor’s caravan. After about two month’s illness, he died at village Badhauli (near Sadhaura). Khan Khanan had a mansab of seven thousand horsemen, out of which five thousand was double horses, the highest mansab at that time. He had, by then, obtained awards of about ten million rupees from the royal court.
128Muhammed Qasim Aurangabadi, Ahwaal-ul-Khawakeen, pp 34-37 (edited by Dr. Balwant Singh Dhillon).
129 Elliot & Dowson, op.cit., Vol VII, p 424.
130Muhammed Qasim Aurangabadi, Ahwaal-ul-Khawakeen, pp 34-37 (edited by Dr. Balwant Singh Dhillon).
131 Rajasthani Documents on Banda Singh Bahadur (edited by Dr. Balwant Singh Dhillon), Vakil Report No. 351, dated 6 March 1711.
132 Khafi Khan, op.cit., p 672-73.
133 Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Mu’alla, entry of 1.12.1710
134 Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Mu’alla, entry of 3.12.1710
135 This Churamani Jatt, earlier, had been a companion of Tara Azam (the brother of Bahadur Shah). But, after his defeat and death at the hands of Bahadur Shah, he plundered Tara Azam’s treasure and joined the camp of the latter.
136 Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Mu’alla, entry of 6 December1710
137 In some papers the date has been mentioned as 30 November 1710 also. The difference is due to usage of Julian and Gregorian calenders.
138 Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Mu’alla, entry of 26 March 1711
139 Jurra, kitash and jadwar are all birds of prey.
140 Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Mu’alla, entry of 12.12.1710
141 Muhammed Qasim Aurangabadi, Ahwaal-ul-Khawakeen, p 37 (edited by Dr. Balwant Singh Dhillon).
142 Letter written by Bhikhari Das to the ruler of Jaipur, on 17 March 1711. Serial No 13, Vakil Report No 45. (Rajasthani Documents on Banda Singh Bahadur, edited by Dr Balwant Singh Dhillon).
143 Letter written by Pancholi Jagjiwan Das to the ruler of Jaipur, dated 26 December 1711, Serial No 1, Arzdaasht No 195. (Rajasthani Documents on Banda Singh Bahadur, edited by Dr Balwant Singh Dhillon).
144 Letter of Diwan Bhikhari Das to the ruler of Jaipur, dated 10 Janury 1711, Serial No 2, Vakil Report No 21. (Rajasthani Documents on Banda Singh Bahadur, edited by Dr Balwant Singh Dhillon).
145 Qila Salimgarh (a fort on the backside of the Lal Qila, Delhi) was especially reserved for prominent prisoners. Later, in 1716, Banda Singh Bahadur too was imprisoned there.
146 Letter written by Pancholi Jagjiwan Das to the ruler of Jaipur, Dated 24 March 1711, Serial No 16, Vakil Report No 48. (Rajasthani Documents on Banda Singh Bahadur, edited by Dr Balwant Singh Dhillon).
147 Letter of Diwan Bhikhari Das to the ruler of Jaipur, dated 27 January 1711, Serial No 3, Vakil Report No 25. (Rajasthani Documents on Banda Singh Bahadur, edited by Dr Balwant Singh Dhillon), also Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Mualla, entry of 22 Janury 1711. Great Sikh General: Banda Singh Bahadur 112
148 Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Mu’alla, entry of 1.1. 1711
149 Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Mu’alla, entry of 6.3.1711
150 These names are found in different entries of Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Mu’alla.
151 Letter written by Pancholi Jagjiwan Das to the ruler of Jaipur, dated 24 March 1711, Serial No 16, Vakil Report No 48. (Rajasthani Documents on Banda Singh Bahadur, edited by Dr Balwant Singh Dhillon).
152 Letter written by Bhkhari Das to the ruler of Jaipur, dated 18 April 1711, Serial No 20, Vakil Report No 51. (Rajasthani Documents on Banda Singh Bahadur, edited by Dr Balwant Singh Dhillon).
153 Letter written by Bhikhari Das to the ruler of Jaipur, dated 26 April 1711, Serial No 21, Vakil Report No 52. (Rajasthani Documents on Banda Singh Bahadur, edited by Dr Balwant Singh Dhillon).
154 In ancient times, the name of this town was Porus-pur, in the name of king Porus (330 O.E.) which, later, became Pursrur and finally Pasrur.
155 Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Mu’alla, entry of 4.6.1711
156 Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Mu’alla, entry of 7.6.1711
157 Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Mu’alla, entry of 11.7.1711
158 Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Mu’alla, entry of 19.7.1711
159 Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Mu’alla, entry of 30.7.1711
160 Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Mu’alla, entry of 28 May 1710.
161 Letter written by Bhikhari Das to the ruler of Jaipur, on 7 March 1711. Serial No 11, Vakil Report No 311 and . letter written by Pancholi Jagjiwan Das to the ruler of Jaipur, on 7 March 1711. Serial No 12, Vakil Report No 44 (Rajasthani Documents on Banda Singh Bahadur, edited by Dr Balwant Singh Dhillon).
162 About 55 km from Jaipur.
163 Letter written by Pancholi Jagjiwan Das to the ruler of Jaipur, on 3 June 1711. Serial No 28, Vakil Report No 61 (Rajasthani Documents on Banda Singh Bahadur, edited by Dr Balwant Singh Dhillon).
164 Letter written by Pancholi Jagjiwan Das to the ruler of Jaipur, on 30 July 1711. Serial No 39, Vakil Report No 72; and, letter written to the ruler of Jaipur, on 19 August 1711. Serial No 41, Vakil Report No 75 (Rajasthani Documents on Banda Singh Bahadur, edited by Dr Balwant Singh Dhillon).
165 Arzdashat, Serial No 42, Vakil Report 76, dated 22 August 1711; and, letter written by Pancholi Jagjiwan Das to the ruler of Jaipur, on 28 August 1711. Serial o 48, Vakil Report No 81 (Rajasthani Documents on Banda Singh Bahadur, edited by Dr Balwant Singh Dhillon).
166 Jadu nath sarkar, Jaipur Records, vol 14, pp213-14 (quoted by Dr Balwant Singh Dhillon, in Banda Singh Bahadur: Farsi Sarot, pp 49-50.
167 Arzdashat, Serial No 50, Vakil Report 317, dated 16 September 1711 (Rajasthani Documents on Banda Singh Bahadur, edited by Dr Balwant Singh Dhillon).
168 Letter written by Panchli Jagjiwan Das to the Raja of Jaipur, Serial No 51, Vakil Report No 90, dated 24 September 1711 (Rajasthani Documents on Banda Singh Bahadur, edited by Dr Balwant Singh Dhillon).
169 Letter written by Panchli Jagjiwan Das to the Raja of Jaipur, Serial No 52, Vakil Report No 100, dated 23 October 1711 (Rajasthani Documents on Banda Singh Bahadur, edited by Dr Balwant Singh Dhillon).
170 Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Mu’alla, entry of 30 November 1711.
171 Arzdashat (letter) sent to the Raja of Jaipur, Serial No 54, Vakil Report No 114, dated 7 December 1711 (Rajasthani Documents on Banda Singh Bahadur, edited by Dr Balwant Singh Dhillon).
172 Letter written by Panchli Jagjiwan Das to the Raja of Jaipur, Serial No 55, Vakil Report No 118, dated 19 December 1711 (Rajasthani Documents on Banda Singh Bahadur, edited by Dr Balwant Singh Dhillon).
173 The old Bilaspur forms Gobind Sagar Lake and a new town was established near that site.
174 The Sikh history too is replete with such hagiographic, gossip, fiction. The major share was contributed by Bhai Santokh Singh and Giani Gian Singh.
175 Bayzid Khan, the son of Sultan Ahmed Khan, had had a mansab of one thousand horses and his nephew Shamas Khan, son of Pir Khan, had a mansab of five hundred horses. Shamas Khan was the former chief of Sultanpur. Bahadur Shah had removed him from his office and had reduced his mansab to four hundred only because he had plundered some residents of Nakodar. Bahadur Shah had also divested him of his title Khitab Khani; but, when Shamas Khan defeated the Sikhs at Rahon and Sarhind, Bahadur Shah re-instated him to his earlier position. The writer of M’asur-ul-Umra mentions that Shamas Khan had fought against the Sikhs for 22 times. But, it was ill luck of Shamas khan that within one month of his re-instatement, he, along with his uncle, was killed by the Sikhs.
176 Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Mu’alla, entry of 23.4.1711
177 Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Mu’alla, entry of 2.4.1711 Great Sikh General: Banda Singh Bahadur 113
178 Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Mu’alla, entry of 7.4.1711
179 Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Mu’alla, entry of 15.4.1711
180 Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Mu’alla, entry of 25.4.1711
181 Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Mu’alla, entry of 28.4.1711
182 Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Mu’alla, entry of 28.4.1711
183 Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Mu’alla, entry of 5.5.1711
184 Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Mu’alla, entry of 9.5.1711
185 Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Mu’alla, entry of 14.5.1711
186 Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Mu’alla, entry of 15.5.1711
187 Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Mu’alla, entry of 19.5.1711
188 Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Mu’alla, entry of 1.8.1711
189 The Hindu priests have fooled (and are still folling) their folk that physical ailments can be cured by performing some rituals; seetla (small pox) is one of such diseases for which the Hindu priests perform special rituals to please the mythical goddess of seetla, which would ‘cure’ the disease. Sikhism rejects this as fraud, but, some Sikh-looking priests fool the Sikhs also, and, some simpleton Sikhs fall into their trap.
190 Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Mu’alla, entry of 5.11.1711
191 Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Mu’alla, entry of 11.11.1711
192An entry of Bhatt Vahi Talaunda, pargana Jind mentions some names; the names of all the forty Sikhs are not available. For more details: Guru De Sher by Dr Harjinder Singh Dilgeer.
193 Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Mu’alla, entry of 18.1712
194 It was the same hill where Guru Gobind Singh had spent a few days in October 1700.
195 Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Mu’alla, entry of 1.2.1712
196 Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Mu’alla, entry of 23.1.1712
197 He died within 80 days of this incident, on the 18th of February 1711, when he was still accompanying the emperor’s caravan.
198 Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Mu’alla, entry of 12.4.1712
199 At that time River Raavi used to flow near the fort of Lahore.
200 This was the treatment of Jahandar Shah with the dead-bodies brothers. He did not give even customary respect to a former opponent soldier. This was height of cruelty. Such cuelty was repeated by the India army, in June 1984 at Darbar Sahib Amritsar, when the dead bodies of the Sikhs were dragged as if some animals were dead; and those were piled on each other and cremated by pouring oil on them.
201 Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Mu’alla, entry of 20.3.1712
202 Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Mu’alla, entry of 21.3.1712
203 Letter written by Bhandari Khivsi (the envoy of Raja Jaipur in the court of the Mughal emperor) to the Raja of Jaipur, on 10 March 1712, Serial No 57, Vakil Report No 266. (Rajasthani Documents on Banda Singh Bahadur, edited by Dr Balwant Singh Dhillon).
204 Arzdashat (letter) sent to the Raja on 10 March 1712, Serial No 57, Vakil Report No 267. (Rajasthani Documents on Banda Singh Bahadur, edited by Dr Balwant Singh Dhillon).
205 Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Mu’alla, entry of 21.3.1712
206 Mansab is rank of government official; army pay grade status; e.g. mansab of seven thousand means he was entitled to keep seven thousand soldiers, and the salary of the soldiers was to be given from State treasury.
207 Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Mu’alla, entry of 29 March, 5 and 9 April 1712.
208 Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Mu’alla, entry of 20.5.1712
209 Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Mu’alla, entry of 22.5.1712
210 Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Mu’alla, entry of 29.5.1712
211 Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Mu’alla, entry of 12.6.1712
212 Fateh Shah was the chief of Garhwal. He had attacked Guru Gobind Singh Sahib at Bhangani on 18th of September 1688. In that battle, after heavy losses, he fled the battlefield and returned to Garhwal. He had grudge against the Mughals, hence he chose to help Banda Singh.
213 Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Mu’alla, entry of 12.7.1712
214 Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Mu’alla, entry of 24.7.1712
215 Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Mu’alla, entry of 8.9.1712
216 Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Mu’alla, entry of 2.10.1712
217 Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Mu’alla, entry of 15.10.1712 Great Sikh General: Banda Singh Bahadur 114
218 Irving, Later Mughals, vol 1, p. 206.
219 Irvine, Later Mughals, vol 1, p. 206.
220 Ibid, p. 258.
221 Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Mu’alla, entry of 20.101712
222 Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Mu’alla, entries of 26 and 27.1.1713
223 Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Mu’alla, entry of 2.3.1713
224 Later, after the murder of Farukhsiyar in 1719, Raj Inder Kunwar’s father Raja Ajit Sinh got her ‘freed’ from the palace of the widows, on the 16th of July 1719, and escorted her to Jodhpur; he also took away all her wealth and other precious belongings; the Muslim clergies and aristocracy opposed this and tried that she should not be allowed to go, but Abdullah Khan helped the Raja’s safe exit from Delhi. (Irvine, Later Mughals, p 401).
225 Irvine, Later Mughals, vol 1, p 305.
226 Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Mu’alla, entry of 10.3.1713
227 Mohammed Qaim Aurangabadi, Ahwaal-ul-Khwakeen, pp 64-67.
228 Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Mu’alla, entry of 21.3.1713
229 Farukhsiyar sent these 13 senior generals to lead seven thousand soldiers: Khushkismat Janash Khan, Daulat Begh Khan Hazara, Iradat Khan, Arab Ali Khan, Mir Hussaini Khan, Sayyad Jawad Khan Bukhari, Mirza Muhammed Shafia Barlas, Nazar Khan Kheshgi, Walidad Khan Sherzaad, Sher Khan, Mirza Begh Turk, Mir Mustafa and Zahur UllaKhan. Mohammed Qaim Aurangabadi, Ahwaal-ul-Khwakeen, pp 64-67.
230 Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Mu’alla, entry of 16.3.1713
231 Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Mu’alla, entry of 2.4.1713
232 Arzdashat (letter) written by Jeth Mall (agent of Raja of Jaipur) to the Raja of Jaipur, in April 1713, Serial no 62, Arzdaasht no 145 (Rajasthani Documents on Banda Singh Bahadur, edited by Dr Balwant Singh Dhillon).
233 Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Mu’alla, entries of 27 and 28.6.1713
234 Irvine, Later Mugals, vol I, page 308.
235 Irvine, Later Mughals. Vol I, p. 309.
236 Muhmmed Qasim Aurangabadi, Ahwaal-ul-Khawakeen, pp 64-67.
237 Muhmmed Qasim Aurangabadi, Ahwaal-ul-Khawakeen, pp 68.
238 Muhmmed Qasim Aurangabadi, Ahwaal-ul-Khawakeen, pp 64-67.
239 Irvine, Later Muggals, volume I, pp 308-09.
240 Muhmmed Qasim Aurangabadi, Ahwaal-ul-Khawakeen, pp 64-67.
241 Arzdashat (letter) written by Jeth Mall (agent of Raja of Jaipur) to the Raja of Jaipur, on 6 Augsut 1713, Serial no 63, Arzdaasht no 139 (Rajasthani Documents on Banda Singh Bahadur, edited by Dr Balwant Singh Dhillon).
242 Muhmmed Qasim Aurangabadi, Ahwaal-ul-Khawakeen, pp 64-67.
243
244 It is possible that the total number of the Sikhs killed at Sadhura was around 600. As Muhammed Qasim Aurangbadi gives figure of 691 in one battle, it may be total number of the Sikhs killed at Sadhaura.
245Muhmmed Qasim Aurangabadi, Ahwaal-ul-Khawakeen, pp 68-69.
246 Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Mu’alla, entry of 16.8.1713
247 Arzdashat (letters) written by Chaube Jeth Mall (agent of Raja of Jaipur) to the Raja of Jaipur, on 27 and 29 Augsut 1713, Serial no 64, Arzdaasht no 161 (Rajasthani Documents on Banda Singh Bahadur, edited by Dr Balwant Singh Dhillon).
248 Ibid.
249 Ibid.
250 Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Mu’alla, entry of 12.10.1713
251 Muhmmed Qasim Aurangabadi, Ahwaal-ul-Khawakeen, pp 68-69.
252 Ibid.
253 Muhmmed Qasim Aurangabadi, Ahwaal-ul-Khawakeen, pp 68-69.
254 Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Mu’alla, entries of 17.4.1714; 7 and 29 May 1714; 12 June 1714; 9,10,18 and 19 July 1714.
255 Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Mu’alla, entry of 29.11.1713
256 Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Mu’alla, entry of 3.12.1713
257 Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Mu’alla, entry of 1.2.1714
258 Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Mu’alla, entry of 24.2.1714
259 Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Mu’alla, entry of 3.3 1714
260 Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Mu’alla, entry of 1.3.1714 Great Sikh General: Banda Singh Bahadur 115
261 Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Mu’alla, entry of 11.3.1714
262 Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Mualla, an entry dated 8.3.1714.
263 Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Mu’alla, entry of 17.4..1714
264 Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Mu’alla, entry of 7.5.1714
265 The report mentions this village/town as a pargana, but, now, in this area, there is no village with this name.
266 Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Mu’alla, entry of 29.5.1714
267 In this area, there is no village named Dahona, however a village named Manakpur is there between Mohali and Tangori, about 35 kilometers from Sarhind).
268 Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Mu’alla, entry of 12.6.1714
269 Ghulam, Mohyy-ud-din, Fatuhat Namah-i-Samadi, p. 156.
270 Ghulam, Mohyy-ud-din, Fatuhat Namah-i-Samadi, p 129
271 Ghulam, Mohyy-ud-din, Fatuhat Namah-i-Samadi, p 97
272 Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Mu’alla, entry of 3 July 1715.
273 This story was concocted by Ratan Singh Bhangu in his work Prachin Panth Parkash.
274 There were two camps of the Mughal army in that zone: one at Jindbarhi and the other at Ropar.
275 Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Mu’alla, entries of 9 and 10.7.1714
276 It shows that the companions of Bhai Lakhi Rai Vanjara were present in Garhwal and Kumaon zones, and, in Bareilly and Moradabad areas as well.
277 Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Mu’alla, entry of 10.8.1714
278 Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Mu’alla, entry of 12.8.1714
279 Irvine gives the date 16 Shaban 1126 Hijri but he calculates it as 26 August. At that time it was Julian calendar which should be 16 August; it seems he has calculated according to Gregorian calendar.
280 Irvine, Later Mughals, Vol I, pp. 311.
281 Veena Sachdev: Revisiting Baba Banda Singh Bahadur and his time,; an article in Historical Geography of Baba Banda Singh Bahadur, edited by Amarjeet Singh, page 34.
282 It was that volume which had been granted Guruship. After victory of Sirhind, the Sikhs had brought it from naded to Sarhind. Since then it had been in the custody of Banda Singh.
283 This sword had been given by Guru Gobind Singh to Banda Singh on 5 October 1708, at the time of his departure for the Punjab.
284 Desa Singh Multani, Ahwal Mutallaka Khandan Banda Singh Bahadur (1800), p.22. Guru Kian Sakhian p. 27.
285 Some times in the last months of 1714, Zain-ud-Din Ahmed Khan, the Faujdar of Sarhind had been replaced with Khidmat Talab Khan.
286 Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Mu’alla, entry of 5.2.1715
287 Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Mu’alla, entry of 23-24.2.1715.
288 Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Mualla, an entry dated 23-24.2.1715
289 Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Mu’alla, entry of 2.3.1715
290 Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Mu’alla, entry of 14.3.1715
291 Khafi Khan, op. cit., p. 861.
292 Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Mu’alla, entry of 15.3.1715
293 Ahwaal-ul-Khwakeen, pp. 121-24.
294 Elliot & Dowson, op.cit., Vol II, p 457.
295 Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Mu’alla, entry of 30.3.1715
296 Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Mu’alla, entry of 10.4.1715
297 Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Mu’alla, entry of 14.4.1715
298 Irvine, Later Mughals, Part I, p 313.
299 Ibid.
300 Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Mu’alla, entry of 28.4.1715
301 Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Mu’alla, entry of 21.5.1715
302 Irvine, op.cit. Vol II, page 314.
303 Mohammed Qasim, Ibratnama, pages 57B to 61A of the manuscript in British Library London, pages 180-84 of the printed edition.
304 They were the employees of Bhai Lakhi Rai Vanjara. As Lakhi Rai Vanjara was dead, and, his sons and grandsons were a part of Banda Singh’s army, the trade activities had come to a halt.
305 In the Mughal records, his name appears as Daya Dharma and Daya Dhata as well. Great Sikh General: Banda Singh Bahadur 116
306 It was Hamir Chand Katoch. His name appears as Hamir Chand Kamboj as well. He ruled Kangra from 1700-1747. Many Mughal records do not spell correct names of the Hindu rulers.
307 Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Mu’alla, entry of 3.7.1715
308 Perhaps Dheeraj Pal. Many Mughal records do not spell names of the Hindu rulers.
309 Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Mu’alla, entry of 26.9.1715
310 Ibratnama, pages 39A to 46B and 52B to 54A. The name of the books of both writers, Mirza Mohammed and Mohammed Qasim is Ibratnama.
311 This was the amount that was recovered from them at the time of their arrests.
312 This story has been given only by the author of Siyarul Mutakhrin.
313 Kesar Singh Chhibber, Bansavalinama Dasan Patsahian Da, p 294.
314 Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Mu’alla, entry of 12.12.1715
315 Mohammed Qasim, op.cit, pp 86-87, Kamwar, op.cit., p. 460.
316 Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Mu’alla, entry of 29.2.1716
317 Irvine, The Later Mughals, vol. II, page 316.
318C.R. Wilson, Early Annals of English in Bengal, pp. 96-98, Mirza Mohammed Harsi, Ibratnama, pp 52B to 53A.
319 Ahwal-i-Adina Begh, p. 20.
320 Later, Farukhsiyar too had met the same type of death.
321 Ahwaal-ul-Khawakeen, pp. 121-124.
322 Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Mu’alla, entry of 5.3.1716
323 Khafi Khan, Muntakhab-ul-Lubab, vol II, p 766, Haqiqat-i-Bina-O-Aruz-i-Sikhan, p 10.
324 C.R. Wilson, Early Annals of English in Bengal, pp. 96-98, Mirza Mohammed Harsi, Ibratnama, pp 52B to 53A.
325 Tarikh-i-Mohammed Shahi.
326 Earlier their number was seventeen; two more had been arrested in between and they too were included in this group.
327 Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Mu’alla, entry of 9.6.1716
328 Kamwar mentions that there were 17 companions with Banda Singh but a few days later two more Sikhs were also arrested, and, at the time of execution their number was 26. It means that some more Sikhs had been arrested and added to this group.
329 Ganesh Das Vadhera, Risala Sahib Numa, p 197.
330 Ajay Singh was born to Sushil Kaur of Chamba. Banda Singh had married her in the last days of 1710 and even if he was conceived in the first day of marriage, he must have been born after September 1711; hence he was less than five years old at the time of his martyrdom.
331 Mohammed Qasim Aurangabadi, Ahwaal-Ul-Khaakeen, pp 121-124.
332 Khafi Khan, op.cit., chapter 2, pp 766-67.
333Amar Singh Kamboj was the son of Raghupati Sahai Kamboj (a dedicated Sikh of the time of Guru Tegh Bahadur), and was a landlord of Khemkaran. He and his brother were a part of the army of Guru Gobind Singh. He had participated almost in all the battles of Banda Singh Bahadur. When Banda Singh was arrested from Gurdas Nangal, he had gone to his village.
334 Sahib Kaur presented this turban to Amar Singh, who kept it as a siropao (robe of honour), and he preserved it as relics. Later, his companions began claiming that due to this turban Amar Singh was the chief of the Sikh Panth. Due to this, the companions of Amar Singh began tying turbans of red colour.
335 Lala Ganda Mall Wadhawan, Twareekh-i-Sohdra, as quoted by Giani Garja Singh in Shaheed Bilas.
336 Karam Singh Historian (in his book Banda Singh Bahadur), commenting upon Giani Gian Singh says, “It is bad luck of the Sikhs that their history writers were like those of Giani Gian Singh.” In another article “Ablawan tay Sikh” Karam Singh Historian comments that “Giani Gian Singh was fond of gossip-mongering.”
337 Sewa Singh, Shaheed Bilas, written in 1790.
338 Khafi Khan, Muntkhab-ul-Lubab, pp 765-67.
339 Haqiqat Bina-va-Aruz-i-Singhan, published in India Historica Quarterly, March 1942.
340 Later, on 11 August 1740, he was killed by Sukha Singh and Mahtab Singh.
341 This justice-loving nature of Banda Singh finds mention in Kesar Singh Chhiber’s book Bansavalinama Dasan Patsahian Da, stanzas 43-45.
342 Later, he became the ruler of Bharatpur State; he was the father of Raja Suraj Mall.
343 Sucha Nand, Lakhpat Rai, Jaspat Rai, Bhawani Das, Lachhmi Das were the officials of the Mughals and Aakil Das and Dharam Das were feudal.
344 Mata literally means mother. Mata has been used as prefix to the wife/wives of Gurus. In this chapter, the words mata or mother or ladies refer to the wives of Guru Gobind Singh. Great Sikh General: Banda Singh Bahadur 117
345 But the name Tat Khalsa does not appear in any contemporary writing, neither in Sikh writing nor in Mughal book or records, neither in any Punjabi nor in Persian nor in English or any othe writing. Saheed Bilas (by Sewa Singh, 1790) uses the term Bhujhangi and Akal Purakhiay (and not Tat Khalsa) for this group. According to Shaheed Bilas too, the dispute between the Akal Purakhiay and Bandais arose only in 1723, and, there was no such phenomenon during the time of Banda Singh.
346 Giani Gian Singh, Panth Parkash, Chapter 54, couplet 2.
347 Ibid, Chapter 53, couplet 12.
348 ibid, Chapter 53, Couplet 3.
349 Ratan Singh Bhangu, Prachin Panth Parkash, p. 137.
350 Hari Ram Gupta, History of the Sikhs, p 25.
351 Entry of Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Mualla, dated 7.8.1716
352 At that time, the salary of a Mughal soldier was four rupees per month.
353 Ratan Singh Bhangu, Prachin Panth Parkash, pp 134-37 & 162-63.
354 Shaheed Bilas, stanzas 142, p.81.
355 They were the children and grandchildren of Binod Singh and Kahan Singh, the direct descendants of Guru Angad.
356 356 The author of Shaheed Bilas used the term Akal Purkhiay for Binod Singh group and Bandai for Amar Singh group. In one stanza the author of Shaheed Bilas has mentioned the Akal Purakhiay as Nihang also (stanza 149). Ratan Singh Bhangu has used the term Bhujhangi also (Ratan Singh Bhangu, p. 169). Bhujhangis literally means children, here the direct descendants of Guru Angad. Tat Khalsa term was also a concoction by Sarp Das Bhalla and adopted from him by Ratan Singh Bhangu and Giani Gian Singh.
357 Shaheed Bilas, stanzas 142, 145, pp. 81, 82.
358 Shaheed Bilas, stanzas 143, p.82, Ratan Singh Bhangu, p 222.
359 (Jo) bole so nihaal, akaal akaal akaal (bole so nihaal, sat sri akal too is a later development) was available then too, but it was too long, and, fateh darshan was short, hence easy to use in battle-field.
360 Some scholars reject even this view that he had coined the war-cry ‘Fateh Darshan’. They believe that this too might be propaganda by anti Banda Singh section or by the Mughals. But, this term has been referred to even in the Persian writings.
361 Elliot and Dowson, vol VII, p 414.